Mourning and Militancy

Author(s): Douglas Crimp

Source: October , Winter, 1989, Vol. 51 (Winter, 1989), pp. 3-18
Published by: The MIT Press

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/778889

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 Mourning and Militancy

DOUGLAS CRIMP

For Gregg Bordowitz,

my AIDS activist mentor

In a contribution to a special issue of the South Atlantic Q

placing Homophobia," Lee Edelman applies the lessons of Derri
tion to the AIDS activist movement slogan Silence=Death. Claiming that our
slogan calls for a discourse of facts marshalled against a demagogic rhetoric,
Edelman concludes that the equation unknowingly produces the literal as a
figure, and thereby betrays its ideological entanglement in the binary logic of
Western discourse.

Precisely because the defensive appeal to literality in a slogan like

Silence=Death must produce the literal as a figure of the need and
desire for the shelter of certain knowledge, such a discourse is always
necessarily a dangerously contaminated defense-contaminated by
the Derridian logic of metaphor so that its attempt to achieve a natural
or literal discourse beyond rhetoricity must reproduce the suspect
ideology of reified (and threatened) identity marking the reactionary
medical and political discourse it would counteract. The discursive
logic of Silence=Death thus contributes to the ideologically motivated
confusion of the literal and the figural, the proper and the improper,
the inside and the outside, and in the process it recalls the biology of
the human immunodeficiency virus as it attacks the mechanism
whereby the body is able . . . to distinguish between "Self and
Not-Self."1

I do not think Edelman's deconstruction of the "text" of Silence=Death is

necessarily wrong, but he seems to have very little sense of how the emblem
functions for the movement. First, it is precisely as a figure that it does its wor

1. Lee Edelman, "The Plague of Discourse: Politics, Literary Theory, and AIDS," South Atlant
Quarterly, vol. 88, no. 1 (Winter 1989), pp. 313-314.

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4 OCTOBER

as a striking image appearing on posters, placards, buttons, sticke

its appeal is primarily graphic, and hardly therefore to be assimilated to a
privileging of the logos. Second, it desires not a discourse of facts but direct
action, the organized, militant enunciation of demands within a discursive field
of contested facts. And finally, a question of address: for whom is this application
of literary theory intended other than those within the academy who will find it,
simply, interesting?2 Silence=Death was produced and is employed for collective
political struggle, and it entails altogether different problems for the community
of AIDS activists. Taking our symbol literally holds for us a danger that goes
unnoticed in Edelman's textual analysis: we ourselves are silent precisely on the
subject of death, on how deeply it affects us.
I, too, will have something to say about the distinction between self and
not-self, about the confusion of the inside and the outside, but I am impelled to
do thisfor us, for my community of AIDS activists. Writing about mourning and
militancy is for me both necessary and difficult, for I have seen that mourning
troubles us; by "us" I mean gay men confronting AIDS. It should go without
saying that it is not only gay men who confront AIDS, but because we face
specific and often unique difficulties, and because I have some familiarity with
them, I address them here exclusively. This paper is written for my fellow
activists and friends, who have also informed it with their actions, their sugges-
tions and encouragement-and in this I include many women as well.3 The
conflicts I address are also my own, which might account for certain of the
paper's shortcomings.
I will begin then with an anecdote about my own ambivalent mourning,
though not of an AIDS death. In 1977, while I was visiting my family in Idaho,
my father died unexpectedly. He and I had had a strained and increasingly
distant relationship, and I was unable to feel or express my grief over his death.
After the funeral I returned to New York for the opening of an exhibition I'd
organized and resumed my usual life. But within a few weeks a symptom erupted
which to this day leaves a scar near my nose: my left tear duct became badly
infected, and the resulting abscess grew to a golf-ball sized swelling that closed
my left eye and completely disfigured my face. When the abscess finally burst,
the foul-smelling pus oozed down my cheek like poison tears. I have never since

2. For other analyses of the slogan Silence=Death, written from the perspective of people
directly engaged in AIDS activist and service work, see Stuart Marshall, "The Contemporary Use of
Gay History: The Third Reich," forthcoming in October; and Cindy Patton, "Power and the Condi-
tions of Silence," Critical Quarterly, vol. 31, no. 3 (Fall 1989). See also Douglas Crimp and Adam
Rolston, AIDS Demo Graphics, forthcoming from Bay Press, Spring 1990.
3. I want to thank those people who discussed this subject with me, including their personal
experiences, and helped me through the task of writing the paper: in addition to Gregg Bordowitz-
David Barr, Peter Bowen, Rosalyn Deutsche, Mitchell Karp, Don Moss, and Laura Pinsky. This
paper was initially given at the 1989 English Institute at Harvard in the "Gay Men in Criticism"
session organized by D. A. Miller. My thanks to David for resisting the "policing function of the
literary" to invite an AIDS activist working outside the discipline to this forum.

