MA, Passau University
MA, Passau University
MA, Passau University
A THESIS SUBMITTED
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Many people have contributed to the realization of this research project. I owe
On top of the list are all the Niassan people who have shared information with
me about their culture, their history and their thoughts and sentiments. A researcher’s
region. My Niassan friends made Nias feel like a second home to me, and my
connection to Nias has far exceeded the limits of mere research during the last six
years.
For a participating observer, the host institution and its members are vital
and all monks and nuns, as well as to the staff of the museum in Gunungsitoli for
their tolerance, hospitality, helpfulness and friendship long after the field research
stage. My most heartfelt thanks, however, go to the children of the orphanage in Gidö
and the home for handicapped children in Fodo. They were the first reason I went to
Nias for my social internship during my studies in Germany in 1998; they are the
reason why I wanted to return to Nias and take up my studies, and they are the reason
why now, after this work has been completed, I still have not have enough of Nias.
The other helpful people were in Singapore. I am most grateful for the
interdisciplinary research project. With Prof. Dr. John Miksic, Prof. Dr. Roxana
Waterson, Dr. Ho Chee Kong, I have not only been assured of the best academic
support but also personal guidance through my studies and my life as researcher and
musician in Singapore and Indonesia. My special thanks go to Prof. Miksic who took
the risk of accepting me as musician and theologian from Germany with English only
as a third language into his class of Southeast Asian Studies scholars. I highly respect
his efforts and patience persistently to teach me more anthropological views and
Many friends have also supported me. Dr. Gloria Poedjosoedomo has
editing matters of printing and creating the CD Rom. Prof. Jan Mrazek and Prof.
and, actively playing music with me, motivated me continuously to pursue my topic.
Finally and basically, I want to thank my parents and family who, despite their
Table of Figures
Figure 1: Map of Sumatra ......................................................................................... 234
Figure 2: Map of Nias ............................................................................................... 234
Figure 3: Keys of a doli-doli; Laverna Monastery.................................................... 235
Figure 4: Doli-doli as leg xylophone with 4 keys (Kunst, Music in Nias. PL.IV, 7)
........................................................................................................................... 235
Figure 5: Doli-doli on a wooden frame; Laverna Monastery ................................... 235
Figure 6: Duri dana .................................................................................................. 235
Figure 7: Duri mbewe ............................................................................................... 235
Figure 8: Aramba in an omo laraga, Hiliana’a, North Nias...................................... 236
Figure 9: Göndra in Laverna Monastery................................................................... 236
Figure 10: Tamburu; Museum Yayasan Pusaka Nias............................................... 236
Figure 11: Faritia as wall relief; Church of Gidö...................................................... 236
Figure 12: Aramba and two faritia in the church of Tögozota ................................. 236
Figure 13: Göndra and aramba hung ober a ceiling pillar, Convent Santa Clara,
Gunungsitoli...................................................................................................... 236
Figure 14: Fondrahi.................................................................................................. 237
Figure 15: Chu Chu Hao........................................................................................... 237
Figure 16: Lagia........................................................................................................ 237
Figure 17: Different types of flutes found by Jaap Kunst in Nias in 1939 (Kunst,
Music in Nias. PL.IX, 26) ................................................................................. 237
Figure 18: Nose blown flute, accoring to Jaap Kunst found in Nias (Kunst, Music in
Nias, PL.VIII, 22) ............................................................................................. 237
Figure19: Omo laraga, Siwahili, North Nias ............................................................ 238
Figure 20: Omo sebua, house of the King of Bawomataluo..................................... 238
Figure 21: Omo sebua in Bawomataluo; diagonal pillars are in front of the horicontal;
........................................................................................................................... 238
Figure 22: BNKP church in Orahili .......................................................................... 239
Figure 23: Church of Teluk Dalam in the style of a South Nias omo sebua ............ 239
Figure 24: Church near Tögozita, in the style of a North Nias omo laraga.............. 239
Figure 25a: Church near Undreboli, in the style of a North Nias omo laraga .......... 239
Figure 25b: Church of Gidö; recent extension in the style of a North Nias omo laraga
........................................................................................................................... 239
Figure 26: left: central pillar in the King's House in Bawomataluo; right: imitation in
the church of Teluk Dalam (left: Waterson, The Living House, p.110)........... 240
Figure 27: Altar area in the church of Teluk Dalam................................................. 240
Figure 28: Last example of a Central Nias ewe from the Tögizita style house ........ 240
Figure 29: Imitation of the ewe at the bell tower of the church in Tögizita ............. 240
Figure 30: Imitation of the ewe in a church near Tögizita........................................ 240
Figure 31: Church of Tögizita with the flank ornaments of a North Nias omo laraga
........................................................................................................................... 241
Figure 32: Saint Francis Church in Gunungsitoli, North Nias, with ewe in the style of
South Nias houses ............................................................................................. 241
Figure 33: Group of megalithic sculptures in Olayama, Central Nias...................... 241
4
Figure 64: Nias head cloth and veste with black, yellow, red colours and ni'o törö
pattern, like a tip of a speer (Hämmerle, He’iwisa ba Danö Neho? p.44f) ...... 249
Figure 65: Priest’s clothes......................................................................................... 249
Figure 66: Babtism in Central Nias; Stola with ni’o törö pattern and women’s crowns
at the ends ......................................................................................................... 249
Figure 67: Liturgical clothes for altar boys; all include the ni' o törö pattern, colours
according to the liturgical colour of the day ..................................................... 249
Figure 68: Rantepau Church with interculturative designs for altar accessories
(Photo: John Miksic)......................................................................................... 250
Figure 69: Rantepau Church, Statue of Jesus with interculturative ornaments (Photo:
John Miksic)...................................................................................................... 250
Figure 70: Catholic Church in Ubud, Bali (Warta Music 6/XXV/2000, p.168)....... 250
Figure 71: Batik by Agus Darmaji, Yogyakarta, Central Java ................................. 251
6
Unless otherwise stated, all sound and video files were recorded by the author. The
files are listed in the order according to their appearance on the CD Rom and their
relevance within the text. Recordings with a registration number are from the private
archive of Pastor Johannes Hämmerle in the Museum Pusaka Nias. Within the
research project, the author catalogued the archive and made a tape-to-tape copy for
safety and restoration purposes. A indicates the registration number in the archive of
the Museum Pusaka Nias, T indicated the author’s archive.
7. Maena [1:47]
A 15 / T 7
8. Maena Nias Barat [3:24]
Pak Victor from the district Sirombu, West Nias, dancing and singing.
Lokakarya Komposisi Musik Liturgi, 18.7.2002
9. Maula [0:37]
A 65 / T 37
10. Tari Moyo [2:01]
Demonstration by performers from Gidö at the Lokakarya Komposisi Musik
Liturgi, 18.7.2002
11. Tari Tuwu [3:08]
Demonstration by performers from Gidö at the Lokakarya Komposisi Musik
Liturgi, 18.7.2002
12. Hiwö hiwö [0:36]
Performed as welcome dance for the delegation of the Pusat Musik Liturgi
from Yogyakarta at the Lokakarya Komposisi Musik Liturgi in Laverna
Monastery, Gunungsitoli, 20.7.2004
13. Bölihae [1:19]
Presentation by the delegation of the district Alasa, North Nias, at the
Lokakarya Komposisi Musik Liturgi in Laverna Monastery, Gunungsitoli,
18.7.2004
14. Hoho [2:56]
Hoho Ninawuagö from: Music of Indonesia 4: Music of Nias & North
Sumatra. Smithsonian Folkways CD SF 40420, 1992.
15. Hoho Pulau Telo [1:25]
Demonstration by performers from Telo at the Lokakarya Komposisi Musik
Liturgi, 18.7.2002. Telo belongs to the church district of Nias. Some genres of
Nias music have developed their own characteristics on Telo. The recorded
hoho was new to all Niassans, and this is the first time, a hoho from Pulau
Telo has been recorded.
8
his choir Vocalista Sonora. Concept for the composition was a Hoho. Neither
percussion nor the melody patterns appeared in my research on Nias, nor
could Niassans identify the song as Nias song in interviews with the author.
Wydyawan (with western vocal training) tried to sing the solo voice in
falsetto, imitating the register breaks of the hoho singer. From Lagu-lagu
Gereja Nias. Pusat Musik Liturgi, MC.
24. Großer Gott [3:04]
German liturgical chant in Bahasa Indonesia. This melody appears in the CD
of Erich Heins as “Funeral Procession”. Recorded 8.6.2001 during a service in
the church Saint Francis, Gunungsitoli
10
TABLE OF CONTENT
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 0
TABLE OF FIGURES 3
TABLE OF CONTENT 10
SUMMARY 13
INTRODUCTION 14
2. NIAS ISLAND 47
Music 203
Visual Arts 209
BIBLIOGRAPHY 215
12
APPENDIX 233
Figures 234
Text of Sacrosanctum Concilium 252
Text: Hoho Fanumba Golu 256
13
SUMMARY
Main aim of this thesis is to look at the procedure of cross-cultural work by Catholic
The thesis takes Nias Island in Indonesia as a case study to research the interaction
between interculturative mission and traditional arts. Nias lets us observe an advanced
Churches and services are examined for their cultural appearances: Western influence
on Nias, Niassan elements in the Christian rituals and liturgy, as well as moments of
fusion between Nias traditional arts and the cultural factors imported by the European
missionaries.
Examples from different art forms, including - besides music - architecture, sculpture,
carving, jewelry, and textiles, will show problems and chances: by all insufficiency
INTRODUCTION
“Christ and Church cannot be alien to any people, nation and culture.”1
These are the words of Pope John Paul II in his message “To the peoples of
Asia” on his visit to the Philippines in 1981. The words of this message show that, as
a post-counciliar Pope, reigning after the Second Vatican Council from 1960, he is
following the precedent set by his predecessors John XXIII and Paul VI, who were
Popes during the council, and the documents that manifest the results of this
Today’s discussions about inculturation deal mainly with its methods and
limits. The Vatican Council II played a deciding role in these questions, and yet it is
wrong to see the resulting documents as the initial script concerning this matter.
individual missionaries or single orders, to challenge the church on this matter. Thus,
What is new since Vaticanum II is the legitimizing and regulating force of that
church document which has had consequences for the procedure and
The text of the council not only spells out the motivation for missionaries’ adaptation
1
Pope John Paul II, To the Peoples of Asia. Message before the Angelus / Laetare
General Audience. Broadcast live by Radio Veritas Asia, Manila 21.2.1981.
15
to local circumstances, but also clarifies its limits. These had been moved, pushed,
practice cross-cultural work to bring their results officially before the public for
discussion, developing their method with feedback from the population and the
Roman authority. In(-ter-)culturation in 1960 was not a new subject. In areas where
local culture entered the liturgy long before Vaticanum II we face the phenomenon of
a strong development of folk religions, where Christianity has taken forms that no
longer resemble the faith preached by the Roman Catholic church. These forms can
German monks of the Capuchin order (OFMCap = lat.: Ordo Fratrorum Minorum
Capucinorum) have since 1955 sought to discover a form of Catholic life and worship
Nias are advanced and might become a model for other regions, which can learn from
their mistakes and successes. The advances lie in the system of the missionaries’
work and their willingness to combine both extremes, retaining cultural authenticity
2
Later examples will show tendencies of Spanish, Portuguese and French missionary
work motivated by strong national commitment.
3
As examples we could take annual phenomena of self-crucifixions and fire sacrifices
towards Good Friday in the Philippines to which Pope John Paul II regularly
reacts with pleads to the Philippines Bishops to call their communities to
reasonability in their ritual deeds.
16
It is the aim of this research to use ethnographic material to show the results
of interculturation in the various art forms of Nias, the influence of missionary work
and arts on each other, and the actions and choices made by the missionaries and the
Niassans in the process of intercultural interaction. This thesis will not pursue the
that religions, even the non-missionarizing ones, tend to spread to areas other than
their own places of origin. We will concentrate more on the modus they use to locate
Even if the collected data shows that missionaries have to some extent exerted
that Nias “tradition” has been “preserved”? Regulations of the church, abilities of
monastic community, political and environmental restrictions all have an effect and
therefore, if we want to compare the results with expectations, whether of the church,
constitutes the policy for the work of the whole Catholic Church, it is not yet in
reality the method used by the whole clergy. The results are neither a pure continuum
syncretism of intercultural growth wherein the differences between the two enrich
both.
The findings of this thesis are primarily based on field research on Nias. Four
was obtained from interviews with two main persons at PML: the director Romo
Karl-Edmund Prier, a Jesuit from Germany, who came to Indonesia in 1975 and took
on Indonesian nationality, and the Javanese musician and composer Paul Widyawan.
They gave me free access to their library, music and video archive as well as all their
publications. During this trip, video recordings of rehearsals and a performance by the
PML choir, Vocalista Sonora, could be made showing interculturative songs from
Yogyakarta, I had the opportunity to collect feedback from them concerning Nias
Yogyakarta.
My first trip to Nias was not within the frame of this research, but of a social
Germany. From January until March 1998, I lived in the orphanage of the Capuchin
18
monastery of Gidö, east central Nias, and in the handicapped children’s home in
Fodo, seven kilometers south of the capitol Gunungsitoli. This residence, during
which I joined them from my first week in their life within the village and within the
missionary station, let people soon get used to my presence and reduced the special
attention foreign guests usually receive, which is often a burden for research work.
During the internship, I spent several days in Teluk Dalam, south Nias, with visits to
in Tögizita, central Nias. I began to collect photographic and audio material at that
time. It was particularly this intimacy with Niassans and priests which opened access
to sources an ordinary fieldtrip would not have made possible. I used those sources
extensively during later research-focused journeys. Most importantly, this first trip
More frequent and longer trips to Nias from 2000 on, the commencement of
deeper insight into Nias culture and the working processes of the missionaries.
relationship to the priests and access to all their resources, including internal data,
their libraries, the museum for Nias culture led by a priest, as well as accommodation
and transportation.
From 2001 on, my main station has been the monastery of Laverna in the
research into the music archive and primary literature, and interviews took place.
19
Laverna is also the infrastructural hub of the missionaries of the entire island. From
here, I could make day trips to North Nias villages and organize longer stays in other
to the assumption that I was a priest myself. At times of riots (during the financial
crisis of January to March 1998) and village fights (demonstrations of students, 2001,
election of a new regional government, separation of the districts north and south
Nias, 2002) this gave me freedom to move safely in the streets. On the 96% Christian
island, priests, particularly western visiting priests, enjoy high respect and with it
safety. In the evaluation of interviews and conversations, I take into account that this
role could have led locals to politely modified answers. My role was differently seen
in areas where people knew me mostly as the orphans’ “abang”, elder brother.4
People opened up more and put me in a middle role between them and the German
or even business partners, especially in remote areas is a fact which all authors have
to take into account. At the same time we strive to minimize those falsifications. My
4
The abang – adik (elder brother – younger brother) system in Nias is an important
factor of education and social bonding. The abang is for the adik the educator,
respected person, advisor as well as protector. As the abang for around thirty
children in Gido and around 20 children in Fodo, this role of mine was so
significant for the Niassans, that I am addressed as Abang Thomas by all
Niassans throughout the ranking system and independent of age, including
village chiefs, local nuns, school children and even the Bishop.
20
attempts to do so resulted in the length of my stay, intimacy with local people over a
long period (even between my field trips through postal contact) and the entrance into
Nias society on a very low level of social ranking due to my actions in my role as a
pembantu, a helper for the parentless and handicapped, who themselves are on a low
status level. The priests dominate moral life on the island, and yet they are remote
from the real life in the streets and bars. Problems assumed to be absent from Nias
were mentioned in my talks with the teenagers. Prostitution and tourism in the south
were topics that struck the cleric assembly with surprise when brought up by me in
one of their meetings. The information was provided by some of the orphans from
observant at least one church service at 6 a.m., once a week a rosary, a Way of the
Cross, and Sundays the community service. At many of these occasions, I recorded
A fieldtrip from June to August 2000 was used to make basic ethnographic
photography in churches and villages throughout Nias. An extensive tour through the
north brought me to Siwahili, Undreboli, Alasa, Tumöri, and many of the single
houses in that area. Interviews could be conducted with the village chief of Siwahili,
Ama Attalia Zebua, and several owners of traditional houses, i.e. in Tumöri and
Undreboli.
21
In February and March 2001, I spent most of the time in the Museum for Nias
Culture in Gunungsitoli. The director, Pater Johannes Hämmerle, granted free access
to the library and all exhibition rooms. The main project was to make a duplication of
the music archive of the museum. The 89 tapes recorded by Hämmerle from 1972 on
were infected with fungus and many of them irreparably damaged. I made exact
copies of all tapes in order to transfer them onto compact discs in Singapore.
This was also the time when I held most of my conversations with Pater
Hämmerle and interviews with the museum staff and Niassans, who supplied the
north, as well as the Convent St.Clara, and the churches St.Franziskus, St.Rupold, and
In June 2001, I stayed mainly in Tögizita, Central Nias, and Teluk Dalam,
South Nias, to study their two interculturative churches and the traditional arts in the
sites of impressive megalithic groups and the compound village structures and square
The research trip to the Pusat Musik Liturgi in April 2002 was followed by an
Komposisi Musik Liturgi, in Gunungsitoli in July 2002. I was, aside from the “team
PML” the only non-Niassan at this conference. It was possible to conduct many
traditional songs and dances, and to hear them discuss the music’s background,
different forms, and loss of knowledge of cultural context. Most of the data on the
22
during that workshop. Being present there was an opportunity which occurs only once
in 6 years.
During a later stay in Germany in December 2002, I was able to discuss and
compare my results with German missionaries who have returned from their stations
The term “inculturation”, which is most frequently used for the phenomenon
this thesis will examine, is found in early church documents. However, theological
discussion of this topic only became popular as a result of Vatican II. Whereas most
works written by theologians from the first educational generation after the Vatican
religious sciences also evaluate inculturation in the sense of integrating more and
more modern phenomena into the liturgical forms, e.g. Rock or Rap Masses,
contemporary visual arts in the church, or the blessing of cars instead of horses at the
included in the word: “inculturation” (lat.: in culturam using the accusative of local
direction, literally: into a/the culture; e.g.: “I inculturate my songs into the culture and
adjustment to a new place; e.g.: “The immigrant localizes himself in the new village”;
24
different environment, such as from Central Europe to Southeast Asia, has been an
practice heading in one direction alone, even in colonial times. Data show that the
different sides often influence each other, even unwillingly and unconsciously,
cultural work”, as the Singaporean priest and former missionary to Vietnam, Jim
Chew, calls it.5 Missionaries in Indonesia and other regions of the world, e.g. Brazil
and Ghana,6 agreed with the suggestion that the term “inculturation” should be
replaced with the more precise and realistic word “interculturation”. Karl Edmund
Prier SJ, head of the Indonesian commission for liturgical music, sees an advantage in
the new term as it would spare those practicing interculturation a whole paragraph of
Deciding to use the term “interculturation” for this thesis, we will, however,
not ignore other expressions as sometimes one-way influence does occur. We still
5
Chew, Jim, When you cross cultures. Vital Issues Facing Christian Missions,
Singapore: The Navigators, 1993
6
In South Germany, the author was able to consult missionaries who have, due to their
age, returned from their field to spend the evening of their lives in their home
monastery, the Bavarian Capuchin Province. The missionaries interviewed
worked in Brazil and Ghana.
25
word “interculturation” is still rather new in other sciences, like pedagogy,7 and still
not yet in use in theology. Other terms have certain connotations like localization in a
Vatican document from 1919 which emphasizes the idea of establishing a local
inculturation.
The influence of missionaries on mission areas is known and obvious and its
impact definitely stronger than the cultural influence of today’s mission regions on
the Catholic Church. Reverse cultural currents can be seen e.g. in missionaries from
a lack of clergy there. ‘Priests from Asia, Africa, or Latin America are being sent to
Europe or North America, which creates new challenges as well as problems for the
western countries.’9 In 2001, the Congregation for the Evangelization of the Peoples
7
Intercultural pedagogy was strongly developed as a method in German schools in the
1970s as a pedagogical answer to problems arising from the cultural differences
between Germans and the children of the early 1970s guest workers mainly
from Turkey. Elements of intercultural education are: the awareness of cultural
differences, cooperation in common factors as well as the respect for
distinguishing elements, and the appreciation of new cultural factors as
enrichment for the own culture. The goal was to learn to live together in one
community, to educate children for their future in a multicultural society, build
up an understanding for their foreign classmates and avoid clashes. For more
information see:
Konferenz der Deutschen Kultusminister: “ ‘Eine Welt / Dritte Welt’ in
Unterricht und Schule” Berlin, 28.2.1997
8
Tailor Huber, Mary: “The Bishops’ Progress. A Historical Ethnography of Catholic
Missionary Experience on the Sepik Frontier” in Smithsonian Series in
Ethnographic Inquiry ed. by William Merril, and Ivan Karp. Washington,
London, 1988, p. 167
9
Zenit, ZG01061301 , 13th June 2001, in http://www.zenit.org/german/archiv/0106/ZG010613.htm;
visited on 28.4.2004, 15:30
Zenit is a Catholic daily online newspaper in German. German original: “Priester aus Asien,
Afrika oder Lateinamerika werden nach Europa oder Nordamerika geschickt, was für neue
Herausforderungen in den westlichen Ländern, aber auch für Probleme sorgt.”
26
2001 Head of that Congregation said: “In Italy there are 1,800 foreign priests, of
in a narrower sense preaching the Gospel and founding new communities among
Literature in the field of arts and social sciences often mentions the destructive
effect of missions on local cultures around the world. We might get the impression
from these sources, that interculturation doesn’t exist. This literature is either from the
time before the Vatican Council II, or concentrates on the time before. Viewing only
missionaries’ behavior in the 19th and early 20th century, these authors publish
justified criticism and often report in Europe the deeds of priests in distant locations
to the Vatican, in Asia or Africa, which might have been undetected without those
reports.
10
Tomko, Jozef, Comments on the Sending abroad and Sejourn of Diocesan Priests from Mission
Territories, Vatikan, 12. June 2001, in
http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cevang/documents/rc_con_cevang_doc_20
010612_istruzione-tomko_en.html, visited on 28.4.2004, 15:30
11
Löser, Werner, “Mission” in Lexikon der katholischen Dogmatik ed. by Wolfgang
Beinert. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1987, p. 372
27
reported the destruction of sculptures depicting idols and ancestors by the missionary
Rudersdorf on Nias:12
Werk’, das er ‘mit Gesang, Aufsagen der immediately with “chants, recitation of
zehn Gebote und Gebet’ einleitete. ‘Dann the Ten Commandments and prayers.
wurden mit Beilen und Messern die großen Then the big and small idols were cut
und kleinen Götzen losgehauen, worauf ich down with hatchets and knives,
den ersten Götzen in den tiefen Abgrund following which I threw the first idol
vor dem Hause mit den Worten hinunter down the deep abyss in front of the
warf: ‘Der Herr ist Gott und nicht die house with the words: ‘The Lord is
Götzen’, und dann folgten sie, ungezählt, God, not the Idols’, and then they
wohl weit über tausend Stück.’ […] followed, numberless, more than one
einsehen, daß für ihre Sendlinge eine want to see, that a certain ethnological
wichtiges Erfordernis ist, ohne welche sie for their missionaries without which
sich und ihre Gesellschaft nur in Mißkredit they only harm their image and the
12
Globus. Illustrierte Zeitschrift für Länder- und Völkerkunde. Bd.LXXXII., Nr.11. Braunschweig:
Verlag Friedrich Vieweg & Sohn, 18. September 1902. p. 179
28
Destruction is one side of the criticism, exploitation is the other side. Many
missionaries, who saw danger to the faith of the people in pieces of art in mission
territories, recognized clearly the ethnological and potential financial value of the
artifacts. Instead of destroying them, they collected them either privately or brought
them back to their home countries. Many exhibits from Africa or Asia in Europe’s
the question whether these artifacts ought to be given back to their places of origin.
The association “Friends of peoples close to nature” tries to detect such artifacts and
demands their return, as in the case of the Hadzabe collection (Hadzabe is a tribe in
Larsen von den Hadzabe (Hadzapi, Hadza, has stolen an ethnological collection
letzten Jahrhunderts gestohlene und nach hunters, at the beginning of the last
13
Keulig, Steffen, Ausbeutung ostafrikanischer Wildbeuter durch deutsche und schweizer
Institutionen, open letter to selected media and universities in Germany, Austria and
Switzerland. Online discussion group freunde-der-naturvoelker@yahoogroups.de, message nr.
512, 9.March 2004, in http://de.groups.yahoo.com/group/freunde-der-
naturvoelker/message/512
29
The Vatican Council II is often seen as the main turning in the inculturation
of the missionarizing church after which approaches toward local customs and arts
were officially allowed. However, few have picked up this topic of change in the
find ourselves at the beginning of Christianity, at its basic text, the Bible and,
especially, the New Testament. Jesus invited the first disciples, the fishermen Simon
Peter and Andrew, with the words: “I will make you fishers of men.” (Matt 4:19b /
Mark 1: 17b)15 expressing the idea of winning other people to his way. Even more
concretely, he asks his disciples before his ascent to heaven to “go to all peoples of
the world and make them my disciples; baptize them in the name of the Father, the
Son and the Holy Spirit” (Matt 28: 19). The first approach to different peoples came
at Whitsuntide, when the apostles were preaching in different languages: “All were
fulfilled with the Holy Spirit and began to talk in different tongues” (Acts of the
Apostles 2: 4).
of Catholic service and prayers as reconfirmed in the Vatican Council II, the
languages:
Since the use of the mother tongue, whether in the Mass, the administration of
advantage to the people, the limits of its employment may be extended. This
will apply in the first place to the readings and directives, and to some of the
Local decisions in favor of the use of the mother tongue and translations of Latin
texts must be approved and ratified by the Holy See, which makes the Vatican in any
This basic question about local languages is not a recent one, in fact, as we see
in the sending of the disciples, it began with Jesus himself, and was a topic
throughout the history of missionizing. Famous examples are Kyrillus and Methodius
in their mission to the Slavs and the translation of the Bible into Slavonian language
in 863, which was legitimated in a papal scripture, Industriae tuae, by Pope John
VIII17 in 880. Other examples include Martin Luther for the German Bible (1524) or
16
Concilium Vaticanum II, Sacrosanctum Concilium. Constitution on the Sacred
Liturgy. Promulgated by Pope Paul VI, Vatican 4.12.1963. Article 36,2.
17
The present Pope, John Paul II, evaluated the work of those missionaries, now
declared Saints, positively as pace setting in a letter to all bishops, priests and
31
for the practical use of missionaries in 1892. By 1901 he had translated the New
Also in other questions of inculturation, the Vaticanum II was not the first
word. On 22nd June 1622, Pope Gregory XV in Inscrutabili Divinae founded the new
central authority based in Rome for all missionary activities.19 In a time when Spain
and Portugal were the center of the western world and main colonial forces, Madrid
and Lisbon were also involved in the territorial struggle for the center of Christianity
(Philip II of Spain, 1556-1598, tried to win for his country the Catholic leadership).
The goal of missions in their colonies was not only to make the people Christian, but
opposition to this colonial mission as on one hand it regarded nationalistic aims as the
wrong motivation for mission and on the other hand feared that leaders like the
Spanish king would gain more and more power within the ranking system of the
orders in: Pope John Paul II.: Salvorum Apostoli. Rundschreiben an die
Bischöfe, die Prister, die Ordensgemeinschaften und alle Gläubigen in
Erinnerung an das Werk der Evangelisierung der Heiligen Cyrill und Methodius
vor 1100 Jahren. 2.6.1985. In:
http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/john_paul_ii/encyclicals/documents/hf_jp-
ii_enc_19850602_slavorum-apostoli_ge.html
18
Fries, Martin, “Kolonialisierung und Mission”, in Humburg, Martin, Dominik Bonatz and Claus
Veltmann, Im “Land der Menschen”, Der Missionar und Maler Eduard Fries und die Insel
Nias, Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 2003, p. 64
19
For a history of the Propaganda Fide view:
Benigni, U., Propaganda Fide, in University of Notra Dame Archives,
http://archives1.archives.nd.edu/propfide.htm, visited 19.1.2004, 15:30
32
With many monastic orders, with missionary mandates and papal indults for
their work, preaching the Gospel as far as China, South America, and Africa, the new
Congregation was supposed to give guidelines, a common basis for methods and
solutions to problems, and control missionaries. This period, the 16th-18th century, is
Carta di Propaganda in 1659, two points of attention were directed to the Vicars of
costumi e le tradizioni del paese, eccetto customs and traditions of those countries
The context: the Jesuits, Society of Jesus, founded in 1534, began their
mission to China in 1581 led by Pater Matteo Ricci and Adam Schall von Bell. Ricci
20
Congregatione per l'Evangelizzazione dei Popoli: La Congregatione per
l'Evangelizzazione dei Popoli. Profilo. In:
http://www.vatican.va/Roman_curia/congregations/cevang/documents/rc_con_c
evang_25111997_profile_it.html#top , visited 22.8.2001.
21
Orig. Italian, transl. by the author.
33
musical instruments”.22 After the first Christian-Chinese contacts with Bishop Alopen
of Persia (invited by Emperor Tai Tsung to translate the Bible into Chinese in 635),
teachings were represented by the Persian church from the Council of Ephesus from
431 on),23 and Franciscans arriving in Peking in 1294 (Johannes von Monte Corvino),
Chinese Christianity was nearly extinguished during the Ming Dynasty. The Jesuits
had to begin from the basics, and opposing the former colonial mission, they began
with a new method which they called accommodation, referring back to St. Francis
Xavier. This method was aiming at more effectiveness in mission territories. Besides
speaking the local language, the monks dressed and lived in traditional Chinese
manner. Ricci even let his fingernails grow like a Mandarin, and many avoided
speaking of the crucifixion of Jesus in order not to offend the Chinese with cruelty.24
Dominicans as well as some of Ricci’s fellow Jesuits as tending toward the culture of
the heathens and worship of Satan, especially after Jesuits wore Chinese costumes to
22
Billington, Michael, “Matteo Ricci, the Grand Design, and the Disaster of the 'Rites Controversy' in
Executive Intelligence Review, vol. 28, nr.43, Nov. 9, 2001
23
Hofrichter, Peter, “Frühe Christen. Erste Mission im 7.Jahrhundert” in: plus.
