Gastronomy: Why Spices: Darwinian We Use
Gastronomy: Why Spices: Darwinian We Use
Gastronomy: Why Spices: Darwinian We Use
June 19999453
spices in these countries (Table 1). tionship between spoilage and spice quantities called for, they always
In gathering our data, we did not use should be more apparent in meat- contribute their phytochemicals to
distinguish between seasonings and based than vegetable-based recipes. the cuisine. The second problem was
condiments or between herbs and In summarizing the data, we en- how to treat the comparative infor-
spices. We focused on meat-based countered two problems. The first mation statistically, because not all
recipes (those in which at least one- was whether or not to treat onions countries are equally "independent"
third of the volume or weight con- (Allium cepa: chives, leeks, and shal- (e.g., due to shared ancestry or re-
sisted of meat) rather than vegetable- lots) and chilis (Capsicum frutescens: cent immigration). However, because
based recipes for two reasons. First, capsaicin-containing peppers) as it is unclear how to assess indepen-
traditional cookbooks have many more spices. Although these plants are of- dence of a specific cultural practice,
meat-based dishes than vegetarian ten used solely as spices, they are such as spice use, and because our
dishes, enabling us to obtain adequate also served as main dishes. Follow- sample was so broad (representing
sample sizes (Table 1). Second, ing the lead of previous authors (e.g., every continent and 16 of the world's
unrefrigerated meats spoil faster than Farrell 1990, Tainter and Grenis 19 major linguistic groups [Ruhlen
vegetables and are more often asso- 1993, Hirasa and Takemasa 1998), 1987]), we treated all countries as if
ciated with foodborne disease out- we decided to include both plants as they were independent and used non-
breaks (Sockett 1995). Thus, any rela- spices because, regardless of the parametric analyses.