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Mourning and Militancy 5

doubted the force of the unconscious. Nor can I doubt that mourning is a psychic
process that must be honored. For many AIDS activists, however, mourning is
not respected; it is suspect:
I look at faces at countless memorial services and cannot comprehend
why the connection isn't made between these deaths and going out to
fight so that more of these deaths, including possibly one's own, can be
staved off. Huge numbers regularly show up in cities for Candlelight
Marches, all duly recorded for the television cameras. Where are
these same numbers when it comes to joining political organiza-
tions . . . or plugging in to the incipient civil disobedience move-
ment represented in ACT UP?

These sentences are taken from a recent essay by Larry Kramer,4 against whose
sense of the quietism represented by AIDS candlelight marches I want to juxta-
pose the words of the organizer of this year's candlelight vigil on Christopher
Street, addressed from the speaker's platform to the assembled mourners: "Look
around!" he said, "This is the gay community, not ACT UP!"5
The presumption in this exhortation that no AIDS activists would be found
among the mourners-whose ritual expression of grief is at the same time taken
to be truer to the needs of the gay community - confidently inverts Kramer's
rhetorical incomprehension, an incomprehension also expressed as antipathy: "I
do not mean to diminish these sad rituals," Kramer writes, "though indeed I
personally find them slightly ghoulish."6
Public mourning rituals may of course have their own political force, but
they nevertheless often seem, from an activist perspective, indulgent, sentimen-
tal, defeatist-a perspective only reinforced, as Kramer implies, by media con-
structions of us as hapless victims. "Don't mourn, organize!" -the last words of
labor movement martyr Joe Hill -is still a rallying cry, at least in its New Age
variant, "Turn your grief to anger," which assumes not so much that mourning
can be foregone as that the psychic process can simply be converted.7 This move
from prohibition to transformation only appears, however, to include a psychic
component in activism's response, for ultimately both rallying cries depend on a

4. Larry Kramer, "Report from the Holocaust," in Reports from the Holocaust: The Making of an
AIDS Activist, New York, St. Martin's Press, 1989, pp. 264-265.
5. The remark of Red Maloney was the subject of a letter written by Naphtali Offen to Outweek,
no. 4 (July 17, 1989), p. 6.
6. Kramer, p. 264.
7. Joe Hill's statement is also quoted by Michael Bronski in an essay that takes up some
issues discussed here; see his "Death and the Erotic Imagination," in Erica Carter and Simon W
eds., Taking Liberties: AIDS and Cultural Politics, London, Serpent's Tail in association with t
1989, pp. 219-228. The pop psychological/metaphysical notions of New Age "healers"-
the particularly repulsive idea that people choose illness to give meaning to their lives-are co
ered by Allan Berube in "Caught in the Storm: AIDS and the Meaning of Natural Disaster," O
vol. 1, no. 3 (Fall 1988), pp. 8-19.

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6 OCTOBER

definite answer to the question posed by Reich to Freud: "Wher

come from?" Activist antagonism to mourning hinges, in part,
interpreted, or rather, where the emphasis is laid, on whether th
be a natural, accidental catastrophe-a disease syndrome that ha
at this time and in this place-or as the result of gross political
mendacity-an epidemic that was allowed to happen.
But leaving aside, only for the moment, the larger political question, I want
to attend to the internal opposition of activism and mourning. That the two are
incompatible is clear enough in Freud's description of the work of mourning,
which he calls "absorbing." "Profound mourning," Freud writes in "Mourning
and Melancholia," involves a "turning away from every active effort that is not
connected with thoughts of the dead. It is easy to see that this inhibition and
circumscription in the ego is the expression of an exclusive devotion to its mourn-
ing, which leaves nothing over for other purposes or other interests."8 Although
Freud's account of this process is well-known, I want to repeat it here in order to
underscore its exclusive character:

The testing of reality, having shown that the loved object no longer
exists, requires forthwith that all the libido shall be withdrawn from its
attachments to this object. Against this demand a struggle of course
arises -it may be universally observed that man never willingly aban-
dons a libido-position, not even when a substitute is already beckoning
to him. This struggle can be so intense that a turning away from
reality ensues, the object being clung to through the medium of a
hallucinatory wish-psychosis. The normal outcome is that deference
for reality gains the day. Nevertheless its behest cannot be at once
obeyed. The task is now carried through bit by bit, under great
expense of time and cathectic energy, while all the time the existence
of the lost object is continued in the mind. Each single one of the
memories and hopes which bound the libido to the object is brought
up and hyper-cathected, and the detachment of the libido from it
accomplished.9

In an important paper about mourning in the time of AIDS, which turns on

a reading of Whitman's "Drum-Taps" poems, Michael Moon argues that Freud's
view of mourning presents a difficulty for gay people, insofar as it promises a
return to a normalcy that we were never granted in the first place: "As lesbians
and gay men," Moon writes,
most of us are familiar with the experience of having been categori-

8. Sigmund Freud, "Mourning and Melancholia," in John Rickman, ed., A General Selection from
the Works of Sigmund Freud, New York, Anchor Books, 1989, pp. 125-126 (emphasis added).
9. Ibid., p. 126.