Zeitschrift der Universität Salzburg. No.2, January 1999. Online in:
http://www.sbg.ac.at/plus/plus_2_99/theol/christen.htm , visited: 2.9.2001
24
Schmidt, Heinrich Richard, Absolutismus und Aufklärung. Vom christlichen
Fundamentalismus zum Vernunftglauben. in
http://www.home.ch/~spaw3717/veroeff.htm , visited 2.9.2001
34
This led to the 110-year long “Chinese Rites Controversy” (1634-1744; also:
against each other, thus dividing the Catholic world. In 1659, the Congregazio de
Propaganda Fide appointed three Apostolic Vicars for the Far East and founded a new
organization, the Parish Foreign Missionary Society, originating in French clergy and
laity, composed exclusively of secular priests (no monks, no orders). For the dispatch
of these three Vicars, the words of the Magna Carta di Propaganda were cited as an
indication of the right way to proceed – now for the first time with the term
25
Billington, Michael, “Matteo Ricci, the Grand Design, and the Disaster of the 'Rites Controversy' in
Executive Intelligence Review, vol. 28, nr.43, Nov. 9, 2001
26
The Ricci Institute for Chinese-Western Cultural History at the University of San Francisco offers
various sources for the Rites’ Controversy in their database and library, as well as actual
discussions on selected details of that topic. Online at http://www.usfca.edu/ricci
35
inculturation.27 The main rule, still valid today, for inculturation is the last part of the
by Charles Maigrot, Apostolic Vicar of Fujian, was published and sent for approval to
endangering the facts of faith. Through Maigret, he sent a Papal Bull against Chinese
mistrust grew and in 1707 he forced all missionaries in China to promise to tolerate
the Chinese rites, otherwise they would be deported. In 1715, the Apostolic
Constitution Ex illa die, confirming the prohibition of rites for all China, led to a split
China, but due to Kangxi’s openness for discussions and negotiations with the Jesuits
whom he kept as advisors at his Court, the decree was not entirely effective. Tragic
to the “Red Manifesto” (31st October 1716), in which Kangxi refused to further react
In 1706, at the height of the Chinese Rites Controversy, the Kangxi Emperor
appointed two Jesuit missionaries, Fathers Antonio de Barros and Antoine de
Beauvollier, as his special envoys to Rome. Their mission ended tragically when
27
Congregatione per l'Evangelizzazione dei Popoli: La Congregatione per
l'Evangelizzazione dei Popoli. Profilo. In:
http://www.vatican.va/Roman_curia/congregations/cevang/documents/rc_con_c
evang_25111997_profile_it.html#top , visited 22.8.2001
36
their ship capsized within sight of the Portuguese coast. Not having any news
from them, the Emperor appointed Fathers José Ramón Arxo and Giuseppe
Provana, also Jesuit missionaries, as his representatives in Rome. Arxo and
Provana left Macau in 1708. Arxo died in Spain in 1711 and Provana died in
1720 on the return voyage to China. Since no word of their deliberations came
to the Emperor, he had this document, the Red Manifesto, or Hongpiao, written
and all missionaries resident in Beijing sign it, and ordered it given to any
Europeans who came to the capitol. He states that he will not give credence to
any documents regarding the Rites Controversy until his envoys return.28
In Pope Clement XIV, the Jesuits were confronted with a serious opponent
and suppressor. After his Bull against Confucian rites for Christians in China, he
forbade Jesuits in some parts of Europe, and their activities in Asia were ceased. With
the end of Jesuit efforts in Asia, the idea of inculturation also died for more than 100
years.
Even if this historical event had no direct effect on Nias, it can serve as an
example to show how insecure and wavering the line of the church has been
concerning the extent of inculturation. The limits where local customs stand in
opposite to faith were not clear, and this remains a big question. Could an order like
the Jesuits, said to be the best educated and main carrier of Christian missionization at
that time, have gone too far with their accommodation? Was it Dominicans’ jealousy
of the Jesuits’ success at the Chinese Emperor’s Court that prompted them to push the
Vatican to the decision to prohibit Chinese rites? Wasn’t the Chinese struggle really
28
Ricci Institute for Chinese-Western Cultural History at the University of San Francisco, The Red
Manifesto of the Kangxi Emperor, October 31, 1716, in
http://www.usfca.edu/ricci/feature/index.htm, weekly feature online, 29.4.2004, visited on
6.5.2004, 16:00
37
against all foreign influence, as xenophobia has risen from time to time in waves
throughout China’s history, which brought down Christianity, during the Ming
Dynasty and then after the rites controversy? The step from accommodation to
ensued. The Vatican wavered from support of the Jesuits’ accommodation to the
prohibition of their participation in local rites. One of the main rules in inculturation
for the population if they are then asked to change again. It is difficult to accept if
After the long period of neglect of interculturation, a step was taken by Pope
Illud in 1919.29 This was a reaction to the French missionaries who had formerly
opposed Spanish and Portuguese national motivation in missionizing but who had
now more and more fallen into the same pattern in the colonialisation and
XVIII re-established the Paris Foreign Mission Society 1815/16, and Pauline-Marie
Jaricot30 founded the Association for the Propagation of Faith in 1822. But the old
29
Pope Benedict XV, Maximum Illud, Carta Apostolica sobre la Propagacion de la Fe Catolica en el
Mundo Entero. Vatican, 30.11.1919, in
http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/benedict_xv/apost_letters/documents/hf_ben-
xv_apl_19191130_maximum%20illud_sp.html
30
Jaricot was born in Lyon, France, in 1799, and died in 1862. She founded the Association for the
Propagation of the Faith on 3rd May, 1822. In 1922, the association was accepted by Pope
Benedict XV as the official mission support society for the whole Catholic Church.
38
Propaganda Fide in Rome, re-established in 1817, proved its superiority when its
prefect Cardinal Cappelari was elected Pope Gregory XVI (1830-1846). From here
on, the second epoch of mission history begins. Since 1922, Jaricot’s Association of
the Propagation of Faith has been part of the Vatican’s Congregation for the
Evangelization of Peoples.31
efforts in the Far East as being driven more by national aim than divine spirit. In
Maximum illud he made efforts to change missiological methods from the conversion
formación del clero nativo”) – here, the theological application of the term
indígenas”).32
31
Congregazione per l'Evangelizzazione dei Popoli, Profilo, Rome, 1997 in
http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cevang/documents/rc_con_cevang_199711
25_profile_it.html , visited on 20.11.2002, 16:00
32
Pope Benedict XV, Maximum Illud. Carta Apostólica del Sumo Pontífice Benedicto
XV sobre la Propagación de la Fe Católica en el Mundo enterno. Vatican,
1919.
39
In Nias, Sundermann had translated the Bible into Bahasa Nias in 1901, and
Erich Fries had just finished his first instructional book for German missionaries
The Vatican Council 1962-1965 was not a turning point but a new attempt to
revive the topic and make it one of the council sessions’ main concerns. The
document about liturgy as well as sacral arts marks a major focus of the Catholic
Church on its way into the third millennium. That interculturation /inculturation as
gathering of clergy at the highest level, might be seen a legal manifestation. As the
texts of the Vaticanum are to be treated like law texts, the excerpt of concern for this
and announced in the Vatican on 4.12.1963, says about the adaptation to the culture
with superstition and error she [the Church] studies with sympathy and, if
possible, preserves intact. Sometimes in fact she admits such things into the
liturgy itself, so long as they harmonize with its true and authentic spirit.” (Art 37)
33
Fries, Erich, Leitfaden zur Erlernung der Niassischen Sprache. Ombölata:
Missionsdruckerei, 1915
34
Concilium Vaticanum II, Sacrosanctum Concilium. Constitution on the Sacred
Liturgy. Promulgated by Pope Paul VI, Vatican 4.12.1963. Chapter 5.
40
different groups, regions, and peoples, especially in mission lands, provided that
• “In some places and circumstances, however, an even more radical adaptation of
the liturgy is needed, and this entails greater difficulties: … carefully and
prudently consider which elements from the traditions and culture of individual
• Music is the highest of sacral arts because it is combined with the word and
• Praise of music is in the tradition of the Holy Scripture, fathers of the Church and
Roman pontiffs
• Connection with liturgical action: it adds delight to prayer, fosters unity of minds,
should be in the mother tongues if this supports the understanding of the Catholic
35
Concilium Vaticanum II, Sacrosanctum Concilium. Constitution on the Sacred
Liturgy. Promulgated by Pope Paul VI, Vatican 4.12.1963. Chapter 6. See the
attachment for a complete quotation.
41
message. Translations of Latin song texts need the approval of the apostolic
institution.
institutes
• Especially in mission lands, the local musical traditions play a great part in the
religious and social life of the people. A suitable place is to be given to it, not
only in forming attitudes toward religion, but also in adapting worship to their
native genius. Therefore, when missionaries are being given training in music,
every effort should be made to see that they become competent in promoting the
• In the Latin Church the pipe organ is to be held in high esteem, for it is the
condition that the instruments are suitable, or can be made suitable, for sacred use
• Compositions should also be practical for small choirs and the participation of the
whole community
The present Pope John Paul II used the word inculturation for the first time in
a major church document in 1979 in his letter on catechetic, and more expressively in
his encyclical letter Redemptoris Missio on the permanent validity of the church’s
missionary mandate. In post-council times, the term and the methods for
some areas there have been attempts to bring in(-ter)culturation into being. However,
show different results as they are also under the direction of various orders of
missionaries from different roots with more or less close connections to Rome. As
many of the decisions are also made by the local Bishops’ Synod, there is a certain
diocese.
as a so-called mendicant order have always inclined more toward the people as they
the cities, to the social hot spots and be among the poor, following a lifestyle of
In the person of Anicetus Sinaga, the diocese of Sibolga which includes Nias
has a Bishop who is very close to local culture. Born in the region of the Karo-Batak,
he speaks the languages of the Batak and Nias people, is aware of Nias culture and
even able to join the traditional dances of Nias. The participation of the Bishop in
local dances among the community is both legitimating for previous interculturation
missionary who can be called one of the highest admirers of Nias culture and today
one of the most sought after ethnologists on this island. Hämmerle was born in 1941
in 1968. After three years serving as a priest in Germany, he went to Indonesia on 21st
old skills and use them both for secular performances and handicraft production, and
the development of Nias’ sacral arts. In Tögizita, he opened a stone carving workshop
and revived a carpenter’s workshop with orders of interculturative carvings for the
churches on Nias. He founded a Museum for Nias Culture, Museum Pusaka Nias, in
1991, which is led by the Yayasan Pusaka Nias, of which he is the director. Attached
to the museum, he added a private school for culture and tourism with an outreach
programme to public schools. Hämmerle recorded music on his trips through the
island since the 1970s (thereby gathering the world’s largest archive of Nias music).
knowledge to which a temporary researcher could never gain access and many
In close cooperation with Pater Hadrian Hess, situated in Tögizita until 2002
and now in the liturgical office in Gunungsitoli, and expert in liturgical sciences, both
promote interculturation to an exceptionally high extent but strictly within the limits
of Vatican regulations. In one of our conversations, Pater Hadrian argued that the
36
Cf. bibliographies in Barbier and Newton (ed.), Islands and Ancestors, or Bonatz, Nicht von Gestern
44
liturgy on Nias is, despite all accommodation to local ornamentation, closer to Roman
With all the interculturative efforts, Catholic dogma remains firm in the basic
statement: The theory that missionizing may just be a dialog with other cultures is not
“implantation of the church” and “evangelization”: “The church must fill the world
with the spirit of the Gospel and give it the form of God’s Kingdom – so the aim of
The Vatican Council sets very clear limits on the approach of the Catholic
Church to local cultures where rites and arts stand in opposite to faith and morality.
their Gospel according to local understanding. Interculturation also takes place when
the local population lets the Christian message and its deliverers influence their
region, lifestyle, culture and faith. But influence in both directions can only occur to a
certain extent. The limit of preservation of local culture lies in the correct
understanding of the foreign message, the whole content of faith, their basic rituals
and symbols. Everything evaluated as morally bad, harmful and against Christian
37
Pater Hadrian Hess. Personal conversation with the author. Tögizita, 2002.
38
Löser, Werner, “Mission” in Lexikon der katholischen Dogmatik ed. by Wolfgang
Beinert. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1987. p. 373. (orig. German, translated
by author)
45
ethics is a thorn in the eyes of the missionaries and is rather removed than integrated.
contents, rituals and symbols, the modifiable and the exchangeable. Three simple
bread into flesh and wine into blood of Jesus according to the celebration of the last
supper is unchangeable. These words and combined rituals are the same all over the
world and the celebration is protected by dogmatic law under which changes are not
permitted.
The stations of the Way of the Cross in the South Nias church of Teluk Dalam
show, how in their carving and painting the clothes and utensils depicted can be
modified. Sometimes the Romans torturing Jesus wear clothes in the traditional Nias
colors of black, red and yellow, sometimes even Jesus does. As the so-called historic-
critical method of exegesis teaches, the Bible was written in specific cultural and
historical context, and it is up to the reader to filter out the message and transfer it to
the present situation of place and time. This exegetic method is called the historical-
critical procedure of Bible interpretation. The story of Jesus then should not be seen
as a historically finished one. It is not a piece of history of the country of Israel and
the people of Rome. Pater Hadrian Hess explained: “If Niassans had been present at
that time and place, they might not have recognized Jesus as well and they could have
46
participated in torturing him and sentencing him to death.”39 In the Way of the Cross,
we have the unchangeable basic elements, the story of Jesus’ way to the crucifixion
shown in 14 stations. These elements are facts of faith as defined by the theological
ornaments and people around Jesus, are only cultural context and can be modified.
Musical practice belongs to the context of Catholic liturgy, and its use is
therefore more flexible. Local instruments can be used in celebrations and the mass,
especially in remote areas where the use of an organ, the preferred Catholic
enrichment and in the same way supporting the solemnity of liturgy, even more so
39
Pater Hadrian Hess. Personal guide through the Church of Tögizita for the author.
Tögizita, 2002.
47
2. NIAS ISLAND
The previous chapter described the requirement that missionaries have to learn
about the cultural basics of their region in order to work cross-culturally. Therefore,
after having explained the theological side of intercultural mission efforts, the next
chapters of this thesis will with Nias, its people, culture and arts.
Nias is one of the most western of the 13677 islands in the Indonesian
archipelago. Nias and its surrounding islands Kepulauan Batu and Kepulauan Hinako
lie about 130km northwest of Sumatra. It is one of the more remote and less easily
Nias covers an area of 5625km2 including the Batu and Hinako islands. The
land has a northwest to southeast length of 130km and an average width of 45km.
number for 1995 is 628630. Nias has experienced a decline in population growth.
One of the main reasons is, as Hämmerle mentions, migration to Sumatra to find
work which has become a fixed expression in Nias language: möi misiyefo, mangalui
48
– “go to the other side and search”40 (for a job). But from my work in male
orphanages and from conversations with many young men of near marriageable age,
another factor at work might be termed cultural or adat flight. The price for a Niassan
bride is traditionally so high, that the groom’s family has to borrow money, thus
going in debt for more than the average annual income of a Niassan. This can cause
poverty for the family sometimes for generations, leaving poor men or boys without
any family with no opportunity to find a proper local bride. Many of them decide
either to go to Sumatra and earn the bridal fee before returning (often they don’t
return having found a job and maybe a girl in Sumatra) or go to other regions of the
country, mostly Batak or Minangkabau, with the aim of finding a wife “for free”
especially when the Nias husband later wants to return with his Minangkabau (and
most probably Islamic) wife to his home historically known as “pig island”. We shall
Niassans now are mostly farmers, growing rice, sweet potatoes, yam, coconut,
durian, rubber trees and nilam, out of which they extract the patchouli oil used for the
production of cosmetics like perfumes. Preferred domestic animals are pigs as they
are basic for every traditional ceremony as sacrifices and carry value in social
play the role of everyday nourishment, especially since a swine disease in 1997-98
40
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Nias – eine eigene Welt. Sagen, Mythen,
Überlieferungen, Collectianea Instituti Anthropos vol.43. St. Augustin:
Anthropos Institut and Academia Verlag, 1999, p. 18
49
made pork nearly unaffordable.41 This has not only consequences for the culinary
culture on Nias, but also for cultural events that are closely connected with the
sacrifice of pigs. The purchase of pigs is financially one of the biggest burdens for a
Niassan who wants to celebrate an owasa feast. The costs for the required
slaughtering of pigs can be as high as the costs for material and work.42
The landscape of Nias is shaped by hills and forests, the latter becoming rarer
due to deforestation, which has led to landslides. The island consists of five
Lölömatua, Idanögawo and Gomo, containing the highest mountain, Lölömatua with
an elevation of 886m.
Nias suffers from frequent earthquakes. Usually, these are light tremors for a
short time, but in 1994, an earthquake in the north of Sumatra was measured at 7,2 on
the Richter Scale, while the worst one for the whole Sumatra area in recent time with
7.9 occurred in 2000. The worst recent catastrophe occurred on 31.7.2001. Heavy
rainfall and three seaquakes created tidal waves and landslides killing more than 120
people, destroying 650 houses and huts; 3 villages were completely wiped out.
41
The author witnessed the pig disease during his first stay in Nias 1997/1998. At the
time of my last fieldtrip in 2003, the pig population had slightly recovered, but
the required supply for food and celebrations is still dependent on imports.
42
Pater Johannes Hämmerle. Personal conversation with the author. Gunungsitoli 2003.
50
The island can be divided into three or four cultural areas: North, Central,
West, and South Nias.43 All speak the Li Niha, Nias language, but with different
within the Austronesian language family. No writing existed before the arrival of
missionaries in the middle of the 19th century, who tried to transfer Nias words into
their scripture. This is the reason for the existence of the German ö in Nias writing.
Few Niassans speak English, more than a third do not speak the national language
yet no definite answer has been found. There are some similarities in arts and rituals
obviously Chinese influence, and recently more fusion with the Minangkabau from
West Sumatra.
2.1.2 Warfare
43
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Nias – eine eigene Welt. Sagen, Mythen, Überlieferungen,
Collectianea Instituti Anthropos vol.43. St. Augustin: Anthropos Institut and Academia
Verlag, 1999, p. 21
44
Kompas online, Banyak Penduduk Nias yang tak Bisa Bahasa Indonesia. 30.6.1997. In:
http://www.kompas.com/9/06/30/dikbud/bany.htm. Visited: 28.8.2001.
45
Brenner-Felsach, Jochim Freiherr von, “Eine Reise nach Nias. Reisetagebuch. Indonesien 1887” in
Joachim Freiherr von Brenner-Felsach: Eine Reise nach Nias. Die Indonesienexpedition
1887. Unveröffentlichte Manuskripte aus dem Völkerkundemuseum Wien, ed. by Reinhold
Mittersackschmöller. Wien, Köln, Weimar: Böhlau Verlag, 1998, p. 181f
51
Gar mannigfaltig sind die Ursachen der The fights have various reasons; a
Zwiste, eine Kleinigkeit genügt, die leicht simple matter is sufficient to make
erregten Gemüter zu den Waffen zu treiben, these easily offended [Niassan] choose
und jahrelang nicht zur Ruhe kommen zu to use weapons, and not find peace
Eröffnung der Feindseelingkeit nicht voraus, prior to the start of the fight; only
auch werden nur selten offene Schlachten rarely, open wars are fought, it is more
geschlagen, vielmehr wird ein Guerillakrieg of a Guerilla War; one lies hidden in
geführt, im Hinterhalte lauert man den wait for the enemy and attacks him.
Feinde auf und fällt über ihn her.[…] […] Each time, though, this ends up in
Kopfjägerei, jene Specialität der Niasser aus, which is the main cause for the long
Dauer der Kriege bildet. Die Köpfe der The heads of the enemies are the
niassischer Kriege dar. Kaum hat ein soon as a young man has learnt the
Jüngling die Waffen führen gelernt, so steht use of weapons, all his will and efforts
auch schon sein ganzes Sinnen und Trachten strive to bring back a head in order to
danach, sich einen Kopf zu holen und auf gain a kalabubu, the medal for
Kopfjägerei, zu verdienen.
52
Possible reasons for inter-village wars were fights between the clans,
someone from the other village. Often though, there was not really a reason. As
noblemen needed human heads for certain occasions, like feasts or funerals, they
sometimes went out randomly to ‘fetch nuts’, “eine Nuss zu holen”,46 which means to
collect heads. Such attacks for each feast and funeral kept up incessant inter-village
fights.
The importance of warfare has significant consequences for the arts. Nias has
hardly any textile tradition, but instead a range of warrior jackets of brass, helmets
and masks as well as accessories like swords, shields and spears. Gari is for example
the sword for war, whereas the similar telögu marks the rank of a chief.
The gari was used to decapitate people. Victims were either people from the
other village, or slaves. The head was supposed to be cut including one arm, to enable
the warrior to carry several heads over his shoulder. Upon return, the heads were put
on a stone table (awina stone, see chapter on megaliths), a Hoho song was presented,
and then the heads were boiled. The heads were called binu. A slave, whose head was
intended to be used for certain occasions, was already during his lifetime called binu
sauri, “living binu”.47 Slaves’ heads were used for the construction of a chief’s house,
for the positioning of a stone monument in front of the house and for the construction
and inauguration of public buildings and spaces, like the village entrance or the
46
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Nias – eine eigene Welt. Sagen, Mythen, Überlieferungen,
Collectianea Instituti Anthropos vol.43. St. Augustin: Anthropos Institut and Academia
Verlag, 1999, p. 360
47
Information on warfare and headhunting were – unless otherwise indicated - obtained in interviews
with Hämmerle and the staff of the Museum Pusaka Nias in 2002.
53
assembly hall. Heads from neighboring villages were particularly collected for the
funeral of a chief or his wife. “Hörte man vom nahen Ende oder vom Tode eines
Häuptlings, so verbreitete sich Furcht und Schrecken bei der Bevölkerung der
umliegenden Gegenden.”48 (‘Hearing the news of a close end or the death of a chief
Headhunting was reported until the 1940s. One of the author’s informants
claimed that her grandfather was beheaded in the early 1940s. On occasions of
political unrest in Indonesia there is still a tendency for clans to fight with the support
of their village compound against the clan of another village. During student protests
in 2002, the researcher witnessed a group from Teluk Dalam protesting in the town of
Gunungsitoli. Their identification as the kelompok Teluk Dalam, group from Teluk
Dalam, indicated that they were seen as representatives of their village. The protest
ended with one casualty, an innocent bystanding becak driver. Recent individual
fights have turned out more fatal. On 5th February 2001, two teenagers were beheaded
on the open street.49 The assumed reason was the financial debts of their father. The
image of cut heads might remind one of headhunter times, but the ritual factor of
culture at any time, the situation of the criminal has to be taken into consideration:
nearly every Niassan on the open street has his gari sword with him or her. What
might turn out as a shooting in America can become a gari fight on Nias. Death by
48
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Nias – eine eigene Welt. Sagen, Mythen, Überlieferungen,
Collectianea Instituti Anthropos vol.43. St. Augustin: Anthropos Institut and Academia
Verlag, 1999, p. 350f
49
Zega, Murni, “Kapolres Nias Dapat Hadiah Dua Kepala Manusia” in Toentas, Tahun 004/Nomor
065, 2001
54
the gari, as lethal as a bullet, simply creates a crueler picture and additionally the
resemblance with headhunter times. An argument that modern headhunting still exists
A strict hierarchical social structure was based on wealth, clan (mado) and
merit. The upper class, the nobility, is called si’ulu (n.: those who are up) in the south
or salawa (n.: high) in the center (which was also the term for the village chief, who
represented his village in negotiations among a union of villages, öri, and was
directly subordinated to the tuhenöri, the chief of the öri). Several terms exist for the
middle class, commoners, e.g. “the mass”, sato, or sometimes “the thousands”,
sihönö.50 The sato can constitute an elite group which form assemblies in questions of
question of ancestry, this elite group of the sato, in Central Nias satua mbanua, in
The si’ulu nobility held slaves, the sawuyu or harakana,52 who formed the
lowest class. They were not part of Nias society, were considered non-persons, and
used for work, as trading objects or for certain sacrifices, e.g. to absorb bad spirits
50
Feldman, Jerome, “The Seat of the Ancestors in the Homeland of the Nias People” in
Islands and Ancestors. Indigenous Styles of Southeast Asia ed. by Jean Paul
Barbier, and Douglas Newton. Munich: Prestel 1988, p. 37
51
Mittersackschmöller, Reinhold (ed.), Joachim Freiherr von Brenner-Felsach: Eine
Reise nach Nias. Die Indonesienexpedition 1887. Unveröffentlichte
Manuskripte aus dem Völkerkundemuseum Wien. Wien, Köln, and Weimar:
Böhlau Verlag, 1998, p. 20
52
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Asal Usul Masyarakat Nias. Suatu Interpretasi.
Gunungsitoli: Yayasan Pusaka Nias, 1999, p. 195
55
from gold jewelry or from diseased noble men or for a festival during the construction
of a traditional house, for which a skull of a slave is required. The slave trade can be
traced back to the 11th century, but had its peak in the 19th century. Hämmerle sees
the peak of the slave trade as one of the reasons for a boom in feasts of merit:
(owasa).”53
During that time, most of the Nias megaliths were raised. Ziegler and Viaro
The celebration of an individual’s life circle, like birth or marriage, expressing the
person’s rank, is called owasa, in the south tawila (Bonatz: Rangfest). These are
festivals of merit, with which the sponsor of the celebration alters his social rank.
These owasa can be either at points of rites of passage (transitions from one status of
53
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Nias – eine eigene Welt. Sagen, Mythen,
Überlieferungen, Collectianea Instituti Anthropos vol.43. St. Augustin:
Anthropos Institut and Academia Verlag, 1999, p. 375
54
Ziegler, Arlette and Alain Viaro, “Stones of Power. Statuary and Megalithism on Nias, in Messages
in Stone. Statues and Sculptures from Tribal Indonesia in the Collection of the Barbier-
Mueller Museum, ed. by Jean Paul Barbier. Milan: Skira, 1998, p. 44
55
Bonatz, Dominik, “Niassisches Leben (damals und heute)”, in Humburg, Martin, Dominik Bonatz
and Claus Veltmann, Im “Land der Menschen”, Der Missionar und Maler Eduard Fries und
die Insel Nias, Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 2003, p. 44
56
life into the next), cultural merit like the construction of a traditional house, or merits
of virtue, like success in warfare. With the duties arising from this celebration, the
host is bound into a network of exchange. Receiving gifts and distributing goods like
building process. The nobleman has to pass “five levels of communal feasts”.56
1.step: fa’ulu: sacrifice 24 pigs and place a batu ma’ulu, vertical stone monument
3.step: mambu ana’s: several feasts, distribute gold and gold ornaments to other
villagers
5.step: construction of the house, several human heads, e.g. under the pillars
“Der Stellenwert eines solchen Festes ‘The importance of such a feast was
bemaβ sich an der Zahl der dafür measured according to the amount of
geopferten Schweine, die bis zu mehreren pigs, that were sacrificed, which could be
Hundert groβ sein konnte. Um so mehr up to several hundred. The more pigs
Schweine vorhanden waren, desto mehr were available, the more guests could be
56
Rodgers, Susan, Power and Gold. Jewelry from Indonesia, Malaysia, and the
Philippines from the Collection of the Barbier-Mueller Museum Geneva.
Geneva: Prestel, no year indicated, p.83.
57
Gäste konnten geladen werden. Von invited. They awarded a title of honor to
ihnen empfing der Festgeber einen the sponsor of the feast, which made him
Ehrennamen, der ihn von nun an zum from now on the most respected member
machte. Die Erinnerung an ein solches feast is a stone which was raised at that
Fest stiftet der aus diesem Anlaβ occasion, during particularly rich
village, like the fondrakö on the whole island and the börö n’adu in the south,58 as
well as the pesta harimau in the south, mainly in the area of the village Maenamölö.59
possibly of an öri or clan. It could merge with the feast establishing a man as a new
chief of a clan or a village.” 60 The regular assembly of several clans that derive their
descent from a common ancestor called Sadawa Mölö, is celebrated in the börö
n’adu. In the famadaya harimao (N.) or pesta harimau (Ind.), the tiger feast, a big
wooden tiger sculpture is (still at the time of this research) carried on a platform.
57
Bonatz, Dominik, “Nicht von Gestern. Megalithismus auf Nias (Indonesian)” in Antike
Welt 33 (1), ed. by Philipp von Zabern. Mainz, 2002, p. 26
58
Ziegler, Arlette and Alain Viaro, “Stones of Power. Statuary and Megalithism on Nias,” in Messages
in Stone. Statues and Sculptures from Tribal Indonesia in the Collection of the Barbier-
Mueller Museum, ed. by Jean Paul Barbier. Milan: Skira, 1998, p. 44
59
Hämmerle, Johannes M. OFMCap, Famatö Harimao. Pesta Harimao – Fondrakö – Börönadu dan
Kebudayaan Lainnya di Wilayah Maenamölö – Nias Selatan, Teluk Dalam, 1986
60
Ziegler, Arlette and Alain Viaro, “Stones of Power. Statuary and Megalithism on Nias”, in Messages
in Stone. Statues and Sculptures from Tribal Indonesia in the Collection of the Barbier-
Mueller Museum, ed. by Jean Paul Barbier. Milan: Skira, 1998, p. 45
58
Village chief and guests can transfer their sins, sorrows and wishes onto the tiger and
The influence of these feasts will be shown in the chapters on the various arts.
