THE HAND OF NZAMBI: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF PALO MAYOMBE

NKISI MALONGO ACROSS THE ATLANTIC

By

ANTHONY BAXTER JR.

A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2022
© 2022 Anthony Baxter Jr.
 To my ancestors: Odessa, Minnie, Charles, Mary, Frank, Larry, Betty B, Juanita, Sylvia, Eddie,
John, Rodney, Lauren, Chad, and all those unlisted or unknown. Thank you for walking with me
daily
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the members of my chair and committee for their wisdom, input,

and guidance that assisted me throughout my journey of completing this work and study. I have

much appreciation and respect for every staff member in Smather’s library that provided me with

the resources and assurance when I needed help and couldn’t seem to find what I was looking

for. I would also like to thank and send love to all my family, mentors, former professors,

friends, and workers at Pascal’s coffee shop who all contributed to this project in some way,

shape, or form. Whether it was a listening ear, assurance, critique, comment, music

recommendation, or kind word to help me maintain my sanity while completing this project amid

a global pandemic, I am grateful to all who crossed my paths during this journey. Although I did

not become initiated under him, I thank Tata Rompe Pecho tremendously for opening the doors

to his Munanzo to change my understanding of Kongo spirituality and inspiring me to uncover

more information about Kongo spirituality and history in the years to come. I stand on the

shoulders of my mother, father, grandparents, sisters, cousins, aunts, uncles, Dr. James Pope, Dr.

Kenetta Perry, Dr. Tasneem Siddiqui, Dr. Beau Gaitors, Pedro Sarduy, Bayinnah Bello, Zora

Neale Hurston, Huey P. Newton, Tupac Shakur, Thomas Sankara, Patrice Lumumba, Sekou

Odinga, and all others that inspire and pour into me. Finally, I would like to thank Nzambi a

Mpungu (God) and all my ancestors, known, and unknown for allowing me to see this project

through to completion, and walking with me daily. Nzambi Akutare!

4
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...............................................................................................................4

LIST OF FIGURES .........................................................................................................................7

LIST OF DEFINITIONS .................................................................................................................9

ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................................9

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION: SHATTERING THE REAMS OF MISCONCEPTIONS......................11

Positionality Statement ...........................................................................................................16

Applied Africana Studies ........................................................................................................18
Religious Syncretization .........................................................................................................19
Research Methods ...................................................................................................................20
Participant-Observation ...................................................................................................20
Oral History .....................................................................................................................23
Interviews: Open-Ended Narrative Interviews & Group Interviews ......................................24
Accessibility ...........................................................................................................................24

2 MY FIRST VISIT ...................................................................................................................26

3 KONGO ORIGINS: BANTU ROOTS ...................................................................................30

4 NKISI MALONGO IN CUBA ...............................................................................................47

5 THE RAMAS/BRANCHES OF PALO .................................................................................53

6 THE FALSIFICATION OF KONGO CONCIOUSNESS AND RELIGION........................57

7 KONGO COSMOLOGY: NZAMBI’S BLUEPRINT ...........................................................60

8 THE IMPORTANCE OF LINEAGE IN NKISI MALONGO ...............................................71

9 THE FIRST NGANGA IN CUBA .........................................................................................73

10 KIMPUNGULU: THE FINGERS OF NZAMBI’S HAND ...................................................80

Nkuyu Nfinda: Lucero Mundo ...............................................................................................81

Kalunga/Madre Agua ..............................................................................................................83
Zarabanda/Sarabanda ..............................................................................................................84
Nzazi/Nsasi/Siete Rayos .........................................................................................................85
Mama Chola Nguengue/Chola Wengue .................................................................................86
Centella Ndoki/Mariwanga .....................................................................................................88

5
 Kengue/Tiembla Tierra ...........................................................................................................90

11 RAYAMIENTO/INITIATED INTO NKISI MALONGO .....................................................92

12 CONCLUSION.......................................................................................................................97

LIST OF REFERENCES .............................................................................................................100

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................102

6
 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure page

3-1 Map of Africa that shows the groups present in the Kongo region that laid the
foundation for Nkisi Malongo. ..........................................................................................33

3-2 The Nkondi statue used for spiritual warfare and attacks against enemies. .....................40

3-3 The Catholic missionaries shown setting religious temples ablaze in the Kongo
kingdom. Depicted in front of the burning temple are a myriad of items that are
common in Kongo traditional practices [Missione in Practica ca. 1750] ..........................41

3-4 This cross became a symbol for the Kongo creator God, Nzambi a Mpungu. [The
Met Museum at Fifth Avenue, the crucifix is on display at the museum and image is
available for public usage.] ................................................................................................46

3-5 The kneeling of the Kongo peoples in front of the cross. [Missione in Practica” circa
1750 46

7-1 The bones used for the Nfumbe in Nkisi Malongo and their purposes. [Kail, Narco-
Cults, 2015] ........................................................................................................................63

7-2 The Dikenga cosmogram that is a part of Nkisi Malongo and pre-colonial Kongo
religious traditions. It has numerous uses within the tradition itself, but in this
context, it is the clock for understanding the cycle of life. ................................................65

7-3 An example of a firma used in Nkisi Malongo. The Dikenga cosmogram seems to
serve as the base for the firma, however there are variations. ...........................................70

9-1 Two Ngangas. These vessels have a myriad of different purposes within the
tradition. .............................................................................................................................76

10-1 7 African Powers candle used to evoke the Kimpungulu for different reasons. This
candle can be used in the Lwa and Orisha traditions as well.............................................81

10-2 Nkuyu Nfinda/Lucero Mundo or he who opens the gates to communicating with the
realm of the spirits. Unlike the Orisha and Lwa, there aren’t many physical
representations of him, but he is usually referred to as that man in the red and black ......83