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Mourning and Militancy 7

cally excluded from "normalcy" at critical junctures in our lives.

Having been through as much as most of us have in both our personal
and collective struggles to get our own needs recognized, acknowl-
edged, accepted, sometimes fulfilled, the Freudian model of mourn-
ing may well look fundamentally normalizing and consequently priva-
tive, diminishing the process and foreclosing its possible meaning
rather than enriching it or making it more accessible to under-
standing.10

Probably no gay man or lesbian can have an untroubled response to Freud,

but we must nevertheless take care to maintain a crucial distinction: the ambition
to normalize, to adapt, belongs not to Freud but to his later "egocentric"
revisionists, to whom gay people owe a good portion of our oppression. This is
not to say that there is no vision of normalcy in Freud, only that there is also no
such thing as ever fully achieving it,for anyone. Freud does refer to mourning as a
"grave departure from the normal attitude to life,"" but what that normal
attitude is in this context can be learned easily enough by reading his character-
ization of the state to which we return after the work of mourning is accom-
plished: very simply, "deference for reality gains the day," and "the ego becomes
free and uninhibited again."12
So rather than looking beyond "Mourning and Melancholia" for other
possibilities -Moon proposes fetishism, but a fetishism rescued from Freud's
1927 account by making it a conscious means of extending our homoerotic
relations, even with the dead -I want to stay with Freud's earlier text, to read it
in relation to the conflicts many of us now experience. First, two preliminary
caveats: "Mourning and Melancholia" is not a theory of mourning as such, but of
pathological mourning, that is, of melancholia. Moon is therefore right when he
says that Freud's view of mourning only repeats conventional wisdom; it purports
to do no more than describe mourning's dynamic process. Secondly, Freud can
tell us very little about our grieving rituals, our memorial services and candlelight
marches. Of our communal mourning, perhaps only the Names Project quilt
displays something of the psychic work of mourning, insofar as each individual
panel symbolizes -through its incorporation of mementos associated with the
lost object -the activity of hypercathecting and detaching the hopes and memo-
ries associated with the loved one. But as against this often shared activity,
mourning, for Freud, is a solitary undertaking. And our trouble begins here, for,
from the outset, there is already a social interdiction of our private efforts. In the
opening pages of Policing Desire, Simon Watney recounts a funeral service similar

10. Michael Moon, "Memorial Rags," paper presented in a session titled "AIDS and Our Profes-
sion" at the 1988 MLA convention, manuscript. I wish to thank Michael Moon for making this paper
available to me.
11. Freud, p. 125.
12. Ibid., pp. 126, 127.

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8 OCTOBER

to those many of us have experienced, an event that made him de

there" that he would write his book on AIDS.

[Bruno's] funeral took place in an ancient Norman church on the

outskirts of London. No mention was made of AIDS. Bruno had died,
bravely, of an unspecified disease. In the congregation of some forty
people there were two other gay men besides myself, both of whom
had been his lover. They had been far closer to Bruno than anyone
else present, except his parents. Yet their grief had to be contained
within the confines of manly acceptability. The irony of the difference
between the suffocating life of the suburbs where we found ourselves,
and the knowledge of the world in which Bruno had actually lived, as
a magnificently affirmative and life-enhancing gay man, was all but
unbearable. 13

Because Watney's anecdote is meant to explain his determination to write a

polemic, it also suggests what has happened to mourning. It is not only that at this
moment of society's demand for hypocrisy the three gay men had to conceal their
grief, but also that their fond memories of Bruno as a gay man are thereby
associated with the social opprobrium that attaches to them. When these memo-
ries are then recalled, hypercathexis may well be met with a defense, a need to
preserve Bruno's world intact against the contempt in which it is commonly held.
"My friend was not called Bruno," Watney adds.
His father asked me not to use his real name. And so the anonymity is
complete. The garrulous babble of commentary on AIDS constructs
yet another "victim." It is this babble which is my subject matter, the
cacophony of voices which sounds through every institution of our
society on the subject of AIDS.14

Thus one of our foremost international AIDS activists became engaged in the
struggle; no further memories of Bruno are invoked. It is probably no exaggera-
tion to say that each of us has a story like this, that during the AIDS crisis there is
an all but inevitable connection between the memories and hopes associated with
our lost friends and the daily assaults on our consciousness. Seldom has a society
so savaged people during their hour of loss. "We look upon any interference with
[mourning] as inadvisable or even harmful," warns Freud.15 But for anyone
living daily with the AIDS crisis, ruthless interference with our bereavement is as
ordinary an occurrence as reading the New York Times.16 The violence we en-

13. Simon Watney, Policing Desire: Pornography, AIDS, and the Media, Minneapolis, University of
Minnesota Press, 1987, p. 7.
14. Ibid., p. 8.
15. Freud, p. 125.
16. The New York Times reporting of AIDS issues-or rather its failure to report them accu