Nias is mentioned for the first time in 851 by the Arab trader Sulayman who
referred to an island named Ramni, a common toponym referring to the Aceh region,
and Niyam (Nias). The same name appears in a report by Kazwini from Baghdad
1203-1283. Nias was called “banana island” for the first time by Ibn Al-Wardi
(around 1340), literally Al-Binaman, later Al-Banan (Banan is the Indian word for the
banana fruit).
The Netherlands East India Company wrote in documents in 1668, that Nias is
“de principale spijscamer voor Baros” (d.), the main store room for Barus. In 1669
the Dutch call it “ ‘t Varkenseylant” (d.), pig island. More evidence of Niassans can
be found in sources from the late 18th century, when Nias slaves were exported to
Padang, Aceh and Penang, Malaysia. Nias kings had a sense for business and made
contracts with slave vendors and the colonialists; according to Schröder they sold
61
Mulia, Rumbi, “Nias: The only older Megalithic Tradition in Indonesia”, in Bulletin of the Research
Centre of Archaeology of Indonesia, No.16, Jakarta 1981, p. 18
59
The Netherlands East Indies government officially set first foot on Nias in
1840 but was confronted with resistance and many attempts to conquer the island
were unsuccessful. By 1864, Staatsblad Nr 104 reported that the islands in the west of
Sumatra had been brought under Dutch leadership (“onder het Nederlandsche gezog
West, and South Nias. In 1919, Nias became a separate district, “Afdeeling” number
4 within the residency of Tapanuli, and was divided into two “Onderafdeeling” with a
and South Nias with the capitol Teluk Dalam. The table in the appendix shows the
which Niassans have not forgotten and can still be felt when old people talk about
that time.
integrated into the province of North Sumatra. The new state’s principle of Panca
Under the governments of Soeharto, Habibi and Wahid, Nias was less
influenced by politics from Jakarta and more by the regional government. Megawati
62
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Nias – eine eigene Welt. Sagen, Mythen,
Überlieferungen, Collectianea Instituti Anthropos vol.43. St. Augustin:
Anthropos Institut and Academia Verlag, 1999, p. 27
63
Panca Sila are the five principles, the Indonesian leader Soekarno expounded in 1945
as the state’s philosophy. The principles are faith in one God, humanity,
nationalism, a representative government, and social justice.
60
Nias’ split into two kebupaten and the elections of the first bupati for the south in
2003. The strength of this influence is based on several factors: continuous opinion
building and discussion among a strongly active email group (the Nias Community
Forum, NCF) and a magazine (under the same name) on culture and politics, printing
most of the NCF emails for those without email (which is nearly everyone on Nias
island). The magazine edited in Jakarta is distributed in Nias and major cities in
Indonesia.
Furthermore, Niassans who have managed to get a job in the city, outside
Nias, gain the image of a higher class and authority, their status being assumed as of
higher education and wealth. And indeed, their authoritative and financial powers are
from students’ circles, in Medan, Jakarta and Yogyakarta, by the Ikatan Keluarga
never reached remote areas like the center of Nias Island. A missionary rehabilitation
center 7 km south of Gunungsitoli, Fodo, is filled with Polio cases aged 5 to 25.
One definite setback was the pig epidemic of 1997-1998 which caused a
negative financial, social and cultural impact. It is more difficult to evaluate the
Sumatra in 1997, at the beginning of the monetary crisis of Southeast Asia, destroyed
nearly the entire harvest of a plant called nilam (Pogostemon patchouli). Sumatra and
to a small extent Nias have been the main regions of nilam planting. Patchouli oil is
obtained from this plant, which was at that time sold for around 40,000 Rupiah/kg
nilam, catapulting the price for one kilo from Rp.40,000 to Rp.900,000. The sudden
wealth obtained in this way by some farmers motivated other farmers to burn down
half grown fields of corn, rubber, or rice, to plant nilam. This can be seen as both
blessing and a curse – what could have been a blessing in times of poverty and hunger
made most Niassans too dependent on one crop. This unprecedented wealth enabled
Niassans to buy motorcycles, TV sets, karaoke sets, and even cars. It is paradoxical,
but a family with a new Honda in the garden could still have children suffering from
hunger. The consequences of this agrarian phenomenon were even more obvious in
2002. People owning cars sometimes can no longer afford fuel, since the price rose
over 1000 Rp/liter in June 2001.They now own cars, cannot drive, and still have
starving children, have karaoke sets in the middle of Nias without electricity, and
cannot pay school fees. The money from nilam has been flowing into objects which
cannot be used anymore because of their follow-on costs. The wealth obtained from
planting nilam produced no long-term benefits even when Sumatra had its first nilam
harvests after the fires because the price has declined. Another problem of the nilam
plant is the destruction of soil fertility, which is now becoming apparent in Nias.
62
Numerous myths explain the creation of Nias, the Niassans and, their
pantheon. Different myths originated in different regions of Nias, but the same myth
can also have variations from area to area, sometimes telling the same story but
giving other names to the deities. This led to much confusion among researchers who
One central point is the polarization of upper and lower world, symbolized by
the brothers Lowalangi (S.N.: Lowalani) and Lature Danö. Both fight for the heritage
of their father Sirao. Silewe Nazarata, their sister, tries to reunite her brothers in
peace, standing for the principle of unity in diversity. She is the guardian of the
cosmos and highest priestess, middle woman between upper and lower world. As
mediation between man and upper world, especially man and Lowalangi, she
suggests that mankind carve ancestor figures (adu) as a means of creating harmony
We will find many reflections of this separation in upper and lower world, in
A northern myth describes Sirao who reigns over the heavenly sphere teteholi
ana’a (n.: gold). He sent all his sons except one down to earth and created the first
man named Sihai. His life was measured on a weight scale and according to the
weight the length of his life was determined. He died without children, but out of his
heart the tree tora’a grew, out of his right eye the sun, out of the left the moon, from
South Nias sees the beginning of mankind in the Mother Dao, the divine wife
of Sirao. Together with their many children, they built heaven with the most
important deities, the oldest son Lature Danö, the youngest Lowanani and their sister
Silewe Nazarata, who is sometimes said to be the wife of Lowanani. As twins, they
and animism. The dualism of upper- and underworld created by the two brothers
Lowalangi and Lature Danö is reflected in many symbols and arts, like dances
depicting an eagle for upper- or a snake for underworld. Gold and gold jewelry is
closely connected with the upper world.64 The ancestors had been worshipped with
wooden and stone sculptures placed in or in front of the house as well as in songs and
poems. Thus, many Niassans can trace their family tree over several generations with
the sculptures as reminders. Honoring the ancestors reflected also back on the
family’s own fortune, as the deceased parents and grandparents could bless or curse
their descendents.
Natural objects, trees, rivers, animals were believed to have a spirit that makes
them belong either to upper- or underworld. “The belief in the cosmic tree, an evil
serpent living under the earth, a magic river and the cosmos divided into nine layers,
64
Suzuki, Peter, Critical Survey of Studies on the Anthropology of Nias, Mentawai and
Enggano. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde,
Bibliographical Series 3. S’Granvenhage: Martinus Nmijnhoff, 1958, p. 4
65
Suzuki, Peter, Critical Survey of Studies on the Anthropology of Nias, Mentawai and
Enggano. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde,
Bibliographical Series 3. S’Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1958, p. 4
64
Priests, male or female, were medium between Niassans and the gods. With
their rituals, including songs and drumming, they prayed on behalf of people, healed
with the power of gods and had to be present at any traditional celebration to bless
host, guests and the reason for the feast, be it a new house, a marriage or a funeral.
With the arrival of the Dutch Colonial Power, this system started to change, which
procedure came in three waves: the arrival of the Dutch colonizers (from 1845 on),
the time of the first missionaries that settled down (from 1865 on) and the opening of
Today, about 93% of the population are Christians, thereof 77% Protestant,
16% Catholic. The Protestant church is split into many subgroups often hostile to
each other. There are at the moment 27 Protestant denominations on Nias. Attempts
group creates a struggle with the others. About 6% are Muslims and a Buddhist
temple in Gunungsitoli has about 1000 followers. There are nearly no Hindus on
Nias.
Being Christian on Nias does not mean neglecting the traditional faith.
concepts of sin and misfortune).”67 For certain events, both priests, the traditional and
the Christian are asked for blessing, help or advice, even for conducting ceremonies
66
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Nias – eine eigene Welt. Sagen, Mythen,
Überlieferungen, Collectianea Instituti Anthropos vol.43. St. Augustin:
Anthropos Institut and Academia Verlag, 1999, p. 23
67
Beatty, Andrew, “Nias” in Encyclopedia of World Cultures. Vol.V: East and Southeast
Asia, ed. by David Levison, Boston, 1993, p. 196
65
after each other. Many young couples get married by the adat priest before they apply
French missionaries were the first to reach Nias. In 1662, a priest of the SMP, Serikat
Missionaris Perancis, was Vatican Vicar in Siam. A French mission was in Sumatra
where in the early 19th century Jean-Baptiste Boucho was Catholic priest. Also on
Penang was a group of around 30 Niassans, slaves sold to Malaysia. Boucho was
interested in that group, learnt their language and discussed religious issues with
them. They found similarities: both Christianity and Nias tradition believe in one
Creator-God, in Nias “Lowalangi”. Both have concepts of the evil spirit, Satan, or in
Nias Cekhu (now: Bekhu). Boucho bought the slaves, set them free, and baptized
However, it was not Boucho himself, who first went to Nias, he sent two
young missionaries, Jean-Pierre Vallon (7.February 1802 - June 1832) and Jean-
Laurant Bérard (15.December 1802 - June 1832). In the harbor of Sibolga, West
Vallon died shortly after his arrival, presumably of malaria. Bérard coming to
follow Vallons footsteps only lived a few days on the island before he also passed
away (there is no proof that they were killed or beheaded immediately after their
1865, the German Protestant Mission (also known under the Dutch term Zending)
Ludwig Denninger. Soon called the “Father of Nias Mission”, he stayed on Nias for
the VEM, Vereinigte Evangelische Mission (germ.), United Protestant Mission. They
are the main source of information about Nias from the late 19th century, not only
writing about theological and missionary topics, but also about culture, anthropology,
fauna and flora, geology and psychology of the island and its inhabitants. Their
the Rheinisch Mission). Among them are names like Möller, Thomsen, Fries, who
wrote a German instruction to learn the Nias language, and Sunderman, who
In 1936, the Protestant Nias Church (BNKP – Banua Niha Keriso Protestan)
celebrated its independence as first autonomous church on Nias. After the end of the
prohibition against more than one religion or confession missionarizing in an area, the
Dutch Capuchins (OFMCap) arrived in Nias in 1939 with Burkhardus van der
Weijden as first, followed 1940 by Ildefons van Straalen and 1951 by Guido de Vet.
67
In 1955, German priests of the same order began their work, helped by the South
Together with the two Kabupaten Tapanuli Tengah and Selatan, the
Kabupaten Nias formed an Apostolic Prefecture from 17 November 1959 on, and a
Dioceses from 18.November 1980 on with the Bishop, presently Anicetus Sinaga,
seated in Sibolga, Sumatra. Since 1955, 40 Capuchin missionaries have come from
Germany and South Tyrol. In social and theological matters, the female convent of
the Franciscan Nuns of Reuthe (OSM), Germany, and the convent of Saint Clara, who
celebrated 25 years of their arrival in Nias on 17th October 2001, support them. Other
monks on Nias in smaller numbers come from the Order of the Holy Cross, mostly in
the western Nias region, and the Italian Missionaries of the Holy Xavier, serving in
shows some significant differences. Neither Hinduism, nor Buddhism, nor Islam had
any lasting influence on Nias. The first Christian mission met directly with the
traditional faith, animism and ancestor worship. Java, for example, until today retains
elements of all the religions mentioned, like the Hindu epic Ramayana, Buddhist
selected and sometimes added to the existing culture or even replace elements from
68
the old culture and religion. The resulting fusion, in the case of faith, is a vernacular
religion.
Javanese have been going through that religious selection process with
Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam and Christianity. Before the first Christian mission in the
19th century, the influence of other religions on Nias was minimal. Some Chinese
immigrants had brought Buddhism, some immigrants from Aceh or the Minangkabau
area Islam. The traditional religion stayed dominant. Adat and Christianity exist
beside each other on Nias. Although, 95% of the Niassans declare themselves as
Christian, many have not given up the traditional ceremonies, rituals and practices, as
required by early missionaries. Later chapters will show that missionaries like
Hämmerle and Hess don’t require exclusive commitment to one religion, Christianity
or adat. In their view, adat is not necessarily opposed to Christian faith; a combination
of the cultural aspects of adat and Christianity could even help attain a better
missionary work. Spanish and Portuguese missions were driven by nationalistic aims
to win territories, as was the case with the mission to the Philippines. “In 1494 the
Pope endeavoured to settle the commercial and political rivalries of Europe’s major
powers, Portugal and Spain, by determining that Spanish expeditions should sail
the middle of the Atlantic Ocean.”68 Strong in numbers and hoping for national merit,
68
Church, Peter (ed.), A Short History of South East Asia Sydney: The ASEAN Focus Group, 1997, p.
120
69
this mission influenced the Philippines effectively towards not only Christianity but
In Nias, missionaries entered the region slowly. Then first two missionaries,
Vallon and Berard, as French in a Dutch colonial area, did not endorse any specific
country’s interest. With few missionaries entering Nias gradually, a more organic
possible.
70
MISSION
The following chapters are intended to describe with the help of ethnographic
material the different traditional art genres of Nias and the degree to which they have
been integrated into liturgy. I want to direct attention especially to forms / sounds and
the functional context of these art pieces since this is what will be compared with the
Since the Dutch ethnomusicologist Jaap Kunst made a fieldtrip there in 1930,
few musicologist have worked on Nias. Those who did were often researchers on the
other disciplines who devoted some words to music. Thus, we have only two
Main problems in reconstructing music and its history on Nias music are:
themselves
The absence of written evidence until the middle of the 19th century is a
problem in the overall writing of Nias history. No works of sculpture or relief carving
are available to shed light on musical activity (comparable for example to reliefs on
Borobudur or Prambanan for ninth-century Java). Nias fine arts concentrate mostly on
illustrating ancestors, animals, symbols and ornaments. Myths and ancestor histories
are rhymed and sung but were never written down nor mentioned in any connection
which would give clues for historical categorization. Nevertheless, one can state that
72
essential part of adat festivals and describes regulations for the ceremonies.
Outside interest in Nias has focused not primarily on music, but on trade and
politics. Therefore it is slightly easier to trace the historical lines of material culture as
trade objects and also instruments as far as they are imported or exported. Trade with
Aceh has been reported since 1034.69 The export of Nias slaves was under such an
influential organization by the Acehnese, that Nias language formed the fixed
expression emali dawa ase, headhunter of the Acehnese. In return, the Acehnese sent
other goods to Nias, among which were bras, bronze and gold, as well as gongs.
businessmen on Nias minimal 1500 tahun yang lalu, “at least 1500 years ago”,70 had
significant influence. The arrival of Chinese traders as early as the 6th century cannot
be proven correct and therefore stays Hämmerle’s assumption. Maggie de Moor cites
Chinese Literature of the Sung Dynasty (960-1279), which “describes the wealth of
gold in Aceh and praises the skill of its aritsans, but no mention is made of the island
trade with Aceh. “D’Aceh, les esclaves étaint transporté dans des bateaux chinois,
principalement vers Padang (Sumatra) et Batavia.” (From Aceh, the slaves were
69
Viaro, Alan, “Nias: Habitat et Megalithisme” in Archipel 27 (extrait). Paris, Institut National des
Langues et Civilisations Orientales, 1984, p. 100
70
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Asal Usul Masyarakat Nias. Suatu Interpretasi.
Gunungsitoli: Yayasan Pusaka Nias, 1999, p. 153
71
De Moor, Maggie, “The Importance of Gold Jewellery in Nias Culture” in Nias. Tribal Treasures.
Delft: Volkenkundig Museum Nusantara, 1990
73
Analyzing one of Nias’ oldest and most famous songs, the Hoho narration of the
ancestor Father Hia, Hämmerle sees a considerable possibility that Hia was one of the
successful powerful Chinese immigrants whose family line turned out to be strong,
fertile and influential in Nias’ history; important enough to praise him in a long
poetical composition declaring him as one of the sons of Sirao, founder of the Nias
people. Even if the creation of the song cannot be verified, we know a possible time
frame for the content: The period between 13th and 16th century, during which
Chinese businessmen worked as trading agents between Nias and the Acehnese.
In the development of all the other instruments there is a big gap in knowledge
until the first people, mostly missionaries, later some musicians, wrote about them.
They were able only to speculate about possible imports, inventions, and evolutions.
Especially for instruments made from natural material in their simplest form scientists
must either try to retrace a single line of derivation, or accept the possibility that in
different regions people could have come up with the same idea or invention. An
example is the duri dana in Nias, a simple bamboo buzzer beaten on the knee. When
a bamboo branch falls, it simply creates a buzzing sound, especially when it is split. It
can be assumed that a person in the Amazon can be similarly entertained by such a
buzz as a person on Nias, and both could try to create and modulate this buzz
purposely, playing with rhythms, experimenting with the relation of material size to
tonal quality. Thus, the same idea in different regions can take a variety of
72
Viaro, Alan, “Nias: Habitat et Megalithisme” in Archipel 27 (extrait). Paris, Institut National des
Langues et Civilisations Orientales, 1984, p. 110
74
an orchestra of well organized and pitched sets of bamboo buzzers, the west Javanese
angklung.
the gong, as all others are from bamboo or wood and therefore could have been
created on Nias without imported influence. Written evidence is in no case older than
the middle of the 19th century. Certain contemporary modifications, like the
introduction of western diatonic scales or the replacement of the bamboo jews harp
with the metal version of the alpine region, can connected to missionaries from
Central Europe.73
The German Carl Sachs was one of the first authors to describe Nias musical
instruments in 1915. Missionaries mostly mention the drums, especially the Fondrahi
as the ritual instruments of the priest and so drums were therefore regarded with
suspicion and reserve. Some pioneers interested in the culture of the region are
Sundermann, Møller, Schnitger and Steinhardt. They learnt the local language and
transcribed poems and songs into Dutch or German, mentioning also accompanying
73
Early missionaries came mostly from the Netherlands or North Germany, later from
South Germany and South Tyrolia. They could have brought the metal jews
harp. It is more likely, that it came with the missionaries from the Tyrolean
Capuchin Province. This instrument is mostly used in Austrian and South
German tradition.
74
Cf.: Sundermann, H., “Der Kultus der Niasser” in Globus, Illustrierte Zeitschrift für Länder- und
Völkerkunde, 65, Stuttgart 1891, pp. 369-374
Møller, Agner, “Beitrag zur Beleuchtung des religiösen Lebens der Niasser” in
75
Jaap Kunst wrote in the first and only systematic work on Nias music, as for
many other areas of Indonesian ethnomusicology.75 If all his data is authentic, the
motivation of this man took him so deep into the field, in so many villages, collecting
Yampolsky, Heins, Patton and mine together cannot match the efforts of Kunst. His
descriptions are like musicological maps and therefore give the best possible
knowledge of Nias music of that time. If we have to revise his findings today, it is not
because he was wrong, but because culture is subject to constant evolution, even
faster with rising mobility and communication today. Regional styles have moved,
are outdated. As an indicator for the knowledge at Kunst’s time and therefore as a
Today’s researchers rarely have opportunities like Kunst to spend years in the
Patton on South Nias Vocal music76 is the only recent exclusively ethnomusicological
work, concentrating on selected southern villages and one vocal genre, the Hoho.
Two published CDs by Erich Heins in Leidens Ethnic Series77 and Phillip Yampolsky
in the Smithsonian / Folkways Series Music of Indonesia78 also focus on the South
Nias. The south at their time of research, the late 1980s to middle 1990s was also
easier to access, and the research circumstances are more compact, like the
organization of a south village is compact, around one court. Research work in the
north would be, like the houses of a northern village, spread over a larger area.
Communication and transport problems make it difficult to be in the right place at the
right time. It doesn’t make the North culturally poorer; the opposite is the case. In a
composers’ seminar,79 Southern musicians confessed that many of their songs have
their origin in the North. With its more compact organization, and therefore a
professionals, emerged which gives the South today a more splendid image in many
dialects in north, middle and south Nias, and great variation from village to village.
Researchers are dependent on their informants and name the recorded instruments
according to the local person they trust most. Jaap Kunst therefore took the
77
Heins, Ernst, Nias. Epic songs and instrumental music. Booklet in: PAN Records:
Nias. Epic songs and instrumental music. (=Ethnic Series). CD with booklet.
PAN 2014CD. Leiden 1995.
78
Yampolski, Philip, Music of Nias and North Sumatra. Booklet in: Various: Music of
Nias & North Sumatra. In: Smithsonian/Folkways: Music of Indonesia. Nr.4.
SF40420. Washington 1992.
79
Lokakarya Musik Liturgi. Workshop by the Pusat Musik Liturgi Yogyakarta and the
Diocese Sibolga. Gunungsitoli, 17.-24. July 2002
77
scientifically most defensible approach and mentioned all possible names recorded.
The list below will follow that example, based primarily on terms agreed upon in the
composers’ seminar of 2002, where musicians from all Nias regions gathered.
confusion. As many people write about Nias, but only few visit the island themselves,
interviewed in the course of research for this dissertation, none was able to play the
duri mbewe, the jews harp, neither the traditional bamboo version, nor even the
imported metal version. It will be necessary to draw analogies with other regions on
similar instruments. In the same way, no one was able to play the Lagia (string
instrument), but at least some musicians could describe the playing technique. More
complex forms of musical performances, like whole sequences of dances and songs
an informant who still had the skills and knowledge to teach an entire series of pieces
with text and dance steps for a ceremony for the completion of a north Nias adat
which vocal music is the most common. Except for solo songs, the music is closely
instruments were produced while waiting in the field, for self-entertainment. They
were often made as disposable instruments to be thrown away after use, when
returning from the field. The tuning therefore was not accurate There is no evidence
of a fixed Nias pentatonic scale measured in Hertz or Cent,80 we should rather think
whether a piece is stylistically male or female. Motifs considered “hard” appear in so-
called male songs, like punctuations, syncopes, march rhythms, performed with “loud
voice and heroic” (dengan suara keras dan heroik).81 Female songs make a softer
impression being smoothened by triplets, legato phrasing and more moderate singing.
80
Frequencies are, according to international norm, measured in Hertz (Hz). Western
diatonic scales are fixed at the chamber tone A, which has, with few exceptions,
for all ensembles and orchestras 440 Hz (Baroque ensembles on period
instruments, historically authentic instruments, tune the A at 415 Hz, in French
Baroque sometimes even 396 Hz). Hertz only measures the absolute frequency
that determines the height of the tone, not the intervals that determine the
distance between two tones. With few exceptions, the closest distance between
two tones in the diatonic system is a half tone, e.g. F-F sharp.
In ethnomusicology, a scale is used measuring intervals in cent. This is necessary as
many non-European scales include tones that do not resemble any of the
western absolute tone heights and lie anywhere in between the range of a
western half tone. Therefore, the cent scale divides one western half tone into
100 units to measure a rather exact position of a tone. A sound 50 cent above F
would then be exactly the quartertone between F and F sharp.
81
Prier, Karl-Edmund SJ, “Mengenei Madah Bakti 2000 – Lagu Nias” in Warta Musik.
26.1.2001, ed. by Pusat Musik Liturgi. p. 21
79
This categorization does not mean that only men can dance or sing male dances or
In the musical cultures of remote regions we often hear pieces, which range
only within three tones describing the interval of a triton. This is also the case in
Indonesia. The German ethnomusicologist Artur Simon also found this in his
recordings of the Eipo in Irian Jaya.82 We hear this in several genres of Nias music, as
for example the Lagia. Often either the lowest tone is the tonal basic and is the aim of
a phrase, or the melody plays around the middle tone making it some kind of a tonal
soloist sings the verses and a chorus answers with the refrain, or a soloist sings a
phrase, and the chorus repeats the same line or with slight variation according to the
type of text. In a Hoho song, composed in rhymed couplets, where in most cases the
second line is a repetition of the first line with one word replaced by a new word, the
82
Comp.: Simon, Artur, Musik aus dem Bergland West-Neuguineas (Irian Jaya) – Eine
Klangdokumentation untergehender Musikkulturen der Eipo und ihrer
Nachbarn. Museum Collection Berlin. 6CD with booklet. Berlin: Abteilung
Musikethnologie, Museum für Völkerkunde, 1993.
83
Bor, Joep (ed.), The Raga Guide. A Survey of 74 Hindustani Ragas. Rotterdam:
Conservatory of Music, 1999, p. 182
80
3.1.3 Instruments
The list of Nias musical instruments is divided into the categories of idiophones that
Idiophones
Doli – doli84
at 12-16 inches.85 They are mostly loose and held on the legs of the player, rarely
tight together if laid above any hollow chamber for resonance, like two pillars, or a
simple frame of earth, and roughly tuned in a scale of the tones 1-2-3, sometimes
including 5. The keys are beaten with a stick or another key. Roughly tuned means,
that the tuning of the keys is performed by the maker approximately to the Nias
pentatonic scale according to the skills of the maker. Doli – doli belong to the
children herding cattle, and therefore don’t follow any quality requirements or fixed
tuning systems, as described above. Evolution led to mounting the doli – doli onto a
frame played by standing musicians, expanding its number of keys and therefore its
84
Also: da’uli-da’uli
85
Kunst, Jaap, Music in Nias. Leiden: Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, Vol.
XXXVIII. E.J.Brill, 1939, p. 22
81
tonal range. The introduction of western diatonic has further expanded the range and
even arranged the xylophone in ensembles of different registers. A single doli –doli
recorded by the author ranged over 3 octaves in one frame. It can be played in a group
of three instruments, a bass, an alto and a soprano doli – doli. The half tones on the
keys were even indicated in the German system (cis for c sharp, ces for c flat),
obviously a sign of the influence of the German priest responsible for liturgical
music.
Taboleeya86
This slit drum, a simple wooden tree-trunk with a slit as resonance chamber,
functions as alarm drum at the entrance of houses, at the assembly hall in the center
of the village, and today mostly at mosques to call the Muslim prayer times. In rather
free ensemble formations, a slit drum can be included in the percussion group simply
playing on beat with special rhythmical patterns. One of the reasons why we find the
taboleeya today more in ensembles that play traditional music is, that this instrument
is easier available as many households own one due to its function as sounding
signals. This instrument exists throughout Indonesia under different names, like the
kentongan in Jawa, where bronze kentongan from the 13th century still exist.
86
Da’ula – da’ula is the term, Kunst mentions for the area of Gunungsitoli ; danger of
misunderstanding with doli doli.
82
Duri dana87
Duri dana is a simple bamboo tube, split for nearly half of its length and thus
fork shaped. Kunst calls it a tuning fork. Immediately under the split gap two small
With its split end it is beaten on the knee and is able to create two tones by
closing or opening the two holes. One player uses commonly two duri dana beating
on his two knees. In a duet with another player and four instruments, the rhythmically
interlocking pattern of a piece can become very complex. Making use of the
possibility of the tonal differences by closing the holes, the interlocking patterns can
also create melodies, which are however of minor importance compared to the
rhythm. Kunst lists the duri dana under aerophones, because it is the vibration of the
air column inside which creates the tone, but this criterion could complicate
Duri mbewe88
The duri mbewe is one of the instruments that have nearly disappeared.
Therefore the circumstances of its development are difficult to explore. The sample in
the museum in Nias was exactly that of the type of the alpine music culture of
Austria, Switzerland, and South Germany: pear shaped with a thin metal tongue in its
middle held in the mouth to strike. It was labeled as traditional Nias duri mbewe; the
87
In Schröder: Da’uli da’uli – before for doli doli and wrongly already for the taboleeya
slit drum.
88
Kunst: Duri / Druri bewe
83
museum even sells samples. Comparing it with Jaap Kunst’s plates, we can see an
obvious contradiction: Kunst’s jews harp is a finely slit bamboo strip with a string
attached to the middle lamella. This string is pulled, holding the pulled end in the
mouth. The sound is varied by the modulations of the resonance chambers inside the
mouth. This type of jews harp is found with only slight variations throughout
Southeast Asia.
This and the fact that traditional instruments are more likely to be of bamboo
than metal as there are no natural metal sources on the island makes Kunst’s finding
more likely to be correct. Even though museum staff used the metal sample as proof
of its authenticity, discussions with local musicians confirmed that the Nias jews harp
was a bamboo version. In view of the appearance of the metal jews harp in the exact
form of the alpine Maultrommel (Germ.) and the fact that missionaries sent from
middle European Capuchin Provinces, especially the Tyrolean one, are at work on
Nias, we can assume that the Maultrommel was imported by those missionaries. The
Aramba89
The aramba is a big gong hung with ropes over horizontal beams of the roof.
If played outdoors it is hung in a frame, beaten with a damped mallet, the bözi
garamba. The size can vary, but it is bigger than Faritia, the small type of Nias gong
89
In literature we can often read “garamba”. This is however grammatically the second
casus of aramba. For the bözi garamba, Kunst writes bözi aramba, whereas
here the second casus, garamba, would be required.
84
Kempul.
Faritia90
The faritia is a small gong, usually carried in one hand while the other hand
beats. It often comes in a pair, as the most popular pattern to play the faritia is within
Its diameter is ca 20-30cm. Aramba and faritia are beaten together e.g.
throughout the night before a wedding accompanying the slaughtering of pigs. Thus
Faritia has become a gong with ceremonial connotation, to some Niassans in such
close relation to the sacrifice of pigs that it can be described as causing psychological
conditioning. This has consequences for its intercultural usage, as the later chapter on
Membranophones
Fondrahi91
ceremonial and ritual drum. Such hourglass shaped drums go back to bronze versions,
which were made in Java and Bali 2,000 years ago. The goatskin membrane is
fastened with a net of rattan to a body of palm wood. It is beaten by hand during the
90
North and south: Faritshia; central: Saraina
91
Fodrahi
85
recital of the adat priest, ere; the song genre therefore is called fo’ere. The length can
reach up to 4m, whereas the player can even be seated and carried on the instrument.