10-3 Kalunga, the mother of the oceans and salt waters. She is often associated with the
Lwa Lasiren in Vodou, and Orisha Yemaya. .....................................................................84

10-4 Zarabanda/Sarabanda the Mpungu of war, metalworking, clearing obstacles,

courage, and wreaking havoc/revenge upon those that wrong him or his children. ..........85

7
10-5 Nsasi, the main Mpungu of Palo Mayombe who was the first Nkisi to be brought to
Cuba from the Kongo kingdom. [Unknown artist. This depiction is widely circulated
throughout African Traditional Religion forums.].............................................................86

10-6 Basílica Santuario Nacional de Nuestra Señora de la Caridad del Cobre in Santiado
de Cuba, Cuba. Although many people go to this church to pray to La Virgen de la
Caridad del Cobre, people also leave offerings for Mama Chola. .....................................88

10-7 Centella Ndoki, or Mariwanga the Mpungu who is the keeper of cemeteries and
custodian of the dead. [Tata Rompe Pecho, 2021] ............................................................90

10-8 Kengue/Tiembla Tierra bestowing his wisdom upon his children. [Artist Unknown,
image commonly circulated throughout African Traditional Religion Forums about
Palo Mayombe and Briyumba, 2021] ................................................................................91

11-1 The Dimbri beads that are worn around from neck to shoulder like a sash. While the
Yoruba wear their elekes like necklaces, the Kongo wear their dimbri like flags. The
Dimbri are worn during ceremonies or doing spiritual work. [Mercado Libre Mexico,
2021] 96

8
 LIST OF DEFINITIONS

Kimpungulu The raw energiesor forces of nature that assist humans in their every day
lives.

Ko No

Kuenda Yes

Ku Mpemba The land of the spirits or realm of the dead.

Ku Nseke The land of the living or the physical realm.

Mfinda Forest

Mpungu The singular version of Kimpungulu

Munanzo Derived from the Kikongo term nzo, which means house. The Munanzo
is a spiritual house or Nkisi Malongo temple.

Ndoki The term for sorcerer in Kikongo

Nfumbe The spirit that a Tata makes a pact with. It is housed in the Nganga to
assist him with whatever they need help with.

Nganga The original term for priest or spiritual specialist. Today it is used to refer
to the cauldron that houses the Nfumbe spirit.

Nkondi Statues with nails and other objects created by Nganga and Ndoki for
spiritual defense or attacking enemies.

Nkuyu Ghost

Nzambi God

9
 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

THE HAND OF NZAMBI: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF PALO MAYOMBE

NKISI MALONGO ACROSS THE ATLANTIC

By

Anthony Baxter Jr.

May 2022

Chair: Benjamin Hebblethwaite

Major: Latin American Studies

Nkisi Malongo, which translates to sacred medicine in Bantu, is an African Traditional

religion and healing practice brought to Cuba by enslaved Africans who were trafficked across

the Atlantic from the Kongo Kingdom in central Africa. Today, it is most known to the masses

by the moniker, Palo Mayombe, and is practiced mostly in Cuba and the United States. The

tradition evokes fear and hysteria within the minds of those who have been misled to believe that

it is the “dark side” of Lucumi (Santeria). This popular mendacity is an extension of the ongoing

attack against African religions and spiritual traditions since the arrival of European missionaries

of the cross on the African continent. Accordingly, this thesis seeks to shatter the negative

stigmas and false narratives attached to the tradition by centering Nkisi Malongo as its own

sovereign religion with a unique set of beliefs and practices that are independent to the Kongo

region, despite many sources associating it with Yoruba traditional religions and spiritual

practices.

10
 CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION: SHATTERING THE REAMS OF MISCONCEPTIONS

Nkisi Malongo as it is practiced today in Cuba and the United States, is a culmination of

Bantu shamanistic practices that were forced into a process of syncretization between African

spirituality, cosmologies, and practices, with Spanish Catholicism to deal with the realities that

its practitioners were up against during the period of colonialism and enslavement. The

institution of chattel slavery, the precursor to racial capitalism, forced Kongo people to reshape

their spiritual practices to enhance their gifts and abilities as warriors, both literally and

spiritually. The painful, brutal, and inhumane circumstances which enslaved Kongo peoples had

to endure in Cuba is what molded the many different Bantu practices into what we now know as

Palo Mayombe. It is a closed tradition that reveals its’ secrets only to those that have sworn an

oath before the Kongo spirits with live witnesses present to become initiated into a particular

Munanzo1. The closed nature of this tradition along with the many spiritual tools within it such

as skulls, bones, and various offerings has led to the immense speculation from outsiders which

has resulted in the circulation of false truths, misconceptions, and hysteria. This is exhibited

throughout various entertainment mediums, social media, academia, etc. as people outside of the

tradition tend to speculate while developing a strong inquiry for what they do not know or

comprehend. The traditional spiritual and religious practices of Africans have found themselves

in a frequent war against the gaze and ideals of the imperialist pawns of the Christian church,

who justified the subjugation and enslavement of Africans by pointing to their religions and

spiritual practices as primitive machinations that symbolized evil, inhumanity, and barbarity.

1
The term Munanzo, which I will use frequently throughout this project derives from the Kikongo word muuna nzo,
which translates to house in English. In Nkisi Malongo and its many branches, Munanzo refers to the spiritual house
that adepts become a part of when they are initiated.

11
 In addition to the association of this tradition with evil, there is a frequent push by many

to associate or blend Palo Mayombe with another African Traditional Religion that made its way

across the waters to Cuba from the lands of the Yoruba peoples, located in modern day Nigeria.

Lucumi (