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Mourning and Militancy 9

counter is relentless, the violence of silence and omission almost as impossible to

endure as the violence of unleashed hatred and outright murder. Because this
violence also desecrates the memories of our dead, we rise in anger to vindicate
them. For many of us, mourning becomes militancy. Freud does not say what
might happen if mourning is interfered with, but insofar as our conscious de-
fenses direct us toward social action, they already show the deference to reality
that Freud attributes to mourning's accomplishment. Nevertheless, we have to
ask just how, against what odds, and with what unconscious effects this has been
achieved.
The activist impulse may be reinforced by a second conflict within the
process of mourning. "Reality," Freud explains, "passes its verdict-that the
object no longer exists - upon each single one of the memories and hopes
through which the libido was attached to the lost object, and the ego, confronted
as it were with the decision whether it will share this fate, is persuaded by the sum
of its narcissistic satisfactions in being alive to sever its attachment to the non-
existent object." 7 But this confrontation with reality is especially fraught for gay
men mourning now, since our decision whether we will share this fate is so
unsure. For people with AIDS, the HIV-infected, and those at significant risk
whose sero-status is unknown to them, narcissistic satisfactions in still being alive
today can persuade us, will undoubtedly persuade us in our unconscious, to
relinquish our attachments. But how are we to dissociate our narcissistic satisfac-
tions in being alive from our fight to stay alive? And, insofar as we identify with
those who have died, how can our satisfactions in being alive escape guilt at
having survived?18

or at all -is one of the most persistent scandals of the AIDS epidemic. Larry Kramer gave a detailed,
damning account of the scandal on a panel discussion of AIDS in the print media organized by the
PEN American Center in New York City on May 11, 1989. In the summer of 1989, the Times ran an
editorial that both typified its position throughout the history of the epidemic and reached new
heights of callousness. Implicitly claiming once again that its presumed readers had little to worry
about, since "the disease is still very largely confined to specific risk groups," the writer went on to
say, cheerily, "Once all susceptible members [of these groups] are infected, the numbers of new
victims will decline." The newspaper's simple writing off of the lives of gay men, IV drug users, their
sex partners and children -a mere 200,000-400,000 people already estimated to be HIV-infected
in New York City alone-triggered off an ACT UP demonstration, which was in turn thwarted by
perhaps the largest police presence at any AIDS activist demonstration to date. ACT UP stickers
saying "Buy Your Lies Here. The New York Times Reports Half the Truth about AIDS" still adorn
newsstands in New York City, while the coin slots of Times vending machines are covered with
stickers that read "The New York Times AIDS Reporting is OUT OF ORDER." The Times editorial is
reproduced as part of a Gran Fury project titled "Control" in Artforum, vol. xxvii, no. 2 (October
1989), p. 167.
17. Freud, pp. 136-137.
18. The decision not to share the fate of the lost object, as well as guilt at having survived, are
certainly problems of mourning for everyone. Clearly insofar as any death brings us face to face with
our own mortality, identification with the lost object is something we all feel. Thus, this difficulty of
mourning is certainly not gay men's alone. I only wish to emphasize its exacerbation for gay men to
the extent that we are directly and immediately implicated in the particular cause of these deaths, and
implicated, as well, through the specific nature of our deepest pleasures in life-our gay sexuality.

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10 OCTOBER

Upholding the memories of our lost friends and lovers and

we ourselves shall live would seem to impose the same demand:
feels too much like capitulation. But we must recognize that our
our resolve also entail the more painful feelings of survivor's gui
bated by our secret wishes, during our lovers' and friends' prot
that they would just die and let us get on with our lives.
We can then partially revise our sense - and Freud's-of the i
ity between mourning and activism and say that, for many gay m
AIDS deaths, militancy might arise from conscious conflicts wit
itself, the consequence, on the one hand, of "inadvisable and even harmful
interference" with grief and, on the other, of the impossibility of deciding
whether the mourner will share the fate of the mourned. But because mourning
is a psychic process, conscious reactions to external interference cannot tell the
whole story. What is far more difficult to determine is how these reactions are
influenced by already-existing unconscious strife. Only by recognizing the role of
the unconscious, however, will we be able to understand the relationship between
the external obstacles to our grief and our own antagonism to mourning. But I
want to be clear: It is because our impatience with mourning is burdensome for
the movement that I am seeking to understand it. I have no interest in proposing
a "psychogenesis" of AIDS activism. The social and political barbarism we daily
encounter requires no explanation whatsoever for our militancy. On the con-
trary, what may require an explanation, as Larry Kramer's plaint suggested, is
the quietism.
At the weekly ACT UP meetings in New York, regularly attended by about
400 people, I am struck by the fact that only a handful are of my generation, the
Stonewall generation. The vast majority are post-Stonewall, born hardly earlier
than the gay liberation movement itself, and their losses differ in one significant
respect from ours. Last year one of these young men said something to me that
said it all. A group of us had seen an early '70s film at the Gay and Lesbian
Experimental Film Festival and went out for drinks afterwards. The young man
was very excited about what seemed to me a pretty ordinary sex scene in the film;
but then he said, "I'd give anything to know what cum tastes like, somebody