The rhythmical pattern in some old recordings appears rather arbitrary, not
contexts as part of a percussion accompaniment for any type of dance or song, stick to
Today the fondrahi can be found played in sets, mostly lined up in a frame,
and beaten with mallets. In that case, it is simply used as accompaniment for vocal
Göndra92
This big barrel shaped drum with two membranes of goat or deerskin on thin
wood has a diameter of ca. 0.5 – 1m. It is hung over pillars inside the house or, for
outside use, often bound in a frame in a height above the head of the player. Being
beaten with bamboo sticks by two percussionists, one at each side, its dense sound
dominates an ensemble. One player performs a metric basic on-beat while the other
can improvise with off-beats and triplets. The performers get into such an enthusiastic
92
Also: Gödra
86
Tamburu93
The Tamburu looks like a small version of Göndra with a diameter of around
20-25cm. Only one player performs on it, often as single instrument for a song or in
instrumental pieces in combination with the Faritia. Its patterns are mostly of simply
accompanying rhythm. Today, as an easily purchasable item and not difficult to play,
Chordophones
Chu-chu Hao94
This bamboo sitar with 2-4 strings is beaten with a wooden stick. The strings
are only carved out of the bamboo trunk (ca 1m), staying attached to the trunk at both
ends. They are altered and stretched by one or two small wooden blocks as bridges.
Below one of the outer strings a round hole of ca 2cm diameter opens the inside of
the trunk as resonance room. Above that hole, attached to one string, is a pear-shaped
wooden blade, in size slightly more than covering the hole. The entire tube is closed
Tones are produced in different ways, by simply beating the strings, whereas
the position of the bridges can create different pitches; by beating the string with the
attached blade, which, possibly enhanced by shaking the whole tube, causes the blade
93
In Kunst: tutu or chuchu, but chuchu hao is the name for the bamboo sitar.
94
In Kunst chu chu hao is a small drum similar to tamburu. Schröder calls it taboleeya,
but that’s the slit drum, or Göndra Hao or Gobi Gobi. None of my informants
confirmed those terms. Regional and spelling differences are: Tutu Hao (N.N.)
or Cucu Hao (S.N.)
87
to move above the hole and create a low hollowly vibrating tone. Additionally
closing and opening the hole at the end of the tube after striking the side with the
blade generates an amazing sound effect like the sucking tone of a vacuum. Thus,
Chu Chu Hao can be considered chordophone and aerophone alike. Whereas we can
still find the chuchu hao be played (“stroked”) frequently, many of those players are
only able to create the striking and vibrating sound. Few have the skills to generate
the vacuum sound effect. One informant, video recorded, who has that skill, is the
lagia95
In the style of rebab found throughout Indonesia, the lagia is a standing string
instrument. The differences are that it has only one string of thin flexible wood, and
the player has to spit constantly on that string in order to give the strike of the bow its
body is covered with a very thin wooden blade on which rests the bridge over which
the string is stretched. The neck of lagia is a simple wooden stick piercing through
the cylindrical sound body with a height of more than 1m. As different pitching is
relatively difficult, the lagia’s range moves mostly within the interval of a quart or
quint. It appears mostly in narrations of the Gomo area (the south eastern mountain
accompaniments of Gomo songs of great age indicated by old Gomo dialect. This
95
Unnamed in Kunst: “one-stringed spitted lute” Kunst, Jaap, Music in Nias. Leiden:
Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, Vol. XXXVIII. E.J.Brill, 1939, p 43
88
suggests that lagia appeared especially in the Gomo area long ago, which is, without
being able to give exact data, also confirmed by most of the musician informants.
Aerophones
zigu
The zigu is a bamboo flute, end blown. Kunst describes a wide variety of
flutes found on Nias. As the flute does not play an important role, mostly doubling
the vocalist’s performance, this variety has shrunk. We have even a picture of a nose
blown traverse flute, but this is not found anymore in Nias and no informant could
remember it. This wide variety could be explained similarly to the doli-doli. Zigu was
commonly a simple toy, made by a farmer or child in the field for self entertainment,
maybe only for one-time use, then thrown away. It was not required to follow a
traditional idol or high musical quality, nor was there any uniformity in form, range,
scale pitching or blow technique. Size, form, even the number of tones or holes in the
During the few occasions during field trips when flutes were being played in
Nias, it was in most cases a diatonic tuning, or even plastic flute imitations of western
ceremonial functional music.96 Sometimes Nias music is separated into male and
female genres, which are rooted in the rhythmic and tonal character as explained
before. In some instances men sing and dance in a circle a war dance while women in
an inner circle sing and dance a totally different dance with a contrary rhythm.
Ring- or circle dances: In North Nias they include the maena for female,
malaja for male dances, in South Nias manaho for female, malauja for male dances.
The term commonly used today for the entire genre is maena. Although it has
traditionally been a dance for women, men participate in this circle dance today for
practical and social reasons. Pak Viktor from West Nias98 also declared the Maula
(compare: malaja, malauja which Eberlein identifies as a male dance) as having been
a female dance, before he started to perform it himself. They are performed for
96
Musicologists call music functional, if it follows another aim than entertainment.
97
Eberlein, Bernhard: Nias vor Sumatra – Indonesien. Reiseführer mit Landeskunde.
Mai’s Weltführer 57. Dreireich: Mai Verlag, 1998, p. 71f
98
Pak Viktor was an informant at the Composers’ Conference, Lokakarya Komposisi
Musik Liturgi. Gunungsitoli 17th-24th July 2002.
90
Mythological animal dances: Most popular is the maena mojo, the eagle
dance for a priestess, today for women of any rank in ceremonial clothes, as described
later in the chapter on jewelry. Today, they are mostly performed at celebrations after
welcoming and inviting the guests into the house. Mentioned as maena here, it
indicates also the circle movement. Informants from the Gidö and Idanö Gawo area in
east central Nias refer to it as tari moyo, to distinguish it from the maena genre. For
men, animal dances include the bölihae, snake dance. Together, tari moyo and
War dances: These dances for men serve either as imitation of a war situation
or to lift the emotion and motivation immediately before going to war. In the old days
of inter-village fights, it must have been frightening for a village to hear the
neighbors’ shouts of “ho” “hae” at night indicating that they were preparing for an
attack.
distinguish female, male, and children’s songs, and the important genre of laments
The most famous female dance is the Maena, in cyclic form with sung
accompaniment in solo – tutti alternation with soloist singing the verses, the chorus
entertainment during a feast. All participants sing and dance in simple steps. In circle
As part of the effort to spread Nias’ culture, Maena has gained the highest
popularity among Nias performing arts, being regularly presented in Medan, North
active Nias community. When Miss Universe 2003 visited Medan, Nias maena was
The Maula has similar dance steps and is performed to honor guests at
weddings and owasa feasts. It is also used to announce festivals in the village. The
Maula is a female dance according to the informant Pak Viktor.99 Women are
dance steps similar to the maena. Men stand in another circle, play the instruments
(any instruments are allowed to accompany Maula), join singing the refrain or just
clap. Their main function is nikmati kecantikan perempuan, “enjoy the beauty of the
women” 100.
Performed by two women, the Tari Moyo, or eagle dance, is obligatory for
a Nias musician. It is performed as part of the welcome ceremony for guests, when
the guests have just entered the house. The dancers mime two eagles circling around
99
Pak Viktor. Informant at the Lokakarya Komposisi Lagu Liturgi, Gunungsitoli, 17th-
24th July 2003. Pak Viktor is active musician from Sirombu, West Nias, and
among the informants at the Lokakarya was one of the most active and detailed
contributors.
100
Pak Viktor. Informant at the Lokakarya Komposisi Lagu Liturgi, Gunungsitoli,
20.7.2003. Recorded by the author: VCD Lokakarya 2002, II.
92
each other. With only a fourth interval range of the song and a simple melody line
constantly repeated, the first part is slow, monotonous, limited to the tones 3 – 5 – 6
and concentrates on the circles of the eagles. These become tighter and faster in the
second part, when the melody accelerates and enhances its range to a fifth interval
and creates a fresher character. Tari Moyo is most famous in Gidö and most
Idanö Gawo up to the Gomo mountain area, the Tari Tuwu. It is danced by up to 20
women, mostly accompanied by the Tamburu. The movements are similar, yet not as
refined. It is slightly faster than Tari Moyo. At the change to the second part, one
soloist dancer is lifted onto a ni’o gazi stone, a stone monument sculptured in form of
a table, or simply a stone plate, sometimes carried by stones as legs. The ni’o gazi are
owned by the women of the village, ceremonies and rituals around them are also
under the control of the women. The dancer creates distinct tones with her steps on
the stone plate. Niassans consider the ni’o gazi stone an instrument, the sculptor is
even said to tune the surface of the table to a certain tension that creates the special
tones.
The counterpart to the women’s eagle dance is the men’s snake dance, the
combination of Hiwö – hiwö and Bölihae. Eagle and snake represent upper- and
underworld, a dualism of Nias’ image of the world and society that is found in many
93
art forms of Nias, like music, dance, literature, architecture. It is also found in many
Hiwö – hiwö greets the guests at the gate and accompanies them to the house
where the feast will be held. This is a solo – tutti responsorial chant where the tutti
(chorus) take up the last vowel of the soloist’s last word (Nias words end only on
Example:
Solo Chorus
. 5 5 5 3 . 5 5 3 .
hi wö hi wö hö _ ö
he wa he wa ha _ a …
repetitively 2 steps forward, one step back. The dance is usually accompanied by 1
faritia and 2 tamburu. Bölihae is also used in wedding ceremonies during the
procession from the groom’s parents’ home to the bride’s parents’ home. On the way,
faritia and tamburu are beaten, and around 100 meters before the bride’s home, the
men start to sing and dance Bölihae, until they reach the house door.102
101
In a melisma, one syllable is sung over more than one note. The opposite of a
melismatic pattern is a syllabic structure where each syllable is sung on one
tone.
102
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, and Pusat Musik Liturgi Yogyakarta, Hasil
Lokakarya Komposisi Musik Liturgi. 1.-10.Juli 1987, Sirombo Nias. PML,
Yogyakarta, 1987, p. 9
94
Hoho and Laria are related narrative songs in solo - tutti alternation. Hoho
(the Nias word for story, poem, song) is performed for more solemn occasions and is
based on more formal poetry. In the hoho, the soloist and song leader, sondrörö hoho
or ere hoho (ere, if the song leader is a traditional priest), tells epic stories of history,
genealogies, adat regulations, religion, rituals and wisdom. Therefore the leader needs
not only the skills of singing and improvising, but the knowledge of all these topics.
He communicates history to the next generation with his songs in preliterate society.
Most hoho are composed in pair rhymes. The ere hoho (the leader generally
also called: sondrörö) sings the first line of a pair, the chorus of sonoyohi the second
line, which is either a repetition or a slight modification. Respondents are two to four
groups of two to four singers each sitting or standing in a circle. The lines can be
repeated once by one group or in a circle form several times by one group after
another, until it is the ere’s tune again. The sonoyohi also add exclamations like “si
ndruhu” (is that true), or as Heins writes, “He… ae… oo… ah… hu he… ho…
The longer the hoho, the less the sonoyohi usually remember the text. Then
the ere is free to improvise more. Shorter poems, memorized by more of the singers,
tend to vary less from performance to performance. The setting can depend on class
levels. Commoners usually engage singers for a hoho performed while sitting,
103
Heins, Erich, Nias. Epic songs and instrumental music. Booklet in: PAN Records:
Nias. Epic songs and instrumental music. (=Ethnic Series). CD with booklet.
PAN 2014CD. Leiden 1995
95
without dance, in small informal setting. Noblemen organize standing hoho with
Hoho singers are not only required to own high skills in poetry and
improvisation, but also in their musical and singing techniques. The ornamentation
has two significant elements: fast alternating notes, approximately in the style of a
western mordent,104 and a purposely unequalized change of registers, from chest into
time.
hoho. They can be more playful and entertaining. The setting is informal, too, and so
is the poetry; the singers have more freedom for improvisation. Also the content is of
more entertaining character like anecdotes or dongeng, a kind of fairy tales with a
funny approach. A possible occasion for Laria is “to entertain one’s host during
leisure-time activities and parties … [but they] … could not be performed for
106
important occasions.” Hämmerle places the Laria closer to the Maena than the
Hoho, stating that Laria is even used as another term for Maena.107
104
A mordent is the fast change of one tone to the neighbor tone below or above and
back.
105
In falsetto voice, the vibration of the vocal cords doesn’t perform a full closure.
Leaving a gap, the inner fringe of the cords vibrates. The male voice sounds as
if in female range. While countertenors or falsettists in western classical music
try to equalize the change into this higher register, singing techniques like
alpine yodeling, songs of the Eipo in Irian Jaya imitating animals, or here the
hoho, purposely change the registers significantly creating a throaty cracking
sound.
106
Patton, Marlene Meyer, Traditional Music in South Nias, Indonesia, with emphasis
upon “hoho”: Voices of the Ancestors. Hawaii, 1987, p. 54
107
Hämmerle, Johannes M. in conversation with the author. 27.2.2001.
96
Also Nias has a form of Pencat Silat, a stylized war mime and martial arts
form. It exists as solo, duo, and group performances and ends in Nias either with one
performed in circle form with one leader signaling changes in the synchronic
movements. Signals are either clapping hands or clapping with a hand on the bare
sole of the foot. Solo performances include warrior accessories like swords (n.: gari),
spears (n.: törö) and shields (n.: baluse). They are not only clothing accessories, or
props for miming war scenes, but also used as percussion instruments. Dancers use
as final and confirming it. Therefore, the dance celebrating the decision is also called
höli-höli. After the höli-höli is spoken, sung and danced, no-one is supposed to open
Children’s songs on Nias exist as simple solos sung either by the child or a
animals and waiting in the field or to kill time at home alone. The instruments used
include doli – doli, zigu or tabuleeya; adolescents with higher skills may use a Lagia.
97
Specific forms of children’s songs include the Famadaehe Ono. These are
sung by the older sister of a child when she has to baby-sit while the mother is at the
informants, this kind of song has its roots in the area Tuhembarua, northwest Nias.
Laments
and wining, a sort of performed grief, is part of the Niassan way to deal with death.
The Fabölösi is a song to comfort the family of a deceased person while the
corpse is still in the house. Singers are engaged to perform this music in a private and
formal setting in solo or responsorial form in a duet or a small group.108 The female
relatives perform a ritual crying, possibly lasting for several hours, called Fane’esi.
Both forms are unaccompanied and exclusively performed by women. They can
recall stages in the life of the deceased, honor him and pray for a good afterlife.
108
Heins mentions the concrete number of “two women” (Heins, Erich; Nias. Epic songs
and Instrumental Music. p6.), but Nias informants confirmed that it could be a
group of women or even only one. Patton mentioned as an example of regional
differences, that in Bawomataluo only women sing the fabölösi, but In
Hilisimaetanö it can also be sung by men, either as solo or by a leader and one
or two respondents (Patton, p.58).
98
ceremony of fixing a date for the wedding until the wedding itself, the bride has a
period of ritual crying, called by Lageman “fege’ege niowaloe” (spelling now: faege
ege ni o’walu), or “late’e niowalue”, meaning ‘they let the bride cry’.109 Several
weeks before the wedding, this crying is a daily event in the evening, starting in the
mother’s house and then going out to all relatives’ houses singing a lament accusing
the mother of abandoning her for the sake of the gold of the bride price.110
The adat priest is among other functions also partly musician. With his
instrument, the Fondrahi, he or she performs the Fo’ere, the sacred song of the priest
or priestess, ere. It is more in a recital style with an irregular beat of the drum, in a
formal setting in public or private, often for a sum of money or gifts. He / she has to
As the ere has different functions, or as there are different ere for different
matters, the fo’ere also has a variety of subcategories, like the fo’ere harimao (for the
pesta harimao, festival of the tiger), fo’ere beholo (for illnesses), fo’ere fa’ulu (for the
109
Lageman, H., Das Niassische Mädchen – von seiner Geburt bis zu seiner
Verheiratung. Printed by: Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en
Volkenkunde, deel XXXVI. Batavia: Albrecht & Rusche, 1893, p. 22
110
Original Nias text with German translation in Lageman, p.23f.
99
stone raising festival), fo’ere börö nadu (chant for blessing from ancestors and
Lowalangi inside the house in front of the wall panel with the ancestor throne), fo’ere
ba mbölömbölö (prayer at the mbölömbölö stone to Lowalangi for success) and the
fo’ere daro daro (during the actual stone raising to ask for success and the blessing of
the ancestors). “The monument does not become ‘official’ until blessed through the
According to the informant F.A. Yana Zebua, fo’ere is the oldest musical
form on Nias, and the fondrahi the oldest instrument, that has been, as the legend
tells,
oleh leluhur Etnis Nias yang pertama tiba home by the first ethnic ancestors of the
di Tanö Niha, yaitu oleh baginda Hia Niassans weho reached Nias, that is His
Walangi’adu (di Börönadu Gomo), kira- Majesty Hia Walangi’adu (in Börönadu,
kira 2000 – 1000 sebelum Masehi”.112 Gomo), around 2000 – 1000 B.C.’
111
Patton, Marlene Meyer, Traditional Music in South Nias, Indonesia, with emphasis
upon “hoho”: Voices of the Ancestors. Hawaii, 1987, p. 52
112
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, and Pusat Musik Liturgi Yogyakarta, Hasil
Lokakarya Komposisi Musik Liturgi. 1.-10.Juli 1987 di Sirombo Nias.
Yogyakarta: Pusat Musik Liturgi, 1987, p. 26
100
Fanumba Golu –
The North Nias owasa festival of Fanumba Golu, “the shaking of the house”,
Lahagu was able to reconstruct text and dance steps for the whole sequence of songs
performed for this occasion which was formerly common in the district of Alasa.
(The text will be attached at the end of the thesis). This will demonstrate how closely
connected celebrations are with dance and music, how actually the whole celebration
is a big live opera, from the entrance procession, following a composed sequence.
With Tari Hiwö, the guests are welcomed and guided through the garden gate
to the house door. The text compares the host to the god Daolo Langi, who prepares
special items for an owasa feast, like the gari sword and the aramba gong, and how
popular he is, that so many people follow this extraordinary owasa to which he
invites others by beating the gari on the aramba. A Hoho tells all participants how
the dances for this festival have to be done, by stamping on the ground, as Doalo
Langi did when he celebrated the first of all owasa feasts. In the Tari Fanumba
Golu, the guests praise the house and the house door, that is today much more
inviting than any other house door in the village. Then they enter in order to test the
The Tari Famaheu Omo is a wild dance, where all men stamp as powerfully
as possible on the floor, hold onto the pillars of the house and try to shake them. The
text mentions different kinds of fungi the wood of the house could have, the quality of
101
the wood, and refers the pillars back to the wood of the harimao.113 If it is the
“denari” wood, the pillars would be infected with lambi-lambi and landröta (two
types of fungus), but this house is made of lawa wood (one of the hardest wood types
on Nias). This kind of wood comes, according to the legend, from the bronze heart of
the god Sanata Luo Mewöna that has been taken out and planted in the dao – stone.114
After 4 days and nights, the sprouts generate seven fruits. The oldest of the sprouts is
then used for the wood that will be taken to make the edge and cross pillars of the
house. In this dance, those pillars are shaken by up to 200 men and women densely
jumping in the house. If the house breaks, then the owasa is over and the house has to
be rebuilt. If the host has doubts about the quality of the house in advance, he has one
way out: “dann hält er die Leute an der Haustreppe auf und bezahlt als Lösegeld ein
Schwein. Ruhmreicher aber ist es, wenn das Haus den Härtetest aushält” (then he
stops the people at the doorsteps and pays a pig as a ransom. It is, however, more
If the house withstands these tests, a soloist shouts the höli-höli, the mark of a
decision, which is sung in the Tari Famadögö Omo. It is to praise the house, and to
allow the house to remain as it is, to be taken over by the hosts and officially opened.
113
In the pesta harimau, the festival of the tiger, a wooden tiger sculpture is carried
through the village. Everyone can throw his sorrows and sins onto the sculpture
that is then drowned in the river so that the sins are extinct.
114
A stone onto which promises are given, similar to the fondrakö stone, which is then,
like a dog with his legs tied up, thrown into a hole. From that time on, the stone
has the power to bring curse or blessing over the villagers Prayers and
confessions are dedicated to the stone if the promises have been broken.
115
Hämmerle, Johannes M., email to the author. Gunungsitoli, 23.9.2003.
102
At this point, the actual owasa feast commences, at which more dances, for
Faith and religion throughout history, have been among the main motivations
for artistic creation. Early Christianity formed a symbiosis with the arts, which found
expression in various art forms, and the arts found many of their contents in this
the Roman liturgy (Antifonale cento) in A.D 599 under Pope Gregory I (590-604),
famous composers from Palestine through Mozart to Webber, all of whom composed
masses and prayers, or musical forms created by this symbiosis, like the mass, the
requiem, litanies, oratories, cantatas, motets, and others. All these forms have
influence of music and religion, religion now denoting the institution seated in the
Vatican, personified in the Pope. He is the ultimate authority who sets regulations for
liturgical music and also sets limits to artistic freedom in sacral creation, as Gregory I
did. Too many different regional styles of chant had developed (Roman, Milan,
Spanish, Gallic, Irish, British, etc.). The Bishop of Salzburg forced Mozart in the
18thcentury to keep his masses shorter than 25 minutes (creating the form of the
103
Missa brevis) to keep a time frame of 45 minutes for the entire service. John Paul II
celebrated the first techno – mass to open the service to modern musical forms and
Faith and religion inspired the arts everywhere, as in Nias. Thus the oldest
music form in Nias, according to Yana Zebua, as mentioned in the previous chapter,
Music is the art that indicates most clearly the stages of localization. Music is
the area in which systematic interculturation is most advanced. This is one of the
main aims of the office for liturgical music in Yogyakarta, Pusat Musik Liturgi
(PML), which is responsible for Catholic Church music throughout Indonesia. None
of the other art forms has such an institution supporting systematic advances in
interculturative work. PML has developed from an office for church music into an
archive of recordings of music and dances from composers’ workshops from Nias to
Irian Jaya.
Johann Sebastian Bach’s hymns or Gregorian chants to Asians, Africans, and South
Americans. Film material of the 1920s gives examples of a white priest teaching
western sacred songs to Indonesians on brass instruments. The big cultural tragedy
was that the missionaries not only added these new traits to the existing forms, but
they tried to replace local culture with European arts and music. Too many cases of
are witness to that method. In Nias, as one concrete example, the fondrahi, drum of
104
the adat-priest, was forbidden, the ancestor figures banned, the dances and songs,
considered rude and hostile by western priests, were not allowed under threat of
excommunication. An advantage of Nias was its oral tradition. There were no notes
or books to be burnt, so history, genealogy, the stories of the gods and the origins of
the Nias people were perpetuated orally. But many fine arts and handicraft pieces of
wood and stone, the ornamented everyday tools, and artifacts like spears, swords,
shields, jewelry, combs or hairpins of gold (said to have magic power) were taken
away and – ambiguously enough – often kept by priests and ended up in European
more in the bigger and easily accessible stations. Whereas the import of the organ is
definitely a missionary deed, the integration of the guitar occurs mainly in the style of
western and westernized Indonesian pop music. Most churches have, however, also a
gong, used to mark the beginning, highlight and end of the central part of Catholic
service, the Eucharist, and is therefore beaten at the Sanctus,116 directly during the
two parts of transubstantiation and immediately before the Lord’s prayer. Two
discussions, one 70 years ago, one quite recently, show, that the introduction of the
116
Structure of a mass: Kyrie (introductory call to god for merci) – Gloria (praise of god)
– Credo (I believe – the confession of faith) – Sanctus (holy – introduction to
the Eucharist) – Benedictus (blessed – end of Eucharist) – Agnus Dei (lamb of
god – prayer to the transubstantiated host as sacrifice to take away the sins of
the world).
105
During Kunst’s field trip in 1930, the missionary Dörmann raised the
Hilismaetanö. They answered: “ `we shall never give our consent to put the gongs in
the place of our sounding-bell’. […] the sound of the gongs reminded them too much
of the paganism; it revived in their hearts the fear of evil spirits, and perhaps in their
secret souls they still felt the seductive charm of the, after all, very recent past; and so
the idea of having this heathenish, though beautiful music intruding in their Christian
Pastor Hadrian described one encounter when the small gong, faritia, was
beaten for the first time in the new church in Tögizita in 1997. One of the local men
asked him: “Pastor, where is the pig?” The Pastor wondered: “Why a pig?” And the
Niassan countered: “Whenever the gong is beaten, a pig must be slaughtered and
distributed.” What seems like an anecdote has been real psychological conditioning in
the sense of Pavlov. With the sound of the gong, the men began to salivate expecting
the taste of pork. Today, the gong is a usual sound in services, but the people have
Whereas gongs, aramba and faritia, as well as drums, göndra and tamburu,
have found their way into church, there is one instrument which the Niassans
themselves still keep out or the Catholic liturgy: the fondrahi. It is the adat priest’s
instrument, and therefore considered inappropriate to be played for the Christian god,
although present missionaries see no such an offence in it. One possible explanation
117
Kunst, Jaap, Music in Nias. Leiden: Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, Vol.
XXXVIII. E.J.Brill, 1939, p. 27
106
is that the strict education by early missionaries imposed such a moral system on the
Niassans, that a liberalization of this rule is not easily accepted. Especially speaking
what has been prohibited by former missionaries. This has succeeded for all
instruments except the fondrahi. Karl-Edmund Prier confirms for that process
manchmal ab, sie schwärmen immer noch für Gregorianik und die damit verbundene
inculturation, they still admire Gregorian Chant and mysticism and nostalgia
assossiated with it’). The monks don’t try to impose this revision of old regulations,
but clearly express to Niassans that the church has lifted those former restrictions.
The priests’ motivation for this effort, especially in the case of Hämmerle and Hess,
engagement for Nias culture has become an aim indepentent from their role as
god to play an instrument that is connected to rituals of their old religion, some see it
as an offence against their old religion if the fondrahi were to be misused for the new
religion.
118
Prier, Karl-Edmund, Interview with the author. Yogyakarta, 12.3.2002.
107
concerts. The sources for sacred music are two songbooks. One is Madah Bakti,
contains prayers and songs in Bahasa Indonesia and Latin and mixed musical styles:
Indonesian modern, and regional songs from all parts of Indonesia (including Nias)
and some Asian neighbors. The last edition of Madah Bakti (2000)119 contains over
1300 songs.
language). Some songs are trilingual (Latin, Indonesian and Niassan). It contains
many traditional songs from Nias, but also melodies from other parts of Indonesia and
the West. While Madah Bakti is edited by the Pusat Musik Liturgi and distributed to
The main initiative for this kind of liturgical work in Indonesia lies in the
Prier, a German Jesuit monk. His “team PML” basically consists of himself, the
Javanese musician and composer Paul Widyawan, and Pak Budi, a sound technician.
They travel through the nation conducting seminars and workshops, so-called
119
Pusat Musik Liturgi, Madah Bakti. Buku doa dan Nyanyian. Yogyakarta, 2000
108
music. A Lokakarya usually takes place at the invitation of a local person, mostly but
not necessarily a priest, whose responsibilities lie in the area of music or liturgy or
both. Some are motivated by examples from other regions and express the wish to
have interculturative songs in local style. Some already have experience in musical
interculturation and composition workshops (like Nias) and ask for continuity,
Participants are local musicians or people who are active in the church
community. The local church as host chooses the participants. With a well-structured
organization throughout the island, the church is able to involve representatives from
all areas of Nias, which not only adds more stylistic variety to the workshop, but also
between genres, terminology and performance, and gives a more complete image of
brought up by selective research. Thus, for example, the material recorded by the
author from the workshops 2002 and 1987 by the PML delivers important proof that
several music genres dedicated in origin to the southern villages have roots in the
north, northwest, or the Gomo area. The south is overrepresented in tourism, research
and business, as the structure of southern villages and society provide stronger
Only people are invited for the Lokakarya who are affiliated in any way,
mostly in a highly engaged and active way, to the church. Thus, should any conflict
arise between culture and the requirements of the church, participants are unlikely to
Furthermore, with the team from the liturgical central office from Yogyakarta
leading the workshop, the authorities that head the process of composing new
the vastness of their area of responsibilities. For the most recent Lokakarya, in June
exists, the team PML arrived without any knowledge of the local music and, based on
some performances, led a local composers’ workshop. Thus, the PML is the
authority, which is in certain aspects not justified. As central institution for liturgical
instruments, audio and video material as well as notation from all over the country
the music of the regions and the contextualization of the music, local musicians are,
however, the more knowledgeable and more experienced specialists. Yet this local
lokakarya as it lies more on the side of the church than of the local artist. In case of
clashes, Nias music must adapt to liturgical requirements, and the opinion of the
local arts, and personal taste). The Nias musicians have no influence in the final
arrangements and corrections before printing, as this is entirely in the hands of Paul
This explains statements obtained in interviews with such PML staff as Pater
Prier that it was their aim to let the locals themselves become aware of the
characteristic elements of their music. In Pater Prier’s opinion, they don’t understand
their own music due to a lack of awareness of their own culture. Paul Widyawan,
PML’s composer and arranger, even claimed that the Niassans were not bright
enough to understand their own music, because of a lack of mother’s milk during
their infant years due to poverty and underdevelopment. “We help them understand
The role of the locals is then to contribute traditional music and deduce, under
the instructions of the team PML, patterns and motifs recurring with sufficient
frequency that they could be regarded as typical for the region. Deconstructing,
altering, and reconstructing them should then lead to new compositions. Those
compositions will then be revised by the group and finally by the team from
Yogyakarta. Some of the compositions evaluated as good will then be included in the
new edition of the Madah Bakti for Indonesia-wide use. Some are later rearranged for
mixed-voice harmony, or even during the last night of the lokakarya by Paul
songbooks for choirs for use in churches. They also appear in concerts of the PML’s
own choir Vocalist Sonora, led by Paul Widyawan. This choir, consisting of
representatives of church communities all over Indonesia who attend courses or full-
time studies of church music at the PML, performs in a mixture of regional traditional
clothes presenting per concert a potpourri of lagu lagu inkulturasi daerah daerah
120
Widyawan, Paul, Interview with the author. Yogyakarta, 12.3.2002.
111
Indonesia (ind.), inculturative songs of the regions of Indonesia. The main soloist
singer or dancer role may be taken over by a representative of the region of origin of
the song. In June 2002, rehearsals for a Nias song in Yogyakarta, where Niassans had
the role of the dancers and instrumentalists, Widyawan corrected the Niassans’ way
of playing and dancing the Nias song to such an extent, that in their confusion they
just followed all the instructions. After the rehearsal, one of the participants admitted
to me, that he didn’t recognize much in the song that was still “Niassan”.
One of the conflicts detected could be described as ‘in good intention wanting
Nias songs in a arbitrary ‘cut-and-paste’ manner until the piece was overflowing with
patterns that stand in no context to each other: shouts of ‘ho’ as in war songs, ‘hu’,
‘he’ as in hiwö-hiwö or höli-höli, maena dance steps for the choir and men singing the
‘he – a – he’ (1 – 5 – 1) ostinato as used for the lullaby famada’ehe ono (which is
originally sung solo by a girl). The accompaniment was an on-beat aramba, a göndra
simply played on-beat leaving out its characteristic rhythmic variety of the two sides
played differently, the combination of two faritia and a tamburu in the pattern used
organ part with cadenzas, scales and ornaments played by Pater Prier himself, a
German-trained church musician and organist (he arranged the organ part by himself).
Playing the recording of exactly this scene later to Niassans in Nias, they
appreciated the effort with a polite smile, yet declared their inability to recognize
112
much of a Nias song; it is bukan lagu Nias lagi, “no Nias song anymore”.121 The final
arrangement in a concert. In that form, they rarely make the way back to the churches
in Nias and therefore seldom get feedback from people in their place of origin.
The development of such a creation can be seen from close inspection of the
procedure of a lokakarya:
some of the new songs of both workshops were published in the 1992
edition of the Madah Bakti, some were printed with Nias text 1993 in
121
Nias member of Vocalista Sonora. Conversation with the author. Yogyakarta, 2002.
122
Ordinarum is the complete text of a mass, before the Vatican Council II only in Latin
language, since then also allowed in the regional languages, in this case in Nias
language.
113
A similar seminar for liturgical dances, seminar tari liturgi, without the Pusat Musik
Liturgi Yogyakarta, but with the German dance educator Waltraut Schneider123 took
To follow the procedure of such a workshop and the steps in the creation of such new
In Nias’ case, Pastor Hadrian Hess, Head of the Liturgical Commission of the
Dioceses Sibolga was the host. He invited the Team Pusat Musik Liturgi from
Yogyakarta as central authority for liturgical music in Indonesia and publisher of the
Thirty-seven people, active in church, most but not all also active in music,
from different areas of Nias, participated. Besides the people from Yogya, only one
123
Waltraut Schneider is dance educator in Germany. Her background is training in
religious and dance education. She was invited by Pater Hadrian Hess, who is
related to her.
114
Singapore.
The whole workshop had an obviously liturgical and cultural frame. The
arrival of the Team PML was celebrated in the style of greeting guests for an owasa
feast at the entrance to the garden and guiding them to the house. It was accompanied
with music and dance for a procession, two faritia and tamburu, göndra and aramba.
The ceremony included a welcome dance, the taro moyo, and a speech by the host.
Prepared betel nuts124 as welcome presents were supposed to be chewed together. The
working sessions started and ended with prayers and liturgical songs. Every morning
a service was celebrated. The Sunday within the Lokakarya, ideally the last day of the
conference, is in general the highlight with a mass and the performance of the newly
The structure of the working sessions began with introductory talks on liturgy
and inculturation by Prier and Hess. They showed not only the limits within which
the new compositions have to be created, but also gave the impression of a
legitimizing function to counter any doubts that the work of the Lokakarya would
methods of missionarizing; thus explaining the aims of this approach to the local
culture has an effect of strengthening the cultural self-confidence of the locals within
124
Betel nut has to be rolled in betel leaves together with chalk and tobacco. They are
presented in the Nias form of a tempat sire (bola bola).
115
Several cultural basics were mentioned in a talk about Nias by Pater Hadrian
Hess: its regions, and the different customs, ceremonies and musical genres and
instruments. Then the groups of participants performed their song and dance
The goal of the workshop is clear: the composition of new songs for use in
church. The finer aim is set by the head of the local liturgical commission who has
analyzed the status quo of Nias interculturative songs and chosen topics or functions,
for which the new compositions should be applicable. The 2002 workshop was
particularly supposed to create opening songs and Eucharistic song, as well as songs
for Easter and psalms. The liturgical commission had prepared texts in Indonesian
and Nias language for these occasions to be used for the new compositions.
The composition workshop in 2002 was of high interest for this research, as
the team PML arrived 3 days late due to a flight cancellation. Thus I was able to see
the difference in the working process between the period when the locals were
working among themselves125 and when later the authority from Yogyakarta was
present.
In this first period, Pastor Hadrian and I structured the working phases. In
125
With two compromises: Pastor Hadrian Hess, who is after more than 30 years on Nias
not seen as foreign element anymore, and I, who am after six years of research
trips integrated and accepted as observer, thus the influence of my presence is
limited.
116
expanded the program point of the performance of the contributions by groups from
different Nias regions.126 The videography which the technician Pak Budi compiles
for team PML was arranged with my equipment, so that Pater Prier could use the
material and on his arrival immediately proceed with the recomposition process.
Fine differences were elaborated between the Hoho of the Börönadu Hia
(living at the top of the river Gomo) and the Börönadu Gözö (at the bottom of the
Gomo valley),127 who are traditionally of rival tribes, in their ornamentation and
preferred use of texts. The topic of the ere’s function and the types of fo’ere was
treated more in depth than at the 1987 lokakarya. Fabölösi, Famadaehe ono and
missed in the previous lokakarya) and participants from Gidö and Idanö Gawo
clarified the differences between Tari Moyo and Tari Tuwu. This was the first time,
that the gathered musicians discussed Nias instrument in depth. Questions concerning
126
My research on Nias was during most of my trips in the mode of participatory
observation. The Lokakarya 2002 put me in a second role, as active participant
officially invited as ethnomusicological representative from the National
University of Singapore. In this function, I influenced the extension of this
musical-ethnographic phase out of ethnomusicological interest as well as in the
opinion that the creation of fusion can only be of satisfactory quality if the
original, basic works are studied well enough. Taking nearly three days time to
observe and discuss traditional songs, dances and their regional modifications
shed light on many open questions from present performance practice,
information from existing literature as well as results from previous
Lokakaryas.
127
According to myths, the Börönadu family was separated when their ancestors Hia and
Gözö, sons of Siraso, had a fight. Hia managed to win their father’s test, and
was called the elder brother and Siraso’s successor. After Hia’s death, his son,
Silewe Mazauwu, kept his heart, which was still talking and advising the
family, in a bottle. When Hia’s heart lectured the wife of the youngest son, she
just spilt the heart into the Gomo River. Silewe killed her and sought the heart
as far as the Gomo river valley without success. Returning, he cursed all
successors of Gözö for throwing away his father’s heart and abandoned them to
life down in the northern river valley of the Gomo. Since then, according to the
myth, north and south are enemies.
117
their origin, their playing technique and function were elaborated and patterns shown
in demonstrations.
interculturative songs for Easter, Advent, and a complete ordinarium (kyrie, gloria,
credo, sanctus, benedictus, agnus dei). With the texts for expected new songs
prepared, the participants were just about to start deconstructing and reconstructing
their contributed songs for church use, when the team PML joined the session.
Instead of continuing the procedure, the whole Lokakarya had to start again. They
disagreed with several factors. The audio accompaniment of the video recording was
not up to their expectations. The first composition attempts didn’t please due to a lack
of musical preparation, which should have been provided by the team PML. Pastor
Hadrian had prepared texts in Indonesian and Nias language, from which all groups
chose the Nias texts for their compositions. The PML, however, wanted to create
solely Indonesian songs during the Lokakarya as compositions for the national
The work which the participants had done up to then was mostly evaluated as
so called “contra facture”, breaking away one element from a song as a whole and
just combining it with a new element without modifying anything. Many members
kept so close to the basic melody of their song and just distributed the sacred text onto
the old notes, that it would not fulfill the aim of the lokakarya anymore: the creation
Under these circumstances, the team PML started the Lokakarya from scratch
front of the panel from Yogyakarta: the behavior of the entire group was much more
restricted. There was hardly any audience participation, like the imitation of a crying
baby during the famadaehe ono, or supportive laughter when Pak Viktor from
Sirumbu performed in a graciously elegant way the female dancing part of the Maula.
Also restricted was the use of instruments. While instruments were played wherever
possible during the first performance (which is less an indicator for authenticity, but
for the mood of the performance), only definitely obligatory parts like the tamburu for
Tari Moyo and Tari Tuwu were included. Throughout the second round, no-one
played the zigu, which had been used arbitrarily to double the vocal melody.
happened before, were now held back. Consequently we can state that with the two
different circumstances of the same performance, we have seen, as for many of Nias
music genres, two versions, one in non-formal and one in formal setting.
development in church music based on traditional elements but useable in all areas of
elements does not mean to copy them and just paste a Christian text under a
128
Prier used this term common in western music theory for a custom famous in baroque
music: the re-use of melodies evaluated as good with new texts. One of the
most famous examples is the Austrian song (by Isaak) “Innsbruck, ich muss
dich lassen” from 1495. It has been reused by composers in 1496 (Isaak), 1555
119
music ought to be found and modified. As possible modifications, Prier again noted
might be considered difficult in other music cultures and vice versa. I witnessed
several services where Niassans tried to sing a Javanese or Sundanese song from the
Madah Bakti. The community was each time hardly able to manage the slendro, pelog
or madenda tuning. On some occasions, the song was stopped in the middle after all
those in attendance gave up. Experiences from other areas show that Javanese or
Germany, introduced to the Niassans typical patterns used in Nias music. What
sounds like a paradox is indeed the source for first conflicts. His knowledge is based
on three previous Lokakarya in Nias and their recordings, as well as the commercial
from those Hoho as “motif-motif nada khas Nias”, ‘note motifs in the style of
Nias’,129 e.g.:
____3____ __3__
a)130 2 3 5 3 1 2 2 . 2
_______ ___
b) 1 2 3 2 3 5 . 3 2
2 3 3
c) 3 3 5 5 (as grace notes)
d) 1 2 3 4 / 3 3432 / 1 2 1 2 / 1 1 0 1 0 / 2
noted that Hoho is a complex form of chant for highly specialized singers, especially
the leader, who introduces the ornaments after his taste and stylistic sentiment,
attempt, the participants automatically soften the hard punctuated rhythms into
1 2 3 4 / 3 3 4 3 / 21 2 1 2 / 1 . 1 2
130
Instead of a high 3 in the first pattern noting a triplet, a 5 should be written, as it is 5
not 3 notes sung on one beat.
121
In his correction, Widyawan asked the singers not to sing triplets, which
repeatedly failed. An approach to the punctuations was only made after instructions to
sing in a rude manner with an aggressive portamento into each on-beat and
punctuated note (which Widyawan depicted as one of the most striking characteristics
of Nias music and admitted that this is what he personally admires most, the harsh
and energetic singing of Niassans when they shout their ‘hu!’ and ‘he!’).131
Another problem lies in faster ornaments, like the sixteenth note movement in
b) and d), as well as a pattern of 5 tones per beat, like the start of a). This is more
suitable for a trained or experienced soloist than a group such as gathered in the
PML’s short-term research opportunities, in this case the deduction of patterns from a
Bawomataluo, that results in the imposition on the workshop of ideas about how
Niassans are assumed by outsiders to sing, typically neglecting the many other forms,
some of which prove to be much more suitable for community chant. These patterns
were given by Widyawan as a pool to pick from for later composition; the groups
were supposed to make use of them, as well as from a list of rhythms noted down by
him. With the text being given, their motifs being reduced to the chosen melodic and
131
After this session, some of the Niassan gave me the feedback that they were tired of
and partly offended by being reduced to the rude, aggressive character. They
wouldn’t sing war songs the whole day; they had many more melodious and
entertaining music for leisure and ceremonies.
122
limited. Later attempts considering Widyawan’s suggestions show the conflict, which
resulted.
appropriateness of certain pieces and their character and function for use in liturgy,
e.g. welcome songs as opening songs, female dances as songs to Mary, songs while
mostly musical, Hess and the participants were mainly searching for such topical
correlations.
In sectional work, the regional groups analyzed their songs, took out
composition attempts applied to the text given out by Hess, trying hard to include
Widyawan’s patterns and rhythms. These attempts were then represented in notation
and sung by the respective group. In a session including the whole panel again, Prier
and Widyawan corrected the groups’ attempts, mostly stylistically musically, but also
concerning the proper distribution of the text. In a second group work session, those
corrections were applied and the new composition attained its final form.
The group from Teluk Dalam, having contributed a Hoho böli böli, or Hoho
132
This is the identical copy of the notation of the composition of group I. The meaning
of the text is, as in the first part of the ordinarium, the Kyrie: “Lord, have mercy
upon us, Christ, Have mercy upon us, Lord, have mercy upon us.”
123
// 5 . . 5 6 5 4 / 5 . . 5 5 6 7 / 6 . . 5 6 . / 4 5 . 5 . . //
// 6 . . 7 5 6 / 5 . . 6 6 7 7 / 7 . . 7 5 6 4 / 6 . . 6 . . //
// 5 . . 5 6 5 4 / 5 . . 5 5 6 7 / 6 . . 5 6 . / 4 5 . 5 . . //
Repeated attempts by the group to sing their own composition failed due to
rhythmical requirements. Some singers dropped out at the first movement of four 16th
notes, the rest failed at the second 16th note group adding syllabic text. Other
criticized the text distribution as wrong phrasing and stressing. The participants were
dissatisfied, because they simply were not able to sing the song.
afterwards, we see in the score sheet, that all 16th movements have finally been
eliminated and replaced by triplets, which has proven by many examples to be the
instinctive way of Niassans to soften harsh sounding patterns and make them more
singable. The text has been replaced by Indonesian language. A grace note, as
124
suggested by Widyawan, has been added to the first beat of the last bar of line 1 and
3.
worked all night to arrange and harmonize as many of the new compositions as
The Sunday mass was the first performance of many of the new songs. As
many of the local Catholic community were aware of the ongoing Lokakarya, the
The new compositions may appear in several publications (which are all under
the responsibility and name of the PML alone; the participants have no influence
of the workshop includes detailed schedules even for praying and showering times as
well as the participants’ results and the complete arrangements of Paul Widyawan.
officially ratified by the central liturgical commission and the Archbishop in Jakarta,
which can take several years, or the more often revised “supplemen madah bakti”, a
supplement to the Madah Bakti until a new edition appears. There the songs will be
published in Indonesian language. The fruits of the work in the Lokakaryas can be
seen if we compare the Madah Bakti from 1980, before any Lokakarya had taken
place, and the new edition from 2000. The latter not only contains 238 numbers
(songs and prayers) more, but eliminates 58 songs from the 1980 edition which were
evaluated as less liked by the people. The 238 new songs are all “nyanyian
Then there is the regional Catholic songbook Laudate, edited by the liturgical
commission of the diocese Sibolga and ratified by the Bishop of Sibolga. Most texts
133
Pusat Musik Liturgi, Madah Bakti. Buku doa dan Nyanyian. Yogyakarta, 2000, Kata
Pengantar
126
The musicians from the area of east-central Nias, Gidö and Idanö Gawo
performed the Tari Moyo and Tari Tuwu as their contributions. These are two very
similar dances, as described in a previous chapter, yet their singing parts differ from
each other. According to the performers’ information, there was originally no song in
either of the two dances. During recent decades, people have added a vocal part to the
Tari Moyo, and a very short sung phrase to the Tari Tuwu. (The informant at the
Lokakarya 2002 mentioned, that only for the last 10 years people have been adding a
text to the Tari Moyo. A recording from the archive of the PML from the Lokakarya
1987 however shows that 15 years earlier the participants of the workshop at that time
already sang Tari Moyo with the same melody and text. The 1987 is even more
complete, as the group from Gidö in 2002 could not recall anymore the melody for
We will first note the Tari Moyo, the eagle dance, danced and sung by
women. An interesting aspect hereby is, that we find interculturative songs based on
Tari Moyo in nearly all the above mentioned song books, the Laudate, the Madah
Bakti, the report “Hasil Lokakarya”, the choir book for mixed voices and some other
song booklets for special occasions. We can therefore not only compare different
same song in two different periods of time, as Tari Moyo was used during the first
Tari Moyo
(as performed at the Lokakarya 2002 by the participants from Gidö, see CD rom
“Tari Moyo”)
Solo: 5 3 all: 5 3
Hi____i Hi____i
I.verse
0 3 5 6 6 . . . 5. 6 5 3 . . . 03 5 6 5 . . . 3 . 5 5 5
ba böi mi da _ _ _ _ _ _ I da _ _ _ mi da ‘I sa _ _ _ _ _ _ na ri
böi mi fa ti _ _ _ _ _ _ ti bu _ _ _ ‘u _ ga _ _ _ _ _ _ li si
me lö mo roi _ _ _ _ _ _ fu ri _ _ _ da _ e _ _ _ _ _ _ ma li
II.verse134
. ba hu lö mo _ _ _ _ _ _ _ yo _ _ _ sa na ri na _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ri
hu lö zum bi _ _ _ _ _ _ _ la _ _ _ sa ma su ma _ _ _ _ _ _ su i
134
The verses written under II.verse have been left out at the first performance during
the Lokakarya 2002, and sung simply as additional verses with the melody
under I.verse in a second performance. Comparison with a recording from 1987
will show, that for II. sentence, the melody is missing in this notation.
Also the end part was not remembered at the first presentation, only after an
exchange with other musicians, the end part could be added for the second
performance.
129
i tu fa da _ _ _ _ _ _ _ nö _ _ _ wa na ri na _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ri
i he ne ngai _ _ _ _ _ _ _ sa _ _ _ wa ma su ma _ _ _ _ _ _ su i
Endpart:
. 5 1 . 3 2 1 . 5 5 1 . 3 2 1 . .
ma na _ ri zum bi _ la ma na _ ri mo yo _ _
. 3 5 5 6 5 3 . 3 3. 2 2 3 2 1.
ha tö ma ‘i fu tö _ ba i tu fa tou da nö
130
The notation is deducted from the attached video sample recorded by the
author at the Lokakarya 2002. It is also available in the report of the Lokakarya
published by the PML. As the team PML’s arrival was delayed, they couldn’t attend
that performance. Therefore, their published score differs slightly from the notation
presented here. Particularly in rhythm, their instructions do not resemble the Tari
Moyo as performed.
According to the recording from 1987, the melody for the second verse is:
0 5 5 5/6 . . ./1‘5 5 6 / 5
Verses 1 and 2 are then in the 1987 version sung alternating, responsorial.
Therefore, instead of going into an end part as notated above, the group accelerated
the singing of the verse and the beat of the tamburu, while the second verse was more
It is therefore important to be aware that Tari Moyo has gone through several
stages of development. The version as performed 1987 in Teluk Dalam, South Nias,
has an accelerated final part, which is a derivation of the Tari Moyo derived from the
Gidö area, on which the informants in 2002 agreed. On the other hand we have
different information for Gidö: one saying, there is no melody for the second verse,
the melody of the first verse is just repeated, one saying that the second .verse had a
melody, but it was just not been remembered anymore by the representatives of Gidö.
131
Keeping this in mind, publications describing the tone material of the Tari
different Lokakaryas. The sequence follows the historical line 1987 – 2002:
135
The Hasil Lokakarya IV (Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, and Pusat Musik
Liturgi Yogyakarta, Hasil Lokakarya Komposisi Musik Liturgi. 17.-24.Juli
2002 di Gunungsitoli Nias. Yogyakarta: Pusat Musik Liturgi, 2002) does so
(p.8), although contradicting itself printing the complete notation as above
including the end part (p.10) with the notes 1 – 2 – 3 – 5 – 6.
132
136
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, Laudate. Buku Doa dan Nyanyian dalam Bahasa
Nias. Ratified by: Bishop Anicatus Sinaga. Sibolga, 1993. p.147, Song Nr. 124
133
137
Pusat Musik Liturgi, Madah Bakti. Buku Doa dan Nyanyian. Ratified by Mgr.
Ignatius Suharyo, Archbishop of Semarang, 26.5.2000. PML, Yogyakarta 2000.
p. 880, Song Nr. 814
134
138
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, Aine Sion. Buku Koor Bahasa Nias. Tögizita,
1996. p.56
135
139
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, Laudate. Buku Doa dan Nyanyian dalam Bahasa
Nias. Ratified by: Bishop Anicatus Sinaga. Sibolga, 1993. p.133, Song Nr.111
136
140
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, and Pusat Musik Liturgi Yogyakarta, Hasil
Lokakarya Komposisi Musik Liturgi. 6.-14.Juli 1995 di Gunungsitoli, Nias.
Yogyakarta: Pusat Musik Liturgi, 1995, p. 44
141
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, Magnifikat. Buku Koor & Vocal Group untuk
Muda-Mudi & Anak-Anak. Tögizita, 1999, p.17
137
142
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, Aine Sion. Buku Koor Bahasa Nias. Tögizita,
1996, p. 47
138
143
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, and Pusat Musik Liturgi Yogyakarta, Hasil
Lokakarya Komposisi Musik Liturgi. 17.-24.Juli 2002 di Gunungsitoli Nias.
Yogyakarta: Pusat Musik Liturgi, 2002, p.43
144
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, and Pusat Musik Liturgi Yogyakarta, Hasil
Lokakarya Komposisi Musik Liturgi. 17.-24.Juli 2002 di Gunungsitoli Nias.
Yogyakarta: Pusat Musik Liturgi, 2002, p.44
139
Among this series of variations of the Tari Moyo for liturgical use, we have
three examples (1a, b, c) based on the same melody and created at the Lokakarya in
1987. Example 2 is also from 1987, yet different as it is a psalm and therefore
composed in a form unique for that genre. Variations 3a and b were created during
the Lokakarya in 1995 and identical in their music, only differing in that the version
in Bahasa Indonesia was printed immediately after its composition in the booklet
publishing the new songs of the workshop, and 3b was published four years later in a
1995, arranged for mixed voices (soprano, alto, tenor, bass) and published by
Widyawan in 1996. Finally versions 5a) and b) are results from the previous
Lokakarya 2002, a) is the melody as composed by the group from Gidö with the
amendments from the team PML, b) is the “last minute arrangement” for two voices,
handwritten by Widyawan in the night before its first presentation during Sunday
service.
For the variations 1a,b,c, and 2 we refer back to the basic Tari Moyo as
performed in 1987 presenting the opening and verse I as in the notation of the Tari
Moyo performed 2002. Verse II with the additionally mentioned melody was sung as
responsorial to verse I. The end part, as notated above, was missing, the verses were
verses, they change from solo – verse (three text verses) to tutti / chorus refrain.
140
Neither opening nor end part is integrated; the song ends with the repetition of the
refrain.
Keeping the 4/4 rhythm from the Tari Moyo, the phrases are however
significantly longer: in Tari Moyo verse I has four bars (anacrusis and end bar always
counted as 1), verse II only 2 bars. The refrain of 1a) and b) has eight bars, the verse
six (as parallel we might see a shorter response line). The tonal material includes in
1987 recording, 3 – 5 – 6 in verse I, 5 – 6 – 7 n verse II. Yet some patterns, like the 5
–6 –5 movement in the first bar of the refrain and the second bar of the verse remind
one of the motif of the first two bars in verse I of the Tari Moyo.
original versions, 1987 and 2002, have punctuations nor triplets, whereas the
frequently use them. Using punctuations was one of the suggestions of Widyawan to
add to new composition, as they are used in Hoho, and therefore a Nias pattern of
high popularity outside of Nias. He furthermore wished to make the new songs lively
with punctuations, in contrast to the calm regular, non-punctuated line of the Tari
composition process from the non-local side, the tendency toward triplets is also in
local taste. From both sides, outsiders and locals, the triplet seems to be felt as the
punctuations mentioned, imposed by an outsider, and which for this song genre (Tari
Moyo as a female song, in legate phrasing describing the circles an eagle flies in the
141
air) are actually inappropriate, are smoothened when sung by locals with triplets.
Variation 1a, today frequently in use during service, is then sung as follows:
5.6/5.. 003 2 . 1 2 . 1 2 . 1 / 1
setting after western harmony rules (sometimes broken as e.g. a unison meeting of
both voices, like on 1, the first beat of the forth refrain bar, ought to be avoided).
melodies immediately improvising a simple bass line after western cadenza models.
notates. Thus the harmonized arrangement is not printed in the songbook for
community use. Aine Sion is a songbook for youth choirs, who study the piece before
similar to the way that the community would sing the melody as also printed in the
Laudate, the choir adds the trained second voice, and there are always some men in
Variation 2 is also based on the Tari Moyo performed in 1987, but belongs
three verses and a following “Hosanna” exclamation. The beginning of the solo
melody (“mi-lau zi-nu-…”) as well as of its second line / phrase (“Me no Ilau”) is
identical to the first notes of verse I and verse II of Tari Moyo in a lower key. Also
the steadily walking rhythm without punctuations or triplets in the solo verse
resembles the original. Less close are the refrain with triplets without any melodious
correlation and even a hosanna introducing tone 4, which is foreign to the Nias scale.
usually done by the organist (either in a sudden jump or sometimes according to the
The version from 1995, 3a printed in the report of the lokakarya in both
published in 1999 in a choir book for children in Nias language, are identical simple
compositions. They keep close to the original Tari Moyo melody, line 1 of the verse
145
Psalms are sung verses. Three types are being distinguished:
a) psalmody: antiphon (solo – choir response) or responsorial (choir – choir
response) recitation of psalm text, structured in: melody raise (initium), syllabic
recitation on one tone (schofar or tube) until the meditatio, a melody pattern
leading to side tone of the tonica followed by a caesura, then another schofar
until the melody falls to the tonika (finalis).
b) lectio: recitation of biblical prose and prayers. Start and ending of a phrase
have modestly raising or falling melody patterns, leading to or ending the
phrase sung on one tone. Highlights or caesuras are expressed with ekphonetic
accents, melismatic (one syllable on several tones) ornamentations.
c) hymnody: psalm texts in a song form of verse – refrain alternation.
A more melodic and solemn “hosanna” or “halleluya” exclamation follows
most psalms.
146
The German composer and organist Max Reger (1873-1916) pushed the limits of
tonality of his time. He wrote instructions for modulations from any key into
any other key according to harmonically suitable changes (cadences).
143
(as well as the first line of the refrain) using the tone material of the original verse I.,
line 2 of the verse moves mostly in the range of the melody of the conclusion. The
group demonstrating Tari Moyo in 1995 had included the conclusion. The refrain is a
simple responsorial two-voice part, alto mainly repeating the soprano, as also found
several forms of Nias (hoho, hiwö-hiwö). Punctuations and a triplet at the end of the
after the Lokakarya in 1995. It is printed in the choir book in Nias language but is not
in use for the community, as its performance has to be practiced due to the different
voice parts and the structure: line 1 sung by all, line 2 only by women, line 3 by men,
refrain by all. The instructions in the notation require some musical training (cf =
cantus firmus; repetition signs plus modification of the coda in the repetition of the
refrain). With the accumulation of triplets, Widyawan did not keep to the rhythm of
Tari Moyo. Another synthetic element is the change of tempo from andante to
moderato, as in Tari Moyo in both versions, either the acceleration of the verse or the
faster conclusion. Hardly any pattern, except perhaps slightly the start of the refrain,
in most bars two parts are in unison although notated separately, led unison. They
split after a few beats to create harmonic filling of the chord. Lines 2 and 3 are
reduced to two voices, the refrain consists only of a melody in the soprano, the other
The results from the Lokakarya 2002 are rhythmically closer to the original
Tari Moyo, omitting punctuations and triplets, with the exception of the counterpoint
by the soprano in 5b, line 2. While the verses use the tone material of the end part of
the original (which was performed in 2002), the first half of the refrain resembles the
pattern of the first verse of Tari Moyo. In the process of creating the melody of this
variation, the attempt by the local musicians was accepted with just a few
amendments (mainly in the distribution of the text). This shows the Nissan tendency
to stay closer to the original while the team PML seeks a higher level of modification.
Another tendency, contradicting the last statement in a way, is also obvious: despite
tending to stay closer to the original Tari Moyo, the singing custom at the first
presentation during the Lokakarya and then within the first public use during the
replacing them with triplets, as in the end of line 1 of variation 5a, despite the
knowledge that Tari Moyo has no triplets. The triplet seems therefore to be for locals
the most significant characteristic of their music and most comfortable to sing. This
correlations between contents and styles of traditional songs and liturgical occasions
for songs, Niassan and team PML agreed on several relations, which could be used to
build intercultural bridges. Female, rhythmically smooth songs are adequate to honor
Mary, songs for dedicated to the host of an owasa, to describe the dignity of god or
hero fit for prayers and praises to God Father of Jesus, welcome songs are useful for
145
opening songs of the service, songs of sacrifice or while handing over gifts refer to
arts. Each of the single genres would be worth a separate dissertation if we searched
for the detailed backgrounds and contextual meanings. The picture of Nias arts
presented here is therefore not intended to be complete due to the lack of literature,
time and space limitation of this research project, and personal research results. The
artistic modifications and integration into Catholic sacred arts. Thus, aiming to find
out what Catholic missionaries have done with those arts, I focus on two factors: form
and function. These will be the bridge between liturgy and adat.