Simon Watney has urged that this very implication be taken as the reason for forming consensus
among gay men about AIDS activism: "I believe that the single, central factor of greatest significance
for all gay men should be the recognition that the current HIV antibody status of everyone who had
unprotected sex in the long years before the virus was discovered is a matter of sheer coincidence. . .
Every gay man who had the good fortune to remain uninfected in the decade or so before the
emergence of safer sex should meditate most profoundly on the whim of fate that spared him, but
not others. Those of us who chance to be seronegative have an absolute and unconditional responsibil-
ity for the welfare of seropositive gay men" (Simon Watney, "'The Possibilities of Permutation':
Pleasure, Proliferation, and the Politics of Gay Identity in the Age of AIDS," in James Miller, ed.,
AIDS: Crisis and Criticism, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, forthcoming 1990.

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Mourning and Militancy 11

else's that is." That broke my heart, for two different reasons: for him because he
didn't know, for me because I do.
Freud tells us that mourning is the reaction not only to the death of a loved
person, but also "to the loss of some abstraction which has taken the place of one,
such as fatherland, liberty, an ideal. . . ."19 Can we be allowed to include, in this
"civilized" list, the ideal of perverse sexual pleasure itself rather than one stem-
ming from its sublimation? Alongside the dismal toll of death, what many of us
have lost is a culture of sexual possibility: back rooms, tea rooms, bookstores,
movie houses, and baths; the trucks, the pier, the ramble, the dunes. Sex was
everywhere for us, and everything we wanted to venture: golden showers and
water sports, cocksucking and rimming, fucking and fist fucking. Now our
untamed impulses are either proscribed once again or shielded from us by latex.
Even Crisco, the lube we used because it was edible, is now forbidden because it
breaks down the rubber. Sex toys are no longer added enhancements; they're
safer substitutes.
For those who have obeyed civilization's law of compulsory genital hetero-
sexuality, the options we've lost might seem abstract enough. Not widely ac-
knowledged until the advent of the AIDS crisis, our sex lives are now publicly
scrutinized with fascination and envy, only partially masked by feigned incredu-
lity (William Dannemeyer, for example, entered into the Congressional Record of
June 26, 1989 the list of pleasures I just enumerated). To say that we miss
uninhibited and unprotected sex as we miss our lovers and friends will hardly
solicit solidarity, even tolerance. But tolerance is, as Pasolini said, "always and
purely nominal," merely "a more refined form of condemnation."20 AIDS has
further proved his point. Our pleasures were never tolerated anyway; we took
them. And now we must mourn them too.
When, in mourning our ideal, we meet with the same opprobrium as whe
mourning our dead, we incur a different order of psychic distress, since th
memories of our pleasures are already fraught with ambivalence. The ab
repudiation of their sexual pasts by many gay men testifies to that ambivalen
even as the widespread adoption of safe sex practices vouches for our ability
work through it. Perhaps we may even think of safe sex as the substitute libid
position that beckoned to us as we mourned our lost sexual ideal. But here, I
think, the difference between generations of gay men makes itself felt most
sharply. For men now in their twenties, our sexual ideal is mostly just that-an
ideal, the cum never swallowed. Embracing safe sex is for them an act of de-
fiance, and its promotion is perhaps the AIDS activist movement's least inhibited
stance. But, for many men of the Stonewall generation, who have also been the
gay population thus far hardest hit by AIDS, safe sex may seem less like defiance

19. Ibid., p. 125.

20. Pier Paolo Pasolini, "Gennariello," in Lutheran Letters, trans. Stuart Hood, Manchester,
Carcanet New Press, 1983, pp. 21-22.

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12 OCTOBER

than resignation, less like accomplished mourning than melancho

to suggest that there is anything pathological about this dispos
comprise many features of melancholia as Freud describes it, esp
ered in the context of its causes.
"The occasions giving rise to melancholia," Freud writes, "for the most
part extend beyond the clear case of a loss by death, and include all those
situations of being wounded, hurt, neglected, out of favor, or disappointed,
which can . . . reinforce an already existing ambivalence."21 Although Freud's
theory concerns an object relationship, if we transpose these situations to the
social sphere, they describe very perfectly the condition of gay men during the
AIDS crisis, as regards both our rejection and our self-doubt. In Freud's analysis,
melancholia differs from mourning in a single feature: "a fall in self-esteem":22
"In grief the world becomes poor and empty; in melancholia it is the ego itself
[which becomes poor and empty]."23 And this lowering of self-esteem, Freud
insists, is "predominantly moral";24 it is a "dissatisfaction with the self on moral
grounds."25 "The patient represents his ego to us as worthless, incapable of any
effort, and morally despicable; he reproaches himself, vilifies himself, and ex-
pects to be cast out and chastised."26 "In his exacerbation of self-criticism he
describes himself as petty, egoistic, dishonest, lacking in independence, one
whose sole aim has been to hide the weaknesses of his own nature . . ."27
Moreover, the melancholiac "does not realize that any change has taken plac
him, but extends his self-criticism back over the past and declares that he
never any better."28
This moralizing self-abasement is only too familiar to us in the response
certain gay men to AIDS - too familiar especially because the media have be
happy to give them voice as our spokesmen. Randy Shilts comes readily to m
and though I've done with him elsewhere,29 it is worth mentioning in this con
that he was chosen as our representative to address the closing ceremonies of
Fifth International AIDS Conference in Montreal, where he obliged his h
with an attack on the militancy of international AIDS activists attending th
conference. But there is a recent example that is even more groveling: the
After the Ball, an aptly titled sequel to Shilts's And the Band Played On, wh
authority it cites approvingly, and whose "Patient Zero" continues here to p