4.1.1 Architecture
Earlier, we distinguished the three main cultural areas of north, central, and
south Nias. As the dialects, customs and everyday culture change from north to south,
so does artistic expression. Most obvious is the architecture of villages and houses.
North and south are the opposite poles, while we find mixed or transitional forms in
the center. The differences lie in the architecture of the single building but also in the
explains the correlation of socio-political framework and size, structure and position
In southern villages, the houses are built close together along a main street
(iri), which is either one straight stretch or in bigger villages in the shapes of L, T or
†. The village community has priority in work, organization and defense (keep in
mind that historically, southern people were mainly warriors). Thus the compounds
are constructed in inaccessible locations, built on hills, with ditches and fences around
the villages. The official and guarded entrance is a steep stone staircase, often more
than 100 steps long. In the center of the village is the chief’s house, the meeting house
and an assembly area. This is still the case today in many of the preserved villages in
the southern hill region, although only four examples of the omo sebua, the traditional
147
Viaro, Alain, “Architectures of Indonesia: the Nias Island” in Spazio e società / space
& society. Reivista Internationale Di Architettura. Year 15, No. 58. Firenze,
1992, p. 97
148
Central villages are smaller, not “more than a dozen houses”,148 in remote
places on top of hills, and similarly difficult to access by climbing stone staircases.
The houses are coordinated around a central stone plaza with the chief’s house on an
exposed field (orahili gomo) at the shorter side of the rectangular plaza. Opposite the
Orahili Gomo has the largest group of these megalithic figures and gives a model of a
central Nias village structure. Its name is derived from the impressive field with the
They can either be in small groups of seldom more than 6 houses along a street or
spread over a vast area. According to one informant, Ama Attalia Zebua from
Siwahili, district Sihare’e,150 this difference from the south’s more open village
structure is due to the political hierarchy. The villages built groups or circles, the öri.
The respective chiefs of the villages were the government of the öri, of which the
eldest had the position of the tunehöri, the chief of the whole village group. His
village is then also the capital of the öri. If someone wants to strive to be a village
chief, he could only achieve his goal by founding a new village of which he would
then be the chief. The position of each village as an element within the circle of an öri
148
Viaro, Alain, “The Traditional Architectures of Nias” in Nias Tribal Treassures,
Delft: Volkenkundig Museum Nusantara, 1990, p.51
149
For further discussion on the osali’s function see the next chapter on megalithism.
150
Ama Attalia Zebua is the village chief of Siwahili. In this position he is also expert
and guardian of the adat in his village.
149
The architecture of all Nias houses has in common the structure of three
levels: an open lower level of pillars on which the house stands, a middle level which
is the living area for the owner and his family, and a high empty space beneath the
Houses on pillars can be seen all over Southeast Asia. One explanation is that
this originates from the desire to protect the inhabitants from animals. Another
function is to protect domesticated animals, like pigs, goats or hens with shelter
during bad weather. Many Niassans explained that the three levels reflect the
separation of upper- (roof) and underworld (pillars), and in between the living area,
Nias experiences frequent earthquakes, and Nias houses are famous for their
resistance against those natural events. According to the owner of the house in
Sihare’e, security provided by his construction is due to strong pillars, which in the
omo laraga are diagonally crossed like a net and fastened without iron nails but with
firmly interlocking carved joints. The pillars are based on foundations of stone blocks
sunk into the ground. The crossing of the pillars forms a long V shaped gap like an
axis through the lower level under the living area. Additional loose and heavy pillars
with big stones on them to provide added weight are laid into this V (ill.13),
multiplying the pressure of the standing pillars on the foundation stones. This
construction is heavy and stable; the point of gravity at the lower pillar level in the
middle axis prevents the house from falling over during earthquakes. The structure,
150
however, is not stiff. Its flexibility at its joints allows it to give in to the movements of
houses: 151
South Nias
Omo sebua (n.: omo = house; ebua = large), the large house for the chief of a
southern village. Today, only four examples of this type are left, in Bawomataluo
every village in the south had an omo sebua, but the restoration and especially the
for owasa feasts at several points during the process of construction – and therefore
they have become less frequent sights. Bawomataluo has the most impressive
remaining sample of an omo sebua and is (besides the surf beaches) the most famous
site for researchers and tourists in the south. It has a height of 24m and a floor plan of
Two timbers describing a V in the front characterize the narrow side, which
faces the road. The house is entered by walking through the V underneath the house
and climbing a pillar with carved stairs up into the center of the living area. Between
151
Source for the description of the house types are miniature models in the museum in
Gunungsitoli and personal conversations with the founder of the museum,
Pastor Johannes Hämmerle. Hämmerle published this categorization in:
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Omo sebua. Gunungsitoli: Yayasan
Pusaka Nias, 1990, p.89f
151
living and roof level objects connecting both spheres are positioned, such as ancestral
figures, which can be on the wall or on pillars, gongs (aramba), deer horns, relief
The omo sebua has, facing the village square, an open window side, more like
a wooden gutter (zara-zara), from which the chief had a view over the whole village
and could see who was approaching. From the corners of the house, the extension of
the lateral beams (sikhöli), painted or carved as lazara heads (a fantastic animal)
shape the façade. The interior of the house is simple and rather empty with hardly any
furniture in the hall except the wooden stools. Carvings, sculptures, accessories like
ceramic plates hung in rattan nets or weapons and tools fill the walls. A chöli-chöli
pillar in the center can have rich “engravings symbolizing sky, the stars and all the
components of Nias society”.152 There are often hooks around the pillar, on which
guests are supposed to hang their weapons as a sign of a peaceful visit and respect for
The houses of the commoners in the south have a similar structure though
smaller in size (the size symbolizes social ranking). They are built in a row along the
street often grouped in pairs with a narrow roofed path between each of the pairs. The
152
Viaro, Alain, “Architectures of Indonesia: the Nias Island” in Spazio e società / space
& society. Reivista Internationale Di Architettura. Year 15, No. 58. Firenze,
1992, p. 121
152
North Nias
The omo laraga (the name derives from the village Laraga, 9km south of
Gunungsitoli) is the northern counterpart of the omo sebua. With an oval floor plan
the long axis is parallel to the street. The entrance is at the side up steps on a veranda.
Carved wooden planks cover and ornament the overlapping boards and window
An empty hall, a public space to meet guests (siba’ulu or talu zalo) takes more
than half of the space of the living area. The private rooms are opposite the entrance;
the kitchen is in most cases in a rectangular small extension at the rear of the house.
Along the front façade, the zara-zara, a long bench (lawa-lawa) provides an
opportunity for the inhabitants to sit and watch the street and village.
Decorations inside the hall can include aramba, a deer skull (n.: böhö = deer),
sculptures, weapons and plates, as well as a type of hook for guests to hang their
weapons. Inner pillars are often carved with ornaments like rosettes, designs from
traditional jewelry, symbolic reliefs or even breasts. They symbolize a fertile family
with many children or hospitality and generosity to guests in the house, referring to
the sacrifice of a mother giving from her own body to nourish her baby.
Undeboli, the oval form of the north Nias house is a sign of unity within the family,
the inhabitants of the house. In the south, the whole village is the community and
153
Ama Nelis, Conversation with the author. Undeboli, 12.2.2001.
153
takes over functions like protection, defense, and especially distribution, organization,
and therefore specialization of work on the village level, whereas the open structure
of the northern villages keeps the single house and family more remote from others.
There working skills must be broader as the family has to rely mostly on its own
members. The oval shape surrounds the family members like a unifying circle.
Central Nias
The house forms in the center of the island “represent a transitory or mixed
model with a shape reminiscent of the south, and building techniques common with
the north”.154 These two types are believed to be the oldest buildings on Nias, as they
are the most primitive and rustic, followed by the North Nias omo laraga. The
newest, with the highest architectural skill requirements, is the omo sebua of the
from the central house is the position of the V described by the two diagonal front
pillars (driwa). In the south they are at the extreme front, in the center of the island
Rumah Gomo, the house from the Gomo district, has a rectangular floor plan,
is more rustic and simple, and can be found in the districts of Lahusa, Gomo, and
154
Viaro, Alain, “Architectures of Indonesia: the Nias Island” in Spazio e società / space
& society. Reivista Internationale Di Architettura. Year 15, No. 58. Firenze,
1992, p. 105
155
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Omo sebua. Gunungsitoli: Yayasan Pusaka
Nias, 1990, p. 90
154
Lölöwa’u. As villages in the central area are often hit by landslides or devastated by
fire, and therefore sometimes had to change their position the Rumah Gomo is rarely
seen. A model was the rumah adat besar Orahili Gomo, burnt down in the early
1990s. The Tögizita house is another example. Tögizita had to move its position
twice, from the river valley, to a location half-way up the hill, and finally to its
present location on top of the hill. In the valley, Tögizita had been hit by landslides,
and in the second location, the village burnt down. The museum in Gunungsitoli has a
model of the Tögizita house as well as an original part, the ewe. The Ewe in Central
Nias (called lazara in the south) is the extension of the length beam of the house
pointing out of the façade. Whereas the southern lazara is a fantastic animal, the ewe
“Heupferd”).156
Rumah adat daerah sungai Idanö Gawo and Idanö Mola, the traditional
house of the districts along the rivers (idanö) Gawo and Mola. Like the Rumah
Gomo, they are rectangular and more rustic. Ideal examples were found in the Desa
Holi, Kecamatan Gidö and Idanö Gawo, but most have suffered the same fate as the
Gomo house. Sifaoroasi Hulu still has a reconstruction of a central Nias chief’s
house. The interior is similar to the omo laraga, with a dominating public hall, small
private rooms at the back, and an extension for a kitchen and additional rooms.
156
Source for this information are conversations with Pater Johannes Hämmerle and
Pater Hadrian Hess in 2002 and 2003, who were priests in Tögizita in the 1980s
and 1990s.
155
Decorations in the house are like those of the north, carved jewelry designs, breasts
and heads.
Modernization
All types of houses in Nias are traditionally made of wood, the roof of panels
of leaves. In the weather conditions of Nias, particularly in the mountain area, those
constructions are of limited durability and easy prey to fire and storms. With the
import of new building material, the houses and the appearance of the villages has
changed. Centers like Gunungsitoli, the capital in the north, or Teluk Dalam, the
southern center, conform to the common form of Indonesian middle size cities with a
shopping area and a government district dominated by concrete buildings, brick roofs,
and concrete walls around compounds (often sprinkled with broken glass to stop
intruders). Poorer city quarters house wooden block huts with metal roofs.
The villages along overland streets in the north and center show a similar
appearance with a mixture of western style and Malay houses (rectangular block
houses on short pillars), rarely including an omo laraga. To see the traditional
buildings, one has to leave the main street and go into the hill area.
leaf roofs by metal sheets. Especially at the fringes of the villages, Malay style houses
are replacing the adat houses. Very common is the Malay or western extension of a
metal kitchen extension at the rear or the frontal pavement, an entrance consisting of
a façade plastered with ceramic tiles. When in the late 1990s a man from central Nias
imported tools to produce columns in the style of Greek temples, he changed the
appearance of a whole stretch of villages along the road leading to Tögizita. Several
houses have now an oversized “entrance pavilion” with a pediment façade standing
on Greek columns. Other changes include asphalt streets, the lower level among the
pillars of the house now functioning as parking space for motorcycles, and roofs or
For interiors, Niassans add more tables and chairs (simple wood design or
portraits of the graduation of their children) or Christian accessories in the hall. Walls
Stone Monuments
Travel guides advertise these sites, researchers examine them in books and essays,
museums strive for samples for their collections and cultural smugglers and foreign
traders treat them as one of the “hottest items” among Indonesian artifacts.159 The
sculptures vary from north to south but share the trait that their raising is part of
festivals.
157
Transl.: “The megalithic constructions and sculptures visible all over Nias are among
the most impressive of the whole Indonesian Archipelago” in:
Mittersackschmöller, Reinhold (ed.), Joachim Freiherr von Brenner-Felsach:
Eine Reise nach Nias. Die Indonesienexpedition 1887. Unveröffentlichte
Manuskripte aus dem Völkerkundemuseum Wien. Wien, Köln, and Weimar:
Böhlau Verlag, 1998, p.21.
158
Newton, Douglas: “Indonesia” in Tribal Sculpture. Masterpieces from Africa, South
East Asia and the Pacific in the Barbier-Mueller Museum ed. by Douglas
Newton, and Hermione Waterfield, London: Thames and Hudson, 1995, p.205
159
The author has, in collaboration with the museum in Nias, visited several art shops in
Singapore undercover and involved shop owners in sometimes revealing
conversations about their methods of overcoming legal boundaries in the import
of Nias arts, especially osa-osa stone thrones and wooden wall panels. (The
same applies, by the way, to protected animals. The author could trace the trade
of a Nias Beo, often praised as the bird with the highest speaking skills, to the
seller in Singapore, where it was sold to an expatriate as domestic animal.)
158
The stone monuments in the south are placed prominently in front of the
house on the village square. The tables, benches, obelisks, chairs, thrones, and
sculptures reflect the ranking within the village: the chief’s house has the largest
group of stone monuments in front of his house. Special ceremonial stones are the
dao-dao, or daro-daro stone, stone benches and polished tabletops. The daro-daro as
well as the obelisks, the batu nitaruo, can have rich relief ornamentation showing
symbols of power of the chief or his wife. The obelisks can reach a hight of 3-4m.160
Southern megaliths are like a network laid over the entire village. Starting
from the steep stone steps, the defense walls around the village area, the ornaments
along the steps and the border and entrance stones of the village, leading to the iri, the
stone paved village street to the rich groups of monuments in front of the individual
houses with a climax towards the central square and the chief’s house.
More than village headman but less than full-fledged kings of state-societies,
Nias chiefs were locked in perpetual battle with each other for position. Their main
weapon for increasing power was artwork – stone monuments, wood sculptures, and
gold jewelry, all of which demonstrated the chief’s piety towards his ancestors and
his munificence toward lesser humans.161
We find forms like obelisks (batu nitaruo), benches (daro-daro), tables (daro-
daro nichölö), stools, vertical stone blocks with engravements and thrones (also daro-
daro). The monuments in the south are never anthropomorphic and are less individual
than communal. The monuments can be ornamented with engravings like animals,
160
Bonatz, Dominik, “Nicht von Gestern. Megalithismus auf Nias (Indonesian)” in Antike Welt 33 (1),
ed. by Philipp von Zabern. Mainz, 2002, p. 26
161
Rodgers, Susan, Power and Gold. Jewelry from Indonesia, Malaysia, and the
Philippines from the Collection of the Barbier-Mueller Museum Geneva.
Geneva: Prestel, no year indicated , p. 79
159
jewelry designs (frequently crowns and combs), fern and rosette symbols. The plant
motifs are of special importance, also for the jewelry design. They are symbols of
rank, of highness, so called rai. Especially the south has developed various rai
position of the iri. It is ca. 1.5m broad and over 2 m high and serves as hurdle for
young men to jump over, training to overcome other villages’ protective walls. The
“lompat batu” (indo.), stone jumping, was part of festivals but also a sportive
challenge for young men to test their maturity. It is today reduced to tourist
performances, for which the individual tourist has to pay a high amount to
specifically engage a young Nias man. It has become a trademark with which to
Other stone structures include walls around villages, steep and long stone
steps at village entrances (in southern and central villages), stools and stones at the
entrance as guardposts, benches, tables, and stools. Bonatz remarks that the megaliths
features are not as generalized as usual on the so-called behu monuments but are
162
Bonatz, Dominik, “Nicht von Gestern. Megalithismus auf Nias (Indonesian)” in
Antike Welt 33 (1), ed. by Philipp von Zabern. Mainz, 2002, p. 26
163
Heine-Geldern, Robert, Die Megalithen Südostasiens und ihre Bedeutung für die
Megalithfrage in Europa und Polynesia. Antropos 23, 1928
160
ceremonial, religious, or social importance (in central Nias osali, in south Nias bale).
Another, maybe the most famous appearance of a stone monument, is the osa-osa, a
ceremonial throne.164 During the festival of their inauguration, they are carried,
sometimes with the owner sitting on them. From that day on, they are stationary and
serve their owners as seats during festivals among the other stone monuments. The
form can vary, one or three headed (one head: si sara högö/bagi – which has one
head/part; three heads: si tölu högö/bagi – which has three heads/parts). Osa-osa si
sara högö is for men, osa-osa si tölu högö for men or women who have sponsored the
feast. It can stand on four legs or one socle. The animal depicted with head and tail
can often not be identified; by Niassans it is said to be a fantasy animal similar to the
south Nias lazara head. We recognize mixtures of various animals often illustrated in
Nias pictorial arts: hornbill heads (gogowaya; the hornbill is a symbol for aristocracy)
or deer heads (ni’o böhö; symbolizing strength and speed), chicken heads (ni o manu-
manu) and/or tiger teeth (ni’o harimao). Newton describes the lazara as combination
of “horns of the deer and savage fangs. The combination of bird and dragon
164
In Central and North Nias, also wooden osa-osa are known mostly in form of a deer,
osa osa ni’o bögö. They serve to carry the nobility and as seat.
165
Newton, Douglas: “Indonesia” in Tribal Sculpture. Masterpieces from Africa, South
East Asia and the Pacific in the Barbier-Mueller Museum ed. by Douglas
Newton, and Hermione Waterfield, London: Thames and Hudson, 1995, p.206
161
Hoop describes the Nias daro-daro in comparison with the pepadon found in
Lampong.166 Such chieftains’ seats were common in other areas of Indonesia. Hoop
identified a similarity in form between the pepadon and the Nias seat. What they do
replacement by wooden seats. Wooden chief seats have existed especially in north
and central Nias parallel to the stone seats, but were less popular. A common point is
their introduction during a feast of merit, where in Nias the sacrifice of pigs is
required unlike the sacrifice of buffalo which Hoop mentions for Lampong.
In determining the age of these stone figures, many mistakes have been made.
Travel guides prepare those who want to go tribal for 3000-year old statues and
therefore highlight the oldest examples of megalithic culture. The age of most of the
figures is up to 250 years in the south, up to 450 years in the middle, up to 1025 in the
west, up to 375 in the north and up to 1025 in the Gomo area. The oldest are
estimated to be the ca. 1000-year-old stone of Hia in Börönadu, Gomo area, and a
stone in Durunaya’a, West Nias, and maybe 1100 for the stone in Hiligoe, West-
Nias.167 These calculations are the result of following the genealogy of families
backwards. As descent and genealogies play an important role for Nias families and
social rank, many Niassans can draw a family tree reaching long into the past. Yet
there is reasonable doubt about the accuracy of the genealogies the further they lie in
166
Hoop, Th. van der, De megalithische hoofdenzetel oorsprong van den Lampongschen Pepadon?,
TBG 80, 1940
167
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Nias – eine eigene Welt. Sagen, Mythen,
Überlieferungen, Collectianea Instituti Anthropos vol.43. St. Augustin:
Anthropos Institut and Academia Verlag, 1999, p. 374.
162
the past. Hämmerle calculates 25 years for one generation.168 In order to indicate an
age of 1025 years for the Gomo megaliths, someone would have to calculate 41
generations back. Thus, the attempted determination of the sculptures’ age gives no
reliable absolute numbers, but at least an approximative value for a relative age. If a
tourist in bad Indonesian language ask people around a stone for its age, they will
mostly say numbers going in the hundreds, because that makes the fee for photo
taking more lucrative. This has led many travel reports and travel guide writers to
wrong numbers. We also tend to be misled by the looks of the stones, but their
antique plaque is a result of the climate, as we see in the illustration of the sculptors’
Stone monuments in the north are mostly uncarved vertical obelisks (gowe) or
horizontal stone plates (ni’o gazi; which is in central Nias the name for a more
elaborate mushroom shaped stone table) lined up parallel to the street in front of the
house. Anthropomorphic sculptures (gowe ni’o niha) can vary their design from
village to village and their height between 1.5m to 3m. The anthropomorphic figures
of the north are often in a squatting position, a sign of age not of sitting,169 with either
their hands on their knees or holding a vessel in front of the body. They carry
ornaments like necklaces and crowns and genitals are often depicted significantly.
168
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Nias – eine eigene Welt. Sagen, Mythen,
Überlieferungen, Collectianea Instituti Anthropos vol.43. St. Augustin:
Anthropos Institut and Academia Verlag, 1999, p. 374
169
Bonatz, Dominik, “Nicht von Gestern. Megalithismus auf Nias (Indonesian)” in
Antike Welt 33 (1), ed. by Philipp von Zabern. Mainz, 2002, p. 28
163
behu. They stand often in a group, divided into male behu, behu ni’oniha normally
with an oversized penis, female behu, behu si’alawe with illustrated breasts, and
uncarved shorter obelisks as their accessories: behu toho, symbolizing a spear, and
behu baluse, the shield-stone. Two other stones considered female (because they are
raised by women) are the awina and the gela-gela. The awina is a horizontal stone
plate on four little stones. Its function is simply as a seat (dao-dao) or a foundation or
support (dane-dane). Heads of deceased chiefs could be buried beneath, which makes
them “Gedenk- oder Grabstein für den Kopf des toten Häuptlings”170 (memorial or
tomb for the head of the deceased chief).171 The raising of the awina is a matter of
several persons, e.g. according to the numbers of sons the sponsoring woman has.
This distinguishes the gela-gela, which lies simply on the floor. As a stone dedicated
by the groom’s family to the new bride, the gela gela nono nihalö belongs to the
bride alone. When she has just arrived at the groom’s house, she has to sit down on
the gela gela, then she is officially recognized as wife by the villagers.
As mentioned, central Nias villages have often been moved. The transport of
behu, that are up to 3m high, turned out to be a problem. They have either been left at
their original place and stand now as single groups in the forest (like in Olayama) or
are later carried to the new village. During this transport, stones have been fractured,
170
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Nias – eine eigene Welt. Sagen, Mythen,
Überlieferungen, Collectianea Instituti Anthropos vol.43. St. Augustin:
Anthropos Institut and Academia Verlag, 1999, p. 379
171
Which contradicts Bonatz’s statement above, that megaliths are not memorial
monuments for deaths.
164
and the simpler smaller stones less identifiable as awina or raw behu, lost or left on
the way. In the new arrangement, several groups have been set into a concrete
Wooden sculptures exist in a vast variety of styles and sizes in Nias. They are
made to fulfill different functions, but they share the role of a sort of a mediator
Adu is the general term for figure. In the ancestral worship of Niassans, adu
zatua are those sculptures resembling the ancestors. The making of some figures is
one of the requirements for owasa feasts. They can be commissioned during a
person’s lifetime, by the person him-/herself, by children, or other relatives. The most
common design of the adu zatua is squatting (a sign of age) with the hands on the
knees or holding a vessel in front of the body (similar to the North Nias stone
sculptures). Those adu zatua can be placed on the inner pillars of the house or on
thrones carved on a wall panel. They are usually sculptured as decorated with
jewelry, frequently a long earring on one side, a headhunter necklace (kalabubu) and
high crowns (rai), usually naked with large erect genitals. Groups or whole rows of
Hämmerle describes over 100 different adu and their roots and functions.172
Besides adu zatua, there are adu siraha salawa, the figure of a chief, adu bihara gere,
a row of adu from which a priest identifies the spirits responsible for an illness), adu
ndrauno sono (adu against misfortune of the family), even adu siraha gosali nibe’e
banomo (adu against sore throat and coughing), adu lawolo nadu mbaine (adu against
Zoomorphic figures may depict a bird, like the adu fafo ba bano, the adu made for the
sacrifice of a bird in order to avoid the illness of a child and adu mbawi, pig figures,
either to protect pigs from swine disease, adu lutu hare baso bawi, or to transfer the
illness of a boy onto a pig, the adu wanö babi, which is then used to touch the head of
the ill child.173 Other forms include Y shaped anthropomorphic sculptures, often
animals have a symbolic character (snake for evil, hornbill for nobles, crocodile and
cock for masculinity, a monkey as house protector), some are legendary (like the Sita
172
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Hikaya Nadu. Gunungsitoli: Yayasan Pusaka
Nias, 1995
173
Vgl. Mittersackschmöller, Reinhold (ed.), Joachim Freiherr von Brenner-Felsach:
Eine Reise nach Nias. Die Indonesienexpedition 1887. Unveröffentlichte
Manuskripte aus dem Völkerkundemuseum Wien. Wien, Köln, and Weimar:
Böhlau Verlag, 1998, p.399-411.: List of objects, cultobject and sculptures. as
well as
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Hikaya Nadu. Gunungsitoli: Yayasan
Pusaka Nias, 1995, p.517: text accompanying the adu mbawi ritual.
166
Snake, after which Tögozita is named);174 many are also made by farmers or children
occasionally in the fields or after work to kill time and for self-amusement as in the
case of musical instruments, so that we can assume that this handicraft is partly also
an artistic hobby.
Of impressive ornamentation are the carved wall panels in south Nias houses.
In many cases they contain three-dimensional thrones decorated with a variety of rai,
the plant and fern motifs as sign of high status, jewelry motifs like necklaces or
combs, accessories like spears, shields, and swords (toho, baluse, and gari), or relief
carving of animals, like crocodiles, monkeys, or the fantastic animal head, lazara.
Thrones may support little wooden boxes, tempat emas (Indo.) “places for gold”,
where gold jewelry is kept. They can also be stands for ancestor figures.
Many of the tools and utensils in a household are made of wood, such as
hammers, cutlery, and cups. The more they are supposed to fulfill aesthetic rather
than practical needs, the more they are decorated with carvings. Richly ornamented
wooden jewelry boxes, boxes for the gold scale, handbags of rattan with a carved
wooden top panel are witness to that. A gold scale was necessary for measuring the
gold for the bridal price as well as the gold distributed to relatives after the death of
174
According to myths, the Sita Snake joined all gatherings of the village elders. She sat
on an awina stone and would give signs to agree or not with any decisions
made. Indeed, the Sita is a snake very common in the area around Tögozita
(translated: Cave of the snake).
167
Being made of wood, many of the old sculptures have been lost due to
climate, fires (natural and burning under mission pressure), but also because they are
light objects easily carried away by smugglers of cultural treasures. Finding old
figures in their original places is rare. Wooden sculptures today, made from cheaper,
lighter wood and for mass-commercial and not individual-spiritual reasons, have
turned out to be one of the most popular items for tourists as souvenirs as well as for
Niassans for decoration. The tradition continues, detached from its spiritual roots, but
in design often still close to the originals; in fact this art now is developing new forms
and designs.
can be found. Although museums do fulfill a certain need for preservation, a more
serious topic is the illegal trade in Nias artifacts. Unfortunately, cultural exploitation
has increased in the last decades and more and more monuments are taken from their
The damage is not only that Nias loses artifacts to the rich traders, but with a
religiously highly important event has lost its function with its deportation.
168
In the matter of jewelry, in Nias especially of gold, there have been strict
social regulations especially in the south.175 Just as social status is reflected in the
elaboration and height of houses and in the amount of stone monuments in front of
the house, the use of specific forms of jewelry is determined by social status: nobles
wear large bright yellow ornaments of pure gold, commoners own smaller jewelry of
a reddish alloy of gold and copper or only copper, called “red gold” or “false gold”.
Slaves were not allowed to have any ornaments or treasures. However, they had the
“honor” of being the first to wear new gold pieces, because new jewelry was believed
to be so hot and deadly that someone other than the owner first had to take away the
energy. The slave’s prize for this honor was his/her life. The decapitation of the slave
eliminated the energy absorbed from the gold and the gold was now safe to be worn
by the noble.
owasa feast. Statues, jewels, and poems had to be commissioned by the organizer:
Nias has no gold resources. The fact that gold is so integral to Nias customs is
a sign of ancient of trade, e.g. with North Sumatra (see chapter on history). Slaves
175
Compare chapter: Nias. Land and people.
176
Richter, Anne, The Jewelry of Southeast Asia. New York and London: Henry
N.Abrams, Inc., Publishers, and Thames and Hudson, 2000, p. 161f
169
were exchanged for gold. Owning this rare material was a symbol of wealth, power
and business skills. Gold also is still one of the most precious gifts given to guests at
an owasa feast, to relatives at a wedding or funeral. The bridal price was (sometimes
still is) paid with gold and pigs, family bonds were built and strengthened, marital
nobles during festivals richly ornamented. Quantity and quality, the amount, the
pureness, the impressive design served one goal: representation of nobility and rank
The highest gold ornament was an “elaborate headdress with a towering tier of
leaf forms, coiled fern shoots in a double spiral form, and spreading deer antlers on
which cocks – symbols of strength and masculine potency”177 worn in South Nias
when a man had fulfilled the ritual and status requirements (ill.31). The female
equivalent had flower symbols on a headband like a crown, and a vertical stretch of
several gold circles bound on a stick geometrically balanced behind the woman’s
head. The illustration shows a female dancer wearing this crown, four different
necklaces, earrings with hook symbols and the wooden bracelets covered with gold
leave. There are earrings for men and women, different designs of necklaces,
177
Richter, Anne, The Jewelry of Southeast Asia. New York and London: Henry
N.Abrams, Inc., Publishers, and Thames and Hudson, 2000, p.162
170
Crowns for men and women, mainly with plant, fern, leaf and tree motifs, so-
called rai; with fern motif rai ni’o wöli-wöli. Special central peaks of gold sheet
(tuwu nandzulo or tuwu ana’a) can be added. The most famous design for a female
crown is the rai ni wöli-wöli with a doroho, a long horizontal row of golden discs
from both sides of the back of the head. Brass helmets for men could also have such
plant motifs, then called takula töfaö. Women can add stylized hair combs (suahu) of
Earrings are worn by men and women, different designs according to the
customs of different regions. Men wear earrings preferable only on the right.
Fondruru ana’a is the name for earrings with rosette motifs, floral or geometric
patterns, mostly finely elaborated with spiral gold wire. Other earrings hammered
from gold leaf into a curled pair of leaf form is the gaule, mainly worn by men,
sometimes only by women. Longer hanging ear ornaments are the sialu for women: a
gold leaf, decorated with two symmetric hooks and two rings each, hanging on over
10cm long stalks. A version with spirals at the end of the stalk is called wale-wale. A
golden moustache, bumbewe ana’a, is a sign of masculinity for the usually only light
bearded Niassans.
coconut shell and brass, that serves as sign of honor and power for noble men, but
was also allowed for commoners if they were successful in headhunting. Worn
without having beheaded at least one person, the kalabubu would bring misfortune.
The nifatali is a man’s necklace of intertwined silver wires, today one of the most
sought-after collectors’ items. Also the crescent shaped nifato-fato, of gold, gold-
171
Three main types of bracelets are aja kola, from brass wire spiraled to form a
tube, bangles of shells, töla gasa, and wooden bangles with gold sheet cover of up to
Warriors’ weapons in Nias include the spear, toho, with a long sharp brass end
on a wooden shaft around 2m long. Typical is the design with a metal stripe, which
spirals around the whole length of the shaft. Törö is the tip of the spear, which yields
the form for one of the most common patterns of Nias ornamentation, a row of these
triangles symbolizing the törö, called ni’o törö (ni’o = like a). Baluse is the name of
the shield, about 1.5m high, of wood with interwined rattan strings bound
horizontally around it. Gari is the main type of brass sword, again with brass stripes
spiraling around its sheath. The grip of the gari is carved as a lazara head, with the
obligatory component of tiger claws. At the open end of the sheath, an idol is fixed, a
round fist-sized cage of tiger claws, or gigi babi hutan (indo.: teeth of a wild pig)
The designs are not only important for the jewelry itself, but have been used
for various other ornamentations and have thus become part of other arts. Earrings
and necklaces are carved as part of the ancestral figures. Stone osa-osa are often
178
De Moor, Maggie, “The Importance of Gold Jewelry in Nias Culture” in Nias. Tribal
Treasures. Delft: Volkenkundig Museum Nusantara, 1990, p. 117
172
sculpted with a kalabubu, and necklaces and combs are important illustrations on
wooden wall panels. As important objects they are part of adat festivals and therefore
are frequently mentioned in the songs and narrations of Niassans. But the jewelry is
also a favorite design concept for textiles and embroidery, which will be discussed in
Nias forms exceptions to the richness in the art of textiles in the Indonesian
archipelago. Neither have Niassans a tradition in batik nor special skills in weaving.
The latter were made on the very lowest level. Except for a loin cloth people went
naked.179 Nias skirts from the 19th century in museums are mostly imported from
Sumatra, Java or India. Early trade, exchanging slaves for material like metal and
textiles, also diminished the demand for Nias’ own production of clothes.
warrior cuirasses (baru oröba),180 warrior jackets of ijuk fibre (baru lema’a) or
(takula töfaö) or war caps (tete naulu). In traditional rites and ceremonies some Nias
clothes appear, made from imported material but of traditional colors: white, yellow,
179
During my first trip in 1998, women in middle Nias were still mostly topless, but this
became a rare view in 2001.
180
Baru here is not the Indonesian word baru, “new”, but the Nias word for Indonesian
baju, “shirt”.
173
red and black. Some textile headdresses exist for men (saembu oti), mostly in the
color combinations of red, yellow, black, sometimes blue, red and white. Parallel to
the status difference shown in jewelry and colors, classes were also distinguished by
cloth: nobles wore yellow silk clothes, commoners clothes of red flannel. Jackets for
men are, contrary to the women, generally sleeveless. For example, the man’s baru
ni’o la’a harimao has a pattern of red, yellow, black stripes resembling the stripes of
the tiger, women’s jackets are often decorated with patchwork in form of female
jewelry (rai ni’o wöli-wöli or the suahu comb). The female jackets are often worn in
combination with a shoulder cloth, lembe. All types of clothes frequently carry the
ni’o törö pattern, the triangle row, sometimes framing the entire fringe of a piece.
For some ritual utensils like the bola – bola, (widely known under the
Indonesian term tempat sirih, the betel nut bag), and for mats, used for example to
sleep on, Niassans use basketry. The weaving of the tempat sirih is a recognized
handicraft, exceptionally done by women, using naturally colored bamboo leaves and
a design with Nias symbols and ornaments. The bags from the south can be
differentiated from those of the north. Southern bola-bola differ sometimes because
tent, in a private room or in nature. “Where two or three are gathered in my name, I
will be among them” is Jesus’ condition for the simplest form of service.
shaping more and more the appearance of Christianity not only as a faith but also in
its artistic expression. A certain stereotype has developed regarding the buildings in
Christian centers of power, like Rome, or the big monastic centers in France, Italy,
Spain and Germany in the 14th to 17th century. Commonly, the basic shape of a ship is
seen in most of today’s Middle European churches as concept, as a sign of unity and
community and as resemblance of Noah’s ark, which rescued the sum of God’s living
Even though these “arche-(!) types” exist, there are no binding regulations for
the architecture of churches. In fact, architects have vast freedom in creating sacred
space. The architects of churches have to deal with practical necessities on the one
hand and liturgical requirements on the other hand. There are strictly speaking no
portable and provided by the priest. Therefore, every missionary receives upon his
175
sending into the mission land his “missionary case”, a suitcase with utensils for a
mass: a cross, a bible, cup and bowl, a small bottle with wine and some unconsecrated
hosts, oil and chrisom (an oil used for blessings), and a stole, a kind of shoulder cloth,
which is the minimal dressing requirement for a priest celebrating the Eucharist.
Building a church therefore can also be as simple as that: only the building,
everything else can be brought by the priest. Some churches in Nias are as
rudimentary as that. There are churches in the very center of Nias, not accessible by
any means of transport, only by foot over several days through jungles, crossing
rivers and mountains. These remote villages and missionary stations are visited at
least twice a year (this is the minimum aim of the missionaries for every station). In
case a church exists, there is one condition: Roman Catholic churches must all be
oriented in the same direction, with the altar to the east (there are some exceptions to
the rule, also in Europe, but it is not supposed to be different). The Vatican refers to
the prophet Ezekiel (Ez 47:1) describing the direction of the old temples also facing
east.181.
All the portable equipment mentioned for the missionary on his way into the
field can then be included: a cross at the altar side, a stand for the Bible and book of
gospel, the tabernacle, a closed shrine for hosts, of which one can be already
transubstantiated. In that case, another requirement is the eternal flame, a light that
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The theological explanation: The altar of the temple was facing the east, because if
you spill water in the temple, it will flow to the east to cleanse itself from salt.
Therefore, where the waters flow, there is life. So the altar should face where
life comes from. Another reference is given by Matthew (Matt 24:27): ‘The
arrival of the Messiah will be like lightning, which flashes in the east and can
be seen until the west.’ If therefore the church building faces from east to west,
the community can see the arrival of the Messiah from its start to its end.
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has to burn without any interruption as a sign of Jesus’ presence in the consecrated
host.
Further there should be a clearly defined altar area in the east with an altar
table and any kind of pictorial expression, like an altar painting, a cross, a statue,
possibly an illustration showing the patron saint of the church. For baptisms, a basin
should contain holy water. Next we come to the less obligatory parts, yet desirable in
a church construction for practical necessities: an extension room for the priest to
probably kneeling space for the worshippers, facing the altar, and entrance areas for
In early missions, as under the early Capuchins, most churches were built in a
very simple way and in forms known from European or American country chapels,
including a small rectangular floor plan and a high roof leading to the church’s tower
on one side with a bell. On one hand, the idea of interculturation was not yet
developed in the individual missionaries’ minds; furthermore most areas of Nias were
availability of material.
There, the simplest material had to be used and the simplest style as priests
did not have the same power as village chiefs to organize the many workers needed
for a complicated structure like the traditional Nias houses. Today, as Christianity has
manifested itself as the main religion, priests have more power, politically, socially
and financially. Churches and monasteries become more and more impressively rich.
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Since the 1980s, the Capuchins have been exploiting architectural freedom to
build churches following the floor plan of the traditional houses. The oval shape of
the North Nias omo laraga is preferred for sacral spaces as the round form is an ideal
shape involving everyone inside the circle building a community, the circle as ideal of
unity, as is also seen in the traditional oval houses by the Niassans as unity of the
family.182 Whereas most of the early churches in omo laraga style have only two
levels, community space (living level) and roof, a new chapel in the convent of
St.Clara in Gunungsitoli shows a closer copy of the original, standing on pillars with
Whereas in the omo laraga, the entrance is from the side, and the side opposite the
entrance is the place for the private rooms where the life of the family takes place,
where the ancestor figures stand and life and protection comes from, the entrance of
most of the interculturative churches is from the front, the street side, to be able to
create a big main portal and, in case of attendance exceeding the seating capacity, the
doors could be kept open toward the bigger free space between church and main
street. The origin of life and protection, the narrow side of the ellipse, would be the
predestined place of the altar. This is the case in Undeboli and the chapel of the
St.Clara Convent. In Tögizita, one of the most advanced interculturative churches, the
altar is directed to the long side of the oval, following the regulations of an eastward
direction. What seemed a compromise turned out to have a practical advantage: the
people are much closer to the altar, which can provide a feeling of more unity and
182
Pastor Hadrian Hess, Personal communication with author. 6/2001.
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integration into the community. The plans of the churches don’t describe exact ovals.
Using modern material like bricks and concrete, and dealing with non-professional
walls entirely round, so the designers divide the circumference into straight segments
Only one attempt has been made to use the South Nias omo sebua as
architectural concept: Gereja Maria, Bintang Laut, (indo.) the church of Mary, Star of
the Sea. Whereas the interior of this church is from the standpoint of interculturation
very impressive, the building itself is confusing. If it symbolizes one omo sebua, the
interior is one single big hall, and in the lower level we have only one pair of diagonal
pillars supposed to shape a V, yet too far from each other to meet. Another possibility
is that it represents a row of three houses with the highest, resembling the chief’s
house in rank, exactly above the altar area. This would also match the three-part
segmentation of the façade by four beams carved and painted after the image of South
Nias villages. The four missing cross pillars then can be considered the result of
artistic freedom. It can also have a practical reason: the lower pillar level is used for
prayer gatherings (see seating opportunities). More thick pillars would obstruct the
natural light. The architecture that follows the omo sebua covers only the altar area.
183
Most of the intercultural churches are planned by Pater Barnabas Winkler from South
Tyrolia, in Nias since the 1970s. The workers do often not have the skills of
traditional house building anymore. Some workers are even Batak people
without any knowledge of Nias architecture or arts. Pater Barnabas is
considered such an expert in designing these new Nias structures in the
traditional style, that he was commissioned by the government of Nias to plan
the assembly hall beside the Padang in Gunungsitoli with the concept of the
omo laraga.
184
Pastor Hadrian Hess in conversation with the author explaining the structure of the
church in Tögizita. Tögizita, 15.7.2002.
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The sitting space for the community in the extension building is built in normal
western style (which has also become the practice for the extensions of real
traditional houses, as mentioned for both, omo sebua and omo laraga). The church
also retains the zara zara window, yet out of glass and not open, as well as the bench
along the zara zara, for the seating of the priests and altar boys. All examples of
Whereas all the buildings referred to are made of bricks and concrete with
metal roofs, only the chapel of St.Clara is wooden, except for the metal sheet roof.
the ventilation system by a perforation in the highest segment of the walls all around
the house, be it of brick, concrete, or wood. These are traditionally geometric forms,
in churches sometimes air holes in cross form. One omo laraga in Sihare’e had holes
spelling the letters merdeka 17.8.1945 (the Indonesian independence day) and in
between a cross, a sign of the integration of Christian designs into traditional house
building.
Numerous churches show no traditional influence in their floor plan, but carry
some elements and ornaments in their outfit. We find elaborate details such as planks,
not carved from wood but from concrete, e.g. in Tögizita’s church, or the gable horns
in the church St.Peter and Paul in Undeboli. The same church has also two roof
windows in the traditional style, a rectangular part of the roof, which is lifted with a
loose stick and kept open by fixing the stick to a ladder below the window at the inner
side.
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has a rectangular plan. Two beams in the south Nias style flank the entrance, and the
bell tower has, simplified, the form of a Nias crown, rai, with a cross on its top.
Several crosses and a big rosette further ornament the façade. Concerning decoration
of churches’ roofs like gable horns, lazara or ewe, we will recognize at some places
and Hess. An attempt to add some local elements to a less interculturative church like
but in the style of South Nias. The Niassans themselves don’t complain about such
mistakes as much as the two priests. This is less a question of awareness than of
attempts to be as correct as possible in the details. The missionaries try to point out
the difference between north and south, while there is an increasing tendency among
the population to consider South Nias culture as a model for the entire island due to
In most cases, such mistakes happen if craftsmen from the South (or even
immigrants) are asked to make the handicraftsman’s elaborations, and since Pastor
shown.
The biggest church on Nias, the central church for the community of
Gunungsitoli, is the Gereja Maria. This modern building’s concept is the oval plan of
the omo laraga. With the peak of the roof at the long side above the altar, the top
stands upward to one side. In order that the entrance facing the main street, the altar
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opposing the entrance, face east, again a compromise has been made as a practical
consideration for the community: unity, closeness to the altar, size of main entrance
and extension with a sheltered platform for crowded events. Where the living area
would be found in the omo laraga, the Gereja Maria houses a special statue with an
(coincidentally the author’s home town). Donated 1949 (arriving in Nias only 1962)
as one of only four identical replicas of the original shrine, which belongs to the four
most important places of marianic pilgrimage in Europe, it has also made this church
There are no churches entirely in Central Nias style, but elements of it can be
found, especially in Tögizita. One of the oldest houses known on Nias is the so-called
and Pastor Hämmerle managed to save an original ewe, façade ornament equivalent
to the South Nias lazara, half burnt half eaten by worms, for the museum of the
Yayasan Pusaka Nias in Gunungsitoli. This old ewe was used as the model for the
decoration of the bell tower for the new church in Tögizita. This Central Nias ewe is
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The author has been following the history of this statue from evidence of its
replication, met the original painter of the figure and the son of the sculptor,
who had passed away. Original letters and notices concerning that matter
between Indonesia, Munich and Altötting will hopefully be published soon. The
Bishop of Jakarta brought the statue to Indonesia only in 1960 after his visit to
the World Congress of Catholics in Munich. It was handed over 1962 to the
Niassan priests to set it up as memorial for the people who died 1942 in the
waters southern of Nias, when Japanese planes bombed the ship “Van Imhoff”,
which was transporting over 400 western priests, artists, doctors and others
from Sumatra to India. Walter Spiess, the German painter and choreographer
who had emigrated to Bali, was one of the persons who disappeared in that
event.
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neither a lazara head as in the south, nor just decoration. It is called “Ni’obango
Damo”, made like a grasshopper. The tower also uses the planks from the northern
houses, several symbolic reliefs and paintings, and artifacts, which will play a bigger
One basic similarity between the interior organization of a Nias adat house
and a church is the relationship between the meeting hall, the place for the guests,
which occupies about 2/3 of the inner house area, to the private space, the place of the
actual life of the family taking place in the remaining 1/3. Accordingly the space for
place for kneeling. In churches, these are traditional long wooden benches. Also in
Nias, but in remote villages, some churches have simply single chairs of wood or
The wooden benches in the style of western church benches are apparently
often richly carved on each row’s front or side panel. Their carvings will play a role
The central part is the altar table, as it is the place on which the highlight of a
portable) is a cross; also possible and common are one or more candles (light as a
symbol of life). As place for the Eucharist, an altar table needs to be officially
wood or stone. If in Nias’ case, a stone plate is used, a short explanation is enough,
and the priest can make it credible to the community that the stone plate is like an
awina stone, the horizontal female stone plates in Central Nias. But in fact, there are
churches, where an original awina stone has been transferred to the altar and modified
to become an altar table. Concrete tables, imitations of those tables taken from the
smoothed, cut into a rectangular shape, put on a concrete socle, and decorated with
carvings around the side facing the congregation, carvings like rosette ornaments and
crosses. The final product can then not be distinguished anymore from the concrete
plates in other churches. Only those who know about the originality of the awina altar
Different is, or was, the altar table of Gidö, Central-East Nias. Here a natural
stone has been kept in its form, flattened only on its upper surface to be used as a
straight table. The natural form told even the uninformed that this altar table has a
more original background. Yet sadly, it is one of the most devastating examples of
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Consecration is necessary for most of the accessories that have immediately to do
with the obligatory parts of liturgy. Also prayer books and songbooks have to
be consecrated or ratified by at least the Bishop as higher cleric authority. See
e.g. in the bibliography the indication of the sources of the songbooks Madah
Bakti and Laudate.
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what happens, when interculturative processes are not led by an expert. In this case,
When the whole church complex in Gidö was renovated and the formerly non-
interculturative square shape of the church was to be extended for an additional space
in the form of an omo laraga (this time the other way around: usually, the omo laraga
receives a modern square shape extension), the interior had to undergo renovation. At
that time, the district of Gidö just had a change of Pastor, Pastor Johannes Hämmerle,
Nias’ most knowledgeable cultural scientist and ethnologist, was transferred from
the plans for the church in Gidö, but before the final change, during renovation, he
was scheduled for his regular home leave, which takes place every four years, for
three months.
The workers, mostly Batak men, were left on their own. In the view of the
altar, not knowing about its cultural importance as a megalithic monument, they
found the rough, raw shape inappropriate for an altar table. So they built a wooden
negative form that could hold the stone, and filled it up with concrete, sinking and
covering the stone completely. Since his return, Pastor Johannes has refused to
celebrate mass on that table. His pain was definitely the loss of the original stone. But
his justification to cease services at the altar table of Gidö to the Bishop also has a
liturgical background. The altar table stone was officially consecrated by the Bishop.
The consecration is an act of such liturgical importance, that nothing on that table is
turned out looking like dogs’ droppings, planned lazara heads look like blossom
leaves and an inner relief painting that should have depicted the crib of the infant
Jesus was painted blue instead of yellow (for the hay), and looks now more like a
basin. Showing that mistake to me in my last research trip, Pastor Kristof Jannsen, my
primary contact person on Nias, said that if Mary had also been a Batak, she might
Tögizita has used further original stone monuments in the altar area. They all
come from a group of stones, several different kinds of behu and awina stones, raised
at the former position of Tögizita village, which were transported in the 1960s to the
place where they are now, after the construction of the interculturative church in
1997. The stand for the book of gospel is also an awina, smoothed and carved with
figures and symbols, and then put vertically in a foundation of concrete, extended
with the platform for holding the book. Other churches imitated such a stone stand,
but entirely made from concrete. The ambo (liturgical term for the stand) in Undeboli
has a circle of hooks around its column, like the chölichöli pillar in the center of the
chief’s house in Bawomataluo. According to its original meaning, it says here: if you
are a guest in the house of God, listen to his words and celebrate the Eucharist with
him, leave all your arguments, fights and aggressions outside, hang your weapons on
the hook and come in peace. A similar design is more often found at columns at the
entrance of the church, like in Tögizita, or also Undeboli, or in one of the central
pillars within the church room. The southern church of Teluk Dalam has an identical
Stools for the priest and the altar boys can be in simple western style, in
remote churches sometimes colorful plastic chairs (due to their easier transport), but
also the beautiful traditional Nias stool, which is sculptured out of one piece of tree
trunk, can be used. Priests’ chairs in churches like Nias and Undeboli have thrones
with richly carved wooden rai symbols, rosette ornaments and crosses.
A shrine, called tabernacle, for the transubstantiated host has to be in the altar
room. This is the ever-present spiritual focus of a church, except when the host is
taken out for the Eucharist. In honor of the host that symbolizes the body of Christ
eternal flame has to burn. Tabernacle shrines in many churches on Nias are
rectangular, vertically standing column covered with carved wooden panels with a
fusion of Christian and Nias symbols, mostly rai. In Teluk Dalam, it is an imitation of
a stone monument with the shrine standing on a throne of ferns, again like the wall
panel in the Bawomataluo chief’s house. Tögizita has a miniature of a Central Nias
house as tabernacle standing on a wooden socle. The house can be identified by the
lazara beams and the high roof, which is, however, oriented in the wrong direction to
the lazara beam compared to the original architecture. From the lowest level of the
house, two carved breasts are hanging, which are, as mentioned for the North Nias
house, symbols of hospitality, self-sacrifice, taking from oneself to give to the others,
For the eternal flame, to make it practically easier, an electric lamp is often
used, where electricity can continuously be expected. Red oil lamps, as used in
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western graveyards, can replace them with a natural flame. Again Tögizita, and the
chapel of the Capuchins in Laverna, use an old Nias oil lamp, however with one
modern modification: a bulb is screwed into the lamp and connected over the lamp’s
The most striking example of such an integration is the basin for holy water
for baptisms in Tögizita. One anthropomorphic behu ni’o niha from the pre-Christian
group of monuments was taken into church. The Pastor commissioned a triangular
basin of concrete as a head extension. It carries the reliefs of the trinity, God the
Father, God the Son and the Holy Spirit, P (rho) and X (chi) letter, a cross, and a
dove. This is one of the most questionable acts of interculturation, from both sides.
Some stricter priests on Nias find it inappropriate to integrate one of the figures of
Nias animistic faith into the Catholic church, while others see it as a sign of high
respect for the baptismal font. Some say that the separation of this behu from its
group, and particularly the concrete extension, is an act of cultural destruction and
undignified misuse of the respected behu, but the owner of the group, the grandson of
the sponsor of the group and their respective owasa feasts, cried, according to Hess’
report, at the day of the inauguration of church and font, as he couldn’t imagine a
The rest of the group, a nearly 3m high pair of behu, one behu ni’o niha, one
behu si alawe (male and female), several smaller stones, among them behu ni’o toho
(spear) and behu ni’o baluse (shield) are raised at the bottom of the church tower
which here will be included in the description of the interior. The tower is usually
integrated into the building, but in Tögizita it is free standing several meters west of
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the church. The whole group, brought to the new Tögizita in the 1960s, should just
have been stored beside the church. Now, with the renovation, they are all integrated,
as altar, as stand, as baptismal font, and as ornaments at the tower. As mentioned, the
male behu mostly have significantly erect oversized penises. On their own initiative,
the people of Tögizita themselves cut off the penis from the stone statue, as it was
regarded inappropriate to show the genitals around the church. The priests, especially
Johannes Hämmerle and Hadrian Hess as Pastor in Tögizita, regretted the act, but it
shows also the moral bias, into which Niassans have been driven by the education of
the old missionaries. Now, the older Niassans are sometimes less flexible than the
priests themselves.
The rest of the tower, three stories high, shows a mixture of reliefs and
paintings of Nias items like toho, baluse, gari, jewelry, rosettes, crosses, and on the
“Im Hinterher kann man leicht sagen, daß eine Afterwards one can easily say that
Übergang von der Ahnenverehrung zur have progressed from ancestor worship to
müssen. Aber Inkulturation war damals noch ein inculturation was still an unknown word
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unbekanntes Wort. Und der Weg war verstellt, at that time. And that way was blocked,
weil jede Nias-Figur als Götze angesehen because every Nias figure was seen as an
wurde.”187 idol.
Even if the priests today are aware of the opportunity for a bridge between
ancestor worship and worship of saints, the statues remain a delicate topic in
interculturation. This doesn’t concern the stone figures, awina and uncarved stones in
and gods and have been used for spiritual practices and therefore, early missionaries
In the second half of the 20th century there were no craftsmen and no demand
for wood and especially stone carving. Meanwhile, Pastor Johannes Hämmerle had
become an expert and admirer of Nias culture during his first missionary decade in
Nias. His admiration for the sculptures of stone and wood and their social and
historical context were paired with his disappointment at the loss of this tradition. No-
one demanded sculptures, no-one could pay for their production, and so none was
motivated to learn the handcraft skills from their fathers and grandfathers. In the
1980s, during his time in Tögizita, and enthusiastic about the intercultural idea,
Hämmerle brought up the demand for sculptured wooden crosses for the different
churches in Nias, addressing with his request the sons of formerly famous sculptors’
187
Hämmerle, Johannes Maria OFMCap, Nias – eine eigene Welt. Sagen, Mythen,
Überlieferungen, Collectianea Instituti Anthropos vol.43. St. Augustin:
Anthropos Institut and Academia Verlag, 1999, p.29. orig. German
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families. With this request, he also planted the idea of using this final opportunity to
still learn the traditional skills from their fathers before they took their knowledge
woodcarving and stone sculpting. When the production of wooden crosses and stone
statues of Mary or other saints was already advanced, the craftsmen started also to
create adu zatua or stone behu. While the making of adu zatua still had an ongoing
tradition in South Nias to cater to the tourist market, the creation of new behu brought
opportunities for the Central Nias area. Not only did the monastery use single behu
for decorating their garden or house, but the new offer motivated and enabled
Niassans to celebrate owasa feasts authentically, and to add the stone raising, which
had been left out for practical reasons for the last decades, into their festivals.
The workshop was doing well in the year 2002, providing Niassans with behu
and the whole island with crosses and statues, even exporting to Sumatra and Java,
some crosses and one behu were even shipped to Europe. Other craftsmen caught up,
and with competition, cheaper and faster ways of production have been found, like
concrete statues of Mary and Jesus or imported plastic Jesus to mount on a wooden
cross. The behu, however, are still hand carved from stone. Frequent sculptured
fusion motifs include Mary with a Nias crown and ni’o törö patterns ornamenting her
clothes, Jesus with a crown, like the altar sculpture of Gidö, a church consecrated as
Gereja Christus Raja, (indo.) the church of Christ the King (in Gidö on a cross
The same workshop also advanced the carving of reliefs, for which we
witness the rich tradition in Nias on the wall panels inside the omo sebua. In churches
in the early 21st century, they were extensively used for doors and front panels of
benches. During the last field trip in 2003, Pastor Hadrian and I undertook a
have either just been finished or have just obtained new interculturative carved doors.
symbols. Some decorations have only an aesthetic function, like most of the rosette
ornaments, some enhance with their symbolic character the meaning of the Christian
image they fuse with, like rai motifs that can award a certain prestige to e.g. a cross
or a figure. Some Christian and Nias patterns, however, can be combined in such a
way that their attributes mutually reinforce one another, like the combination of an
image of a host with a bola-bola, a Nias betel nut bag. The whole sense of hospitality,
inviting guests for a meal and a celebration, the idea of giving, sacrificing oneself to
This example demonstrates what Pastor Hadrian explained as the three levels
probably shows interculturation to the highest extent. Impressive in this aspect are the
carved doors at the main and the two side entrances. The two sides illustrate, as
expected in a marianic church, the two dogma announced about Mary: The
ascendance to heaven (te fa’zawa ba zorugo = you went up to heaven) and the
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Virginity Dogma (ni’otabinago si lö hörö = who has received without sin). Both
pictures include the letters M and A for Mary, an accumulation of rai, fern and tree
symbols elevating Mary to a high rank. The same can be said about the crown (level
2). The rosette is simply an ornament (level 1), but the carving of a bola-bola (see
explanation above), the gold jewelry (sialu earrings and ni fato-fato necklace) and a
throne of rai motifs, exactly as found as a wall panel carved in the chief’s house in
Bawomataluo, are of highest interpretive importance (level 3): Mary gave herself as
servant for God’s plan, she gave her body as host for carrying Jesus and gave birth
and life to him - the bola-bola symbolizes this sacrifice and hospitality. With this
birth she became a woman, a mother, and, symbolized by the picture of her virginity
and innocence, a woman of highest rank and respect, a noble woman ornamented
with the gold jewelry of the si’ulu. The cross on the throne foreshadows the death of
Jesus, through which he will become the ancestor of a new community, giving eternal
The ascendance door contains two other symbols. One widely known, the
dove, a sign of peace, in Catholicism also stands for the Holy Spirit. In connection
with Mary, it stands also for the Archangel Gabriel, who brought the message to
Mary that she would conceive a son, after which she was filled with the Holy Spirit.
But hardly anyone knows that the 12 stars are more than just an ornament for heaven.
The 12 stars here stand for the 12 little prophets of the Israel People.
their connotation is known to the spectator. It can have an essential meaning and be
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interculturative on highest level, but not understood, it won’t serve as more than an
ornament.
Similarly rich are the main entrance doors. Four wings, two female, two male,
depict from left to right: Eve, the first woman, Mary, the mother of God, Jesus, God
the Son, and God the Father. Eve and Mary correlate by the mirror effect of the letters
EVA (Eve in Latin, German and Indonesian) towards AVE, which is the preferred
prayer to Mary, the Ave Maria, taking up the greeting formula of the Archangel
Gabriel when he brought Mary the message of the birth. Both women are elevated to
a high rank by various rai motifs and trees (in Nias, also the motif of the tree of life is
known, mentioned in several different creation myths). To the right Jesus, symbolized
by the cross, and God the Father, indicated with the letter P (rho) and X (chi) have
similar signs of honor and rank. Interesting is the carving and painting of two faritia
gongs of the fathers side. The two faritia that are played during processions and
sacrifices are symbols for God sacrificing his son as sign for his love to the world.
In the chapter on music, we raised the question of the extent to which in the
creation of fusion, the characteristics can be modified, so that their roots and meaning
are recognizable and yet the product is seen as a new creation. The same applies to
carving and sculpting. Nias sculptures have a characteristic design, squatting, with
weapons, crowns, holding heads in their hands, often nearly naked, visible penis
or/and breasts. This all might be considered inappropriate for liturgical use and due
for change. But canceling those characteristics would make the figures “un-Niassan”.