21. Freud, p. 132.

22. Ibid., p. 125.
23. Ibid., p. 127.
24. Ibid., p. 128.
25. Ibid., p. 129.
26. Ibid., p. 127.
27. Ibid., p. 128.
28. Ibid., pp. 127-128.
29. Douglas Crimp, "How to Have Promiscuity in an Epidemic," October, no. 43 (Winter 198
(reissued as Douglas Crimp, ed., AIDS: Cultural Analysis/Cultural Activism, Cambridge, Massac
setts, MIT Press, 1988), esp. pp. 238-246.

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Mourning and Militancy 13

his unhappy role. This flyleaf-described "gay manifesto for the nineties," pub-
lished by Doubleday, is the dirty work of two Harvard-trained social scientists,
one of whom now designs aptitude tests for people with high IQs, while the other
is a Madison Avenue PR consultant whose specialty is creating "positive images"
for what the two of them call "'silent majority' gays." Informed by the latest
trends in sociobiology, Marshall Kirk and Hunter Madsen have devised a pro-
gram to eradicate homophobia -which they prefer to call homo-hatred so as to
deny its unconscious force. Their proposal centers on a media campaign whose
basis is the denial of the difference. "A good beginning would be to take a long
look at Coors beer . . . commercials," they suggest.3?0 But copying Coors ads
does not stop with creating "positive" images. We have to "clean up our act,"
they say, and live up to those images.31 This means purging our community of
"'fringe' gay groups" -drag queens, radical fairies, pederasts, bull dykes, and
other assorted scum.
Clearly we can take this book seriously only as a symptom of malaise -in
excoriation of gay culture, it bears every distinguishing characteristic of mel
cholia Freud specifies. Moreover, its accusations are also self-accusations: "We,
the authors, are every bit as guilty of a lot of the nastiness we describe as are
other gays," the Harvard boys confess. "This makes us not less qualified to
inveigh against such evils but, if anything, even more so."32 The authors' indict-
ments of gay men are utterly predictable: we lie, deny reality, have no moral
standards; we are narcissistic, self-indulgent, self-destructive, unable to love or
even form lasting friendships; we flaunt it in public, abuse alcohol and drugs; and
our community leaders and intellectuals are fascists.33 Here are a few sample
statements:

- When we first delved into the gay urban demimonde, we assumed

that they held, if not our values, at least some values. We were quickl
disabused of this notion.

-As the works of many students of sociopathic personality assert, a

surprisingly high percentage of pathological liars are, in fact, gay.

-The gay bar is the arena of sexual competition, and it brings out all
that is most loathsome in human nature. Here, stripped of the facade

30. Marshall Kirk and Hunter Madsen, After the Ball: How America Will Conquer Its Fear an
Hatred of Gays in the '90s, New York, Doubleday, 1989, p. 154.
31. "Cleaning Up Our Act" is actually a subheading of the book's final chapter, which conclude
with "A Self-Policing Code."
32. Kirk and Madsen, p. 278.
33. These accusations appear in Chapter 6: "The State of Our Community: Gay Pride Goeth
before a Fall."

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14 OCTOBER

of wit and cheer, gays stand nakedly revealed as single-minde

sexual predators.34

Therefore, "straights hate gays not just for what their myths an
but also for what we really are."35 This is the only line in the b
agree; and it is a statement which, if taken seriously, means tha
account of homophobia will explain or counteract it. Kirk and M
on homophobic myths to describe what we really are demonstrat
not their understanding of homophobia, but their complete iden
Although melancholia, too, depends on the psychic process o
and introjection, I will not press the point. No matter how extreme the self-
hatred, I am loath for obvious reasons to accuse gay men of any pathological
condition. I only want to draw an analogy between pathological mourning and
the sorry need of some gay men to look upon our imperfectly liberated past as
immature and immoral. But I will not resist a final word from Freud on melan-
cholia, taken this time from "The Ego and the Id": "What is now holding sway i
the super-ego is, as it were, a pure culture of the death-instinct."36
ACT UP, the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power, was founded in March of
1987 in response to a speech at New York's Gay and Lesbian Community Cente
by Larry Kramer. In his inimitable manner of combining incomprehension an
harangue, Kramer chided:
I sometimes think we have a death wish. I think we must want to die. I
have never been able to understand why for six long years we have sat
back and let ourselves literally be knocked off man by man -without
fighting back. I have heard of denial, but this is more than denial; this
is a death wish.37