In Catholic illustrations of saints, the figures are provided with certain accessories
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and looks (i.e. iconographic attributes) which characterize them. St.Francis, patron
saint of the Nias missionaries, the Capuchins, has a typical brown robe and is nearly
allusion to his most famous prayer, the sun-song, and as a symbol for peace. If
Francis were given a Nias crown, he would lose one of his two main characteristics; if
he wore a Nias jacket and carried a hornbill, this might be beyond limits of his
recognition.
Up to now, no one has made an attempt to look closely at different saints and
recognizing both the saint’s and the Nias influence. It might be a further idea to
promote sculpturing and the church’s demand for that traditional art.
Under liturgical accessories we take a look at some items that are part of
Catholic services but don’t belong to the stationary interior of a church. Books can
fall into this category, such as the Bible, the evangeliar (prepared gospels for the
Sundays of the liturgical year), and ceremonial utensils like a cup for wine, a bowl for
hosts, little glasses for water and wine, additional crosses, rosaries, and little vessels
for oil. There are not many examples of interculturation in these kinds of arts. As a
present for their “second woe”, the start of their priesthood, many of the missionaries
get a set of those accessories which they need to celebrate the mass. Those
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accessories are centralized mass products, from Jakarta or Singapore, which makes an
Nias language (since 1911 by Sunderman) and publications which often have Nias
motifs as illustrations. None of the other utensils showed signs of interculturation; all
Only one bowl for hosts turned out to be relevant to this research. Pastor
Hadrian Hess had an idea for a design following the Central Nias awina stone. Four
rough uneven metal legs like the ones holding up the awina hold a metal bowl formed
like the flat uneven horizontal stone plate, the awina. As the awina is the stone
belonging to and sponsored by a woman of higher rank often in honor of her sons, the
bowl of hosts can also be seen as female, belonging to Mary, holding and honoring
her son, whose body is represented by the hosts after the transubstantiation.
design idea was simply the form, an awina as practical form of an interculturative
bowl. Only after the decision on the form, a theological construct, the awina as
female vessel holding Jesus’ body, was laid over the decision as justification. In the
priest’s mouth it sounds like such a well conceptualized creation, but wouldn’t then
all aspects of the object used for that concept have to be considered? Was not the
awina also a burial place for skulls of chiefs? And is not the transubstantiation the
beginning of new life and not death? A theological answer could be that only through
death (of Jesus) came life. It can be concluded that many theological interpretations
196
are only added after the creation of artifacts. The symbols and references that can be
read from any original artifact are chosen selectively to suit needs of explanation. A
strong concept of fusing the different elements is not always the start of a new
creation. Sometimes, simply the form is the idea. Afterwards, theology is always able
liturgical actions. The clergy is asked to distance themselves from jewels and treasure
in private life, nor do ceremonies suppose any use of them either. And yet, the
traditional Nias jewelry is one of the important sources for interculturative arts. The
ornamentation and symbolic appearance of the church makes rich use of the jewelry’s
design.
traditional noble woman’s crown, it shows the high rank of Jesus’ mother, Mary
worshipped as the Queen of Heaven. This combination of royal attributes with Mary,
Jesus, or God the Father is a quite common scene in Nias churches and the thought is
Those crowns, headbands and rai in general are often part of the design of
liturgical clothes, especially for festive ceremonies. They lose the connotation with a
certain sex, or else female symbols should have been excluded in Catholicism’s male
clergy. Jewelry and ornamental accessories of warriors are also disconnected from
their basic meaning of success and motivation in fighting and killing, or else there
would be no place for kalabubu in church either. But we can often find them on
priests’ clothes or on altar tables. Toho, baluse and gari, spear, shield and sword, are
197
such identifying characteristics for a Nias person, that their illustration is often the
simplest and most direct way to transfer a whole scene into Nias context. As actual
weapons they would be considered inappropriate within the service or church area.
There are few ways in which Nias textiles and embroidery might be integrated
into sacral ceremonies. They can simply be accessories e.g. in interculturative dances
or used in other fine arts as identification patterns for Nias and Niassans. The
regulations for liturgical clothing, concerning the priest, catechists, and lector, are
rather inflexible and bound to prescriptions in design, color and the symbols they
have to contain. Their ceremonial dress and color depends on the type of service as
These colors should be predominant on the clothes of the persons acting at the
altar during the mass, the priest, celebrant and co-celebrant, altar boys, and eventually
the lector.
certainly the cross, standing for the crucifixion of Jesus, a bunch of grapes and bread
standing for the transubstantiation of bread and wine into flesh and blood of Jesus,
eventually a book for the gospel, or letters like PAX, Latin for peace, or the P also
can be adapted to the design of liturgical clothes which expresses attributes similar to
those described: peace, majesty, life, or just decoration for the sake of beauty.
Liturgical clothes of the Nias priests are made by nuns of the Claris Convent in
Gunungsitoli, but some of the monks bring their own robes e.g. from the place of
home area (among the monks are Batak, Flores and Javanese). Therefore we see also
batik or other patterns integrated. Some examples should show how compromises and
modern patterns, Pak Agus also uses religious motifs in an intercultural context.
Some of the batiks in his workshop included Arabic calligraphy on Javanese batik
Several priests in Java have already taken an interest in Pak Agus’ work and
Jesus. Jesus, as well as the women kneeling under the cross, Mary and Mary
Magdalene are shown as Javanese people, maybe even closer to wayang kulit figures,
indicated by wearing sarongs, for the women the hairknot on the back of their head,
for Jesus a more Asian nose. The background and colouring of the painting is
modern. Agus avoided the question of how to modify the sign that is usually fixed
above Jesus at the cross with the writings: INRI, standing for Jesus Nazarenum Rex
Judaeorum, Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews. Agus simply left the sign entirely
out.
Theologically, the modification of Jesus and other figures from the Bible to
culturally specific dressing is not seen as dangerous to the faith and therefore is
188
Information about Agus Darmaji’s work was obtained by several visits to his workshop fruing the
fieldtrip to Yogyakarta in April 2002.
200
permitted for the use in church. Priests even request it, which is again a promotion of
traditional handicraft.
significant element of interculturation in the entire altar area is the tabernacle in form
of a Toraja house. Comparing it with Nias, the accessories in the altar area are a good
opportunity to involve local arts. With a request for function and symbol character,
local symbols can easier be interpolated into the new sacred function. Like the church
of Tögizita, the tabernacle of Rantepao is built in form of an adat house, a symbol for
the church, which carries in itself the host, the most honored element of Christian
service. Hospitality and self-sacrifice are the values depicted with this symbol. In
detail, also the altar table and the pulpit for the sermon and the gospel have colors and
blend sacred buildings into Balinese cultural life. Decorations include also the typical
umbrellas and flower decorations as they are usually done for Balinese festivals.
Facades of the building as well as the altar area can be, as the illustration shows, of
bricks and concrete, which creates that reddish – grey design seen at many Balinese
houses or temples.
The Pusat Musik Liturgi from Yogyakarta has also conducted workshops for
the composition of liturgical songs in Bali. In Bali and Java, gamelan (though in both
201
areas totally different) is the main traditional music. As it is mostly instrumental and
plays one main melody (balungan), it is not difficult to add texts to the music. The
rhythm of the balungan is mostly smooth and even, whereas the elaborating
instruments add the rhythm and speed. I Gusti Putu Oka is a musician collaborating
with PML in Bali. He supplied the workshop with traditional song forms and
melodies. The lokakarya has then a similar procedure as in Nias and everywhere else
Many of the Balinese gamelan pieces are connected to ritual dances. Trance,
magic, and spirits are part of the performances. The priests avoid discussions about
danger to the truth of faith and aim to detach the music from rituals by
commissioning new compositions, as it is also the case for the Javanese songbook.
For Java and Bali, many entirely new pieces are composed by local composers who
have a relationship to the PML. As such, the music is independent of any ritual or
text, a Christian text can easily be added, and yet the character of the scale (pelog or
slendro) and in performances with additional traditional instruments, the new piece
Paul Widyawan is a more difficult task, as the factor of vertical harmony like in Nias
CONCLUSION:
IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY ON THE
PRESERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT
OF NIAS ART
traditional houses in Nias, like the omo laraga in Hilina’a and Sihare’e or the omo
sebua in Bawomataluo. A new North Nias house in the motel area in the south of
Gunungsitoli serves as a show house for tourists. One motive is that the government
supports the preservation of the cultural richness of Indonesia. But this is not the only
reason. Indonesia hoped to earn a profit by making Nias a second Bali with a more
tribal fascination, so there was a second motivation for this aid programme: money.
When missionaries try to deal constructively with local culture, they are motivated by
different factors: faith and worship. Therefore, if we want to get an insight into the
A discussion of the monks’ role in the preservation of arts and their influence
on culture and society not only relates to the search for Nias’ roots but also takes into
contemporary artistic streams have not stopped at the entrance to the Indian Ocean. It
203
is a short and simple fact: Nias changes. Society changes. And the arts change, too.
The question is: How does this all change? How do Niassans react to and receive
those influences? The missionaries, aware of being part of that change, are
What are then the artistic goals of the parties involved in interculturation? We
distinguished between music and visual arts because music has gone a step further in
the intercultural process; the last word is spoken and sung by the Niassans
themselves; day-by-day music is performed and recreated. The visual arts are fixed in
authority.
Music
After observing both the interculturative songs and the procedure of their
creation, we can draw one main conclusion: evaluating the results of musical
interculturation is a multi-layered task insofar as the different parties, those more and
less directly concerned, have different aims and expectations. With the same
possibilities, from the contra facture, simply liturgically retexting a Nias melody, to a
decontextualisation and modification of Nias patterns to such an extent that the new
composition cannot be identified as Niassan any more. The traditional music then
integrate Nias arts into liturgy, they feel their music is more accurately represented,
that Niassans are willing to accept contra factures. Many of the local musicians are
In most cases, their composition attempts resemble existing patterns quite closely,
PML are methods from western classic music. If we listen to a variation of a sonata
by Mozart, where he fractures, modulates, mirrors or in any other more extreme way
modifies the main motif, we are sometimes only aware of its relation as a variation to
a motif because we always hear it performed with the original in context. Using this
technique for the creation of a single independent song, the original music is mostly
no more than a draft of an entirely new composition, which can hardly be identified
The priority and aim of the PML is the creation of an Indonesian church music
based on the concept of regional styles. Indonesians from all areas should feel
regional style for the nationwide songbook. The authenticity of a certain genre is in
the background, the songbook indicates gaya Nias or gaya Jawa (indo.: in Nias style
gamelan piece). This difference in aims becomes clear in the working process,
already in the choice of language, where locals wish to compose for a Nias text but
205
the PML insists on the use of Indonesian and the poles between contra facture and
After recording and attending services on Nias since 1997,189 working with both
books, Madah Bakti and Laudate, statistical favorites can be figured out and
developments can be followed. Also the priests and organists shared their knowledge
about those tendencies. They know which songs of the book to chose if they intend to
which song comes close to an experiment, as it is possible that the singers don’t
manage to sing through the entire song, yet it is done for the sake of variation and
learning a rarely used song. Javanese and Sundanese (their interculturative variations)
are hardly manageable by Niassans. I experienced several occasions where the whole
community dropped out of the songs as they simply couldn’t follow the tune. In the
polarization between contra facture and alienation, Widyawan, who usually has a
tendency towards the latter, as a Javanese musician plays another role in the
interculturative process with music from Java. With more knowledge about and
But there are also Nias interculturative songs that are less popular in Nias
itself. That happens when in the modification process patterns have been added that
189
As participatory observer, I attended at least one service daily, throughout my
research period this equals approximately 200 services.
206
are less known or even considered to be uncomfortable to sing, like e.g. the Javanese
tuning, big interval steps or, as another example for a Nias song showed, 16th patterns
from a virtuous solo song, the Hoho, which Widyawan wanted to have integrated into
community chant.
The western melodies, despite all enthusiasm for interculturation, have not
been eliminated and are not unpopular among Niassans, if they are simple to sing.
The alpine musical tradition, from where many of the missionaries come (Tyrol,
Bavaria) provides melodies that are considered as pleasant and easily singable. More
difficulties can be witnessed with melodies taken from chorales of Johann Sebastian
chant. Of the two morning masses in Tögizita, one is continuously celebrated with
Nias songs, and one with Gregorian chant, of which the latter is at least as popular as
the first. In conversations, Niassans expressed their preference for the easy melody in
the chants: keeping the same note for a long stretch of text, a limited range, and a
similar pattern for all different chants makes it easier to participate. Many expressed a
Favorite Nias songs are those not modified too much and which retain
common patterns like triplets and punctuations. The Agnus Dei from the Ordinarium
Misa Nias is one of the least difficult songs for Niassans to sing, filled with 25
because it was composed 15 years ago, and publications state the basic genre from
which this song is derived. The song is so simplified, yet definitely recognized by
Niassans as Nias style, that none can exactly say what genre it represents. It is very
207
close to the Lagia as played in the Gomo area, which also has continuous triplets in a
third range, but it could be based on melody patterns from a Ho’ae or a Maula from
Here we see that the genre only provides the draft for a new composition, and
presented at a lokakarya plus knowledge of more songs (for Niassans from tradition,
for the team PML from research) delivers a pool of patterns frequently used and
selected by favor. The PML tries to impose musical techniques of composition and a
distance from the original to create new forms. Thus, an ultimatively interculturative
song resembles less a local genre than a stereotyped local style. Evaluating it
applicable:
“Besonders die protestantische Mission hat […] The protestant mission especially has […]
viel zerstört […]. Selbst die rücksichtsvollen destroyed much […]. Even the
Bemühungen der katholischen Kirche, die unter considerate efforts of the Catholic Church
dem Begriff der “Inkulturation” fallen, womit under the term “inculturation”, meaning a
eine sanfte Annäherung an die lokalen smooth approach to the local conditions,
Verhältnisse gemeint ist, muß man teilweise to be partially concerning criticized on the
190
We could also interpret the solo – tutti (solo – umum) variation e.g. in the Agnus Dei
as an element in the European mass composition described as typically Niassan,
but this is also not unusual as liturgy suggests this part’s responsorial for priest
and community.
208
bezüglich ihres Anspruches in Frage stellen. […] basis of their own requirements. […]
inkulturierten Stücke […] sind allesamt in einem inculturated pieces […] are all worked in
deutlich vereinfachten Stil gearbeitet, der mit der a clearly simplified style, which has
Traditionen so gut wie nichts mehr zu tun hat. of the original traditions. As a new folk-
Als eine eigenständige neue Volks-(für welches (for which folk ?) or Indonesian form of
akzeptieren, sie aber als kulturell repräsentativ seeing them as culturally representative
für die jeweiligen missionierten Ethnien zu for the different missionarized ethnics.
Music has one special attribute in the whole interculturation process: as a performing
art, its forms and elaborations are dependent on the performers on each occasion.
Even if the publications of the PML fix the notations after their final judgment, it is
the Niassans themselves who decide the performance setting: on one hand by
selecting their favorite songs more frequently, on the other hand remodifying
patterns, as shown in the Tari Moyo variation 1a, where Niassans sing triplets instead
of the musical punctuations. Thus the final stage of an interculturative song is not the
191
Mack, Dieter: “Musik in Indonesien” in Southeast Asia and Germany - a cultural
dialogue: Informations, addresses, links, website of the Goethe Institut
Deutschland, Bandung, Jakarta: http://www.goethe.de/so/kinmu1.htm , visited
24.7.2000. 14:30
209
Visual Arts
interculturation. Once a piece of art has been created, it keeps its form and remains
part of the community without any interactive feedback. The missionaries neither
want to imitate old forms perfectly, nor do they want to invent a new form. Dieter
Mack’s quote also applies to visual arts: the missionaries’ goal is to simplify old
Niassan sacral arts in which you can still recognize both the Niassan and the sacral
aspects.
The following examples should show the extent to which the missionaries on
Nias contribute to the preservation of arts and culture and even attempt to go a step
further; in some cases they manage to revive nearly lost skills among the Niassans.
One source of support for the arts can be expressed in business terms: If
Catholic churches want to integrate traditional arts into their buildings and
ceremonies, the demand for arts rises. Rising demand encourages production. This is
the quantitative side. Quality depends on the kind of demand. As the interculturative
process in Nias lies mainly on the shoulders of one man, Pastor Johannes Hämmerle,
an outstanding expert on Nias history and culture,192 the rise of quantity must be
192
Hämmerle’s status as Nias expert is documented not only in his many publications on
Nias culture, but also in other scholars’ publications, i.e. by Feldman, Viaro,
Yampolski and Reid, that use Hämmerle as one of their main sources. Niassans
themselves turn to Hämmerle for advice in cultural questions, as the author
210
connected to continuity in quality. Craftsmen in Nias know they cannot offer cheap
souvenirs to the Pastor. Rising production for the tourist market can create pseudo-
artifacts of little artistic value and authenticity. It can, however, create new artifacts or
knowledge, and awareness of the tourists concerning the local tradition. One example
is the wooden Nias stool. Many handicraft shops in Yogyakarta offer a wooden stools
labeled as Nias stools. Size and form are similar to the traditional Nias stool, but the
Niassans nor by the author.193 The shop attached to the Museum for Nias Culture in
Gunungsitoli, directed by Johannes Hämmerle, offers Nias stools which are replica of
the exhibits in the museum, identical in form and style, but newly made by Nias
craftsmen. Thus, the museum neither exports pseudo-artifacts like the shops in
Yogyakarta, nor does it betray the buyer, as the stools are openly labeled as replicas.
A problem on Nias parallel to other remote areas is that the steps toward
modernity came late but fast. Cars, TVs, cable TV, telephones, etc., all came all to the
island within half a century. Overwhelmed by the new, the old is thrown away more
easily, and so many Niassans of the present generation were not interested any more
front of the house as a status symbol, stone sculpting suddenly lost its function and
market. Big owasa feasts with the erection of megalithic figures have become more
and more a rare sight. Many stones or whole groups of stones were not cared for
anymore, left in forest areas, overgrown by grass and bushes and covered by earth.
Pastors have discovered several such ruins on their walks to remote stations through
Another reason for the decrease in stone erections is that there are fewer
sculptors especially in central and north Nias. The youngest megaliths the
missionaries saw were erected two generations back. The last generation made
practically no stones. For cultural interest and for use in church, Hämmerle and Hess
organized courses with the last sculptors alive for the younger generation, giving
them not only the perspective of cultural knowledge but also work. Today, the
Behu as well as Christian sacral statues. The Behu are sold to private persons as
souvenirs, but also to Niassans who take this as a renewal to commence an owasa for
a special occasion and pose the stone in front of the house, a revival of owasa feasts
the church and thus show that missionaries like Hämmerle and Hess have developed
the cultural interest that was initiated by the requirements of the interculturative
his installation as full-time director of the Museum Pusaka Nias. His priestly duties
have been reduced to Sunday services and substitutions for other priests in order to be
workshop has been attached to the monastery in Tögizita since 1984. Several men
attended a course organized in the monastery buildings, and now have jobs there.
They are asked to learn about the old Nias motifs and ornaments, so if any church
commissions e.g. a church bench, the craftsmen decide themselves the design within
the interculturative frame. Even more commercial items sold all over Indonesia are
imitations of adu zatua figures support the skills necessary for that art and cater to
tourist centers with Nias sculptures, that are neither illegally traded authentic artifacts
nor examples of the pseudo-ethnic commercial tribal arts. They are, as ideal as it
Even if our main concern in the interculturation of Nias was the high extent of
simplification and generalization of the original music, the process itself, however,
network of musicians reaching into the very remote areas of the island, in order to dig
out, practice and perform their traditional songs, and inform the worshippers about
the most efficient work has been done based on missionaries’ contributions. With
nearly 100 tapes of recordings, Pastor Hämmerle owns probably the largest collection
of Nias traditional music. The archive of the PML in Yogyakarta has video recordings
213
describing genres and dances like no other institution, documentation or research has
songs) as valuable for the preservation of Nias music, we must definitely give those
Hereby we touch the point of conservation, which leads to the museum work
Pastor Johannes has founded such a museum for Nias culture, housing examples of
arts and everyday items of Niassans. Supported by his own ethnological work and
internationally recognized books and to the Niassans themselves. School classes and
private persons visit regularly the permanent exhibitions and have access to
Combined with the museum is a school for tourism and culture, where Niassans can
attend courses educating them in their own culture and skills of a guide in order to
results and artifacts that rescue Nias culture from extinction, at least the aroused
and, as proven to be more successful than any other attempt, be it from national or
At the same time we see a change in the image of the missionary, which in
some anthropologists’ and ethnologists’ circles still searches for acceptance (also
because to this extent, Nias is still a minority example): from cultural destructor to
Hämmerle and Hess are still a minority in this enthusiasm. Their effect on the
awareness of Nias arts is being confirmed by many Niassans and paid tribute to by
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Pope John Paul II, Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Pastores Dabo Vobis to the
Pope John Paul II, Rundschreiben Slavorum Apostoli an die Bischöfe, die Priester,
Werk der Evangelisierung der Heiligen Cyrill und Methodius vor 1100
Pope John Paul II, To the Peoples of Asia. Message before the Angelus / Laetare
Pope John Paul II, Vatican Council II, the Guide in Your Ecclesial Activities. Speech
23.6.1980.
Sekretariat der Deutschen Bischofskonferenz (ed): Die Kirche in Afrika und Asien
Tomko, Jozef, Comments on the Sending abroad and Sejourn of Diocesan Priests
http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/cevang/documents/r
c_con_cevang_doc_20010612_istruzione-tomko_en.html, visited on
28.4.2004, 15:30
Komisi Liturgi KWI (ed.): Refren mazmur tanggapan dan alleluya. Tahun A,B,C.
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, Laudate. Buku Doa dan Nyanyian dalam Bahasa
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, Aine Sion. Buku Koor Bahasa Nias. Tögizita,
1996
Komisi Liturgi Keuskupan Sibolga, Magnifikat. Buku Koor & Vocal Group untuk
Loh, I-to (ed.): A Festival of Asian Christmas Music. Asian Institute for Liturgi and
Pusat Musik Liturgi Yogyakarta (ed.): Madah Bakti Suplemen. Buku nyanyian untuk
17.3.1992)
Pusat Musik Liturgi, Madah Bakti. Buku doa dan Nyanyian. Yogyakarta, 2000.
TONDOKUMENTE + BOOKLETS
Heins, Ernst: Nias. Epic songs and instrumental music. Booklet in:
PAN Records: Nias. Epic songs and instrumental music. (=Ethnic Series). CD with
Appendix
234
Figures
Figure 4: Doli-doli as
leg xylophone with 4
keys (Kunst, Music in
Nias. PL.IV, 7)
Figure 5: Doli-doli on a
wooden frame;
Laverna Monastery
Figure 8: Aramba in an omo laraga, Figure 12: Aramba and two faritia in the church of
Hiliana’a, North Nias Tögozota
Figure 14: Fondrahi Figure 15: Chu Chu Hao Figure 16: Lagia
Figure 17: Different types of flutes Figure 18: Nose blown flute, accoring to
found by Jaap Kunst in Nias in 1939 Jaap Kunst found in Nias (Kunst, Music in
(Kunst, Music in Nias. PL.IX, 26) Nias, PL.VIII, 22)
238
Figure 20: Omo sebua, house of the King of Figure 21: Omo hada in Bawomataluo;
Bawomataluo diagonal pillars are in front of the vertical;
239
Figure 25a: Church near Undreboli, in the style Figure 25b: Church of Gidö; recent extension in
of a North Nias omo laraga the style of a North Nias omo laraga
240
Figure 26: left: central pillar in the King's House in Bawomataluo; right: imitation in the church
of Teluk Dalam (left: Waterson, The Living House, p.110)
Figure 28: Last example of a Figure 29: Imitation of the Figure 30: Imitation of the ewe in
Central Nias ewe from the ewe at the bell tower of the a church near Tögizita
Tögizita style house church in Tögizita
241
Figure 31: Church of Tögizita with Figure 32: Saint Francis Church in Gunungsitoli, North Nias,
the flank ornaments of a North Nias with sikhöli in the style of South Nias houses
omo laraga
Figure 40: Group of stone monuments, Behu, stool and table, beside its owner’s grave;
Sanguwasi, Central Nias
Figure 41: Group of stone monuments beside a Christian grave; Siwahili, North Nias
Figure 48: Adu zatua; wooden Figure 50: Christ, who overcomes
ancestor sculpture death; Church of Christ King,
Gidö; Jesus wearing a Nias crown
Figure 52: Altar painting in Idanö Gawo, Central Nias; The Holy Family situated in a Nias scene
Figure 53: Entrance doors to the church of Tögizita carved with Nias and Christian motives
247
Figure 55: Stone relief of a traditional Nias comb at the St. Francis Church, Gunungsitoli
Figure 56: Kalabubu; Nias headhunterring; Figure 57: Warrior's hat; Museum Pusaka
Museum Pusaka Nias Nias
248
Figure 59: Gold earrings; Museum Pusaka Figure 62: Traditional Nias oillamp as Eternal
Nias Flame in the Chapel of Laverna Monastery
Figure 64: Nias head cloth and veste with black, yellow, red colours and ni'o törö pattern, like a
tip of a speer (Hämmerle, He’iwisa ba Danö Neho? p.44f)
Figure 65: Priest’s clothes Figure 66: Babtism in Central Nias; Stola with
ni’o törö pattern and women’s crowns at the ends
purple as liturgical colour of the Fasting
Time, a combination of a rai crown, a cross
and P for Phi
Figure 67: Liturgical clothes for altar boys; all include the ni' o törö pattern, colours according to
the liturgical colour of the day
250
Figure 68: Rantepau Church with interculturative designs for altar Figure 69: Rantepau
accessories (Photo: John Miksic) Church, Statue of Jesus
with interculturative
ornaments (Photo: John
Miksic)
Figure 70: Catholic Church in Ubud, Bali (Warta Music 6/XXV/2000, p.168)
251
CONSTITUTION
SACROSANCTUM CONCILIUM
SOLEMNLY PROMULGATED BY
HIS HOLINESS
POPE PAUL VI
ON DECEMBER 4, 1963
CHAPTER
VI SACRED MUSIC
112. The musical tradition of the universal Church is a treasure of inestimable value,
greater even than that of any other art. The main reason for this pre-eminence is that,
as sacred song united to the words, it forms a necessary or integral part of the solemn
liturgy.
Holy Scripture, indeed, has bestowed praise upon sacred song (42), and the same may
be said of the fathers of the Church and of the Roman pontiffs who in recent times,
led by St. Pius X, have explained more precisely the ministerial function supplied by
closely connected with the liturgical action, whether it adds delight to prayer, fosters
253
unity of minds, or confers greater solemnity upon the sacred rites. But the Church
approves of all forms of true art having the needed qualities, and admits them into
divine worship.
Accordingly, the sacred Council, keeping to the norms and precepts of ecclesiastical
tradition and discipline, and having regard to the purpose of sacred music, which is
the glory of God and the sanctification of the faithful, decrees as follows.
113. Liturgical worship is given a more noble form when the divine offices are
celebrated solemnly in song, with the assistance of sacred ministers and the active
As regards the language to be used, the provisions of Art. 36 are to be observed; for
the Mass, Art. 54; for the sacraments, Art. 63; for the divine office. Art. 101.
114. The treasure of sacred music is to be preserved and fostered with great care.
Choirs must be diligently promoted, especially in cathedral churches; but bishops and
other pastors of souls must be at pains to ensure that, whenever the sacred action is to
be celebrated with song, the whole body of the faithful may be able to contribute that
active participation which is rightly theirs, as laid down in Art. 28 and 30.
seminaries, in the novitiates and houses of study of religious of both sexes, and also
in other Catholic institutions and schools. To impart this instruction, teachers are to
It is desirable also to found higher institutes of sacred music whenever this can be
done.
254
Composers and singers, especially boys, must also be given a genuine liturgical
training.
116. The Church acknowledges Gregorian chant as specially suited to the Roman
liturgy: therefore, other things being equal, it should be given pride of place in
liturgical services.
But other kinds of sacred music, especially polyphony, are by no means excluded
from liturgical celebrations, so long as they accord with the spirit of the liturgical
117. The typical edition of the books of Gregorian chant is to be completed; and a
more critical edition is to be prepared of those books already published since the
It is desirable also that an edition be prepared containing simpler melodies, for use in
small churches.
and sacred exercises, as also during liturgical services, the voices of the faithful may
119. In certain parts of the world, especially mission lands, there are peoples who
have their own musical traditions, and these play a great part in their religious and
social life. For this reason due importance is to be attached to their music, and a
suitable place is to be given to it, not only in forming their attitude toward religion,
but also in adapting worship to their native genius, as indicated in Art. 39 and 40.
255
Therefore, when missionaries are being given training in music, every effort should
be made to see that they become competent in promoting the traditional music of
these peoples, both in schools and in sacred services, as far as may be practicable.
120. In the Latin Church the pipe organ is to be held in high esteem, for it is the
ceremonies and powerfully lifts up man's mind to God and to higher things.
But other instruments also may be admitted for use in divine worship, with the
knowledge and consent of the competent territorial authority, as laid down in Art. 22,
52, 37, and 40. This may be done, however, only on condition that the instruments are
suitable, or can be made suitable, for sacred use, accord with the dignity of the
121. Composers, filled with the Christian spirit, should feel that their vocation is to
Let them produce compositions which have the qualities proper to genuine sacred
music, not confining themselves to works which can be sung only by large choirs, but
providing also for the needs of small choirs and for the active participation of the
The texts intended to be sung must always be in conformity with Catholic doctrine;
indeed they should be drawn chiefly from holy scripture and from liturgical sources.
256
3. Ituyu gukhu’ukhu zi’ öli 13. Da’ö niha satöi Daolo langi
Tari HOHO
Tanö si lö ezinö
E …… börö dumaduma
Ilau modawa-dawa
Sanayuda umanö
Siwa falawa-falawa
Löndru ba we’atumbu
Si no alewa-leawa
Nomo ba wamazökhi
Awai ba wamazökhi