Nearly two years later, in a mean-spirited, divisive attack on AIDS activism

published by the Nation, Darrell Yates Rist accused ACT UP-entirely falsely
-of ignoring any gay issue but AIDS. After recalling a visit to San Francisco's
Tenderloin district, in which he encountered teen-age gay runaways and
hustlers, Rist continued:

I had just spent a night among those abandoned adolescents when, at a

dinner in the Castro, I listened to the other guests talk about nothing
but AIDS, the dead, the dying-which to their minds included every
gay man in the city: fashionable hysteria. "This," one of them actually
said, "is the only thing worth fighting for." Not long before, I'd heard
Larry Kramer, playwright and AIDS activist, say something like that

34. Kirk and Madsen, pp. 292, 283, 313.

35. Ibid., p. 276.
36. Sigmund Freud, The Ego and the Id, New York, W. W. Norton, 1962, p. 43.
37. Kramer, p. 128.

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Mourning and Militancy 15

too, and had felt, in that suffocating moment, that finally we'd all gone
suicidal, that we'd die of our own death wish.38

It is between these two allegations of a death-wish- one because we were

not yet AIDS activists, the other because we now are-that I want to frame the
remainder of my discussion.
It might appear from what I've outlined so far that gay men's responses to
the enormous losses suffered in the AIDS epidemic are predictable. This is far
from the case, and is only the result of my schematic reading of "Mourning and
Melancholia" against what I know of our experiences. I have accounted for
neither the full depth and variety of our conflicts nor the multiplicity of their
possible outcomes. What I offer to rectify this inadequacy is simply a list, to which
anyone might add, of the problems we face.
Most people dying of AIDS are very young, and those of us coping with
these deaths, ourselves also young, have confronted great loss entirely unpre-
pared. The numbers of deaths are unthinkable: lovers, friends, acquaintances,
and community members have fallen ill and died. Many have lost upwards of a
hundred people. Apart from the deaths, we contend with the gruesome illness
itself, acting as caretakers, often for very extended periods, making innumerable
hospital visits, providing emotional support, negotiating our wholly inadequate
and inhuman health care and social welfare systems, keeping abreast of experi-
mental treatment therapies. Some of us have learned as much or more than most
doctors about the complex medicine of AIDS. Added to the caretaking and loss
of others is often the need to monitor and make treatment decisions about our
own HIV illness, or face anxiety about our own health status.39
Through the turmoil imposed by illness and death, the rest of society offers
little support or even acknowledgment. On the contrary, we are blamed, belit-
tled, excluded, derided. We are discriminated against, lose our housing and jobs,
and are denied medical and life insurance. Every public agency whose job it is to
combat the epidemic has been slow to act, failed entirely, or been deliberately
counterproductive. We have therefore had to provide our own centers for
support, care, and education and even to fund and conduct our own treatment
research. We have had to rebuild our devastated community and culture, recon-
struct our sexual relationships, reinvent our sexual pleasure. Despite great

38. Darrell Yates Rist, "The Deadly Costs of an Obsession," Nation, February 13, 1989,
p. 181. For the response of ACT UP, among others, see the issues of March 20 and May 1, 1989. For
an impassioned discussion of the entire debate, see Simon Watney, "'The Possibilities of
Permutation.'
39. It seems to me particularly telling that throughout the epidemic the dominant
routinely featured stories about anxieties provoked by AIDS-the anxieties of health ca
and cops exposed to needle sticks, of parents whose children attend school with an HI
child, of straight women who once upon a time had a bisexual lover . . . But I have neve
a story about the millions of gay men who have lived with these anxieties constantly si

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16 OCTOBER

achievements in so short a time and under such adversity, the d

still pictures us only as wasting deathbed victims; we have there
war of representation, too.
Frustration, anger, rage, and outrage, anxiety, fear, and terror, shame and
guilt, sadness and despair -it is not surprising that we feel these things; what is
surprising is that we often don't. For those who feel only a deadening numbness
or constant depression, militant rage may well be unimaginable, as again it might
be for those who are paralyzed with fear, filled with remorse, or overcome with
guilt. To decry these responses-our own form of moralism -is to deny the
extent of the violence we have all endured; even more importantly, it is to deny a
fundamental fact of psychic life: violence is also self-inflicted.
The most contested theoretical concept in the later work of Freud is the
drive to death, the drive that competes with the life instincts and comprises both
aggression and self-aggression. It was over this concept that Reich broke with
Freud, insisting that with the death drive Freud definitively side-stepped the
social causes of human misery. But, against Reich's objection, and that of other
early proponents of a political psychoanalysis, Jacqueline Rose argues that it is
only through the concept of the death drive that we can understand the relation-
ship between psychic and social life, as we seek to determine "where to locate the
violence."40 As opposed to Darrell Yates Rist's pop-psychology assertion that
activists have a death wish, I want to suggest on the contrary that we do not
acknowledge the death drive. That is, we disavow the knowledge that our misery
comes from within as well as without, that it is the result of psychic as well as of
social conflict -or rather, as Rose writes, our misery "is not something that can
be located on the inside or the outside, in the psychic or the social . . . , but
rather something that appears as the effect of the dichotomy itself."41 By making
all violence external, pushing it to the outside and objectifying it in "enemy"
institutions and individuals, we deny its psychic articulation, deny that we are
effected, as well as affected, by it.
Perhaps an example will clarify my point. The issue of HIV antibody testing
has been a central concern for AIDS activists from the moment the movement
was formed. We have insisted, against every attempt to implement mandatory
confidential testing, on the absolute right of voluntary anonymous testing. At
International AIDS Conference in Montreal last June, Stephen Joseph, health
commissioner of New York City, called for confidential testing with mandatory
contact tracing, based on the fact that immune-system monitoring and early
treatment intervention for those who are HIV-positive could now prolong and
perhaps save their lives. We immediately raised all the proper objections to his
cynical proposal: that only if anonymity is guaranteed will people get tested, that

40. Jacqueline Rose, "Where Does the Misery Come From?" in Richard Feldstein and Judith
Roof, Feminism and Psychoanalysis, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, p. 28.
41. Ibid.

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Mourning and Militancy 17

New York has too few testing sites to accommodate the people wishing to be
tested as it is, and that the services necessary to care for people who test positive
cannot even accommodate the current caseload. Agreeing that testing, counsel-
ling, monitoring, and early treatment intervention are indeed crucial, we de-
manded instead an increase in the number of anonymous testing sites and a
system of neighborhood walk-in HIV clinics for monitoring and treatment. We
were entirely confident of the validity our protests and demands. We know the
history of Stephen Joseph's provocations, we know the city government's abys-
mal failure to provide health care for its huge infected population, and we know
not only the advantages of early intervention but also exactly what the treatment
options are. But with all this secure knowledge, we forget one thing: our own
ambivalence about being tested, or, if seropositive, about making difficult treat-
ment decisions. For all the hours of floor discussion about demanding wide
availability of testing and treatment, we do not always avail ourselves of them, and
we seldom discuss our anxiety and indecision.42 Very shortly after Joseph's
announcement in Montreal and our successful mobilization against his plan,43
Mark Harrington, a member of ACT UP's Treatment and Data Committee,
made an announcement at a Monday-night meeting: "I personally know three
people in this group who recently came down with PCP," he said. "We have to
realize that activism is not a prophylaxis against opportunistic infections; it may
be synergistic with aerosolized pentamidine, but it won't on its own prevent you
from getting AIDS."
By referring to Freud's concept of the death drive, I am not saying anything
so simple as that a drive to death directly prevents us from protecting ourselves
against illness. Rather I am saying that by ignoring the death drive, that is, by
making all violence external, we fail to confront ourselves, to acknowledge our
ambivalence, to comprehend that our misery is also self-inflicted. To return to
my example: it is not only New York City's collapsing health care system and its
sinister health commissioner that affect our fate. Unconscious conflict can mean

42. I do not wish to claim that the "right" decision is to be tested. AIDS activists insist quite
properly only on choice, and on making that choice viable through universally available health care.
But problems of HIV testing are not only sociopolitical, they are also psychic. In "AIDS and Needless
Deaths: How Early Treatment Is Ignored," Paul Harding Douglas and Laura Pinsky enumerate a
number of barriers to early intervention in HIV disease, including lack of advocacy, lack of media
coverage, lack of services, and, crucially, "The Symbolic Meaning of Early Intervention for the
Individual." This final section of their paper provides a much-needed analysis of psychic resistance to
taking the HIV antibody test. I wish to thank Paul Douglas and Laura Pinsky for making their paper
available to me.
43. The successes of the AIDS activist movement are, unfortunately, never secure. In the late fall
of 1989, during the transition from Ed Koch's mayoralty to that of David Dinkins, Stephen Joseph
resigned his position as health commissioner. But not without a parting insult to those of us who had
opposed his policies all along: once again, and now supposedly with the consensus of the New York
City Board of Health, Joseph asked the state health department to collect the names of people who
test HIV antibody positive and to trace and contact their sex partners and those with whom they
shared needles.

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 18 OCTOBER

that we may make decisions - or fail to make them -whose results may be
deadly too. And the rage we direct against Stephen Joseph, justified as it is, may
function as the very mechanism of our disavowal, whereby we convince ourselves
that we are making all the decisions we need to make.
Again I want to be very clear: The fact that our militancy may be a means of
dangerous denial in no way suggests that activism is unwarranted. There is no
question but that we must fight the unspeakable violence we incur from the
society in which we find ourselves. But if we understand that violence is able to
reap its horrible rewards through the very psychic mechanisms that make us part
of this society, then we may also be able to recognize -along with our rage-
our terror, our guilt, and our profound sadness. Militancy, of course, then, but
mourning too: mourning and militancy.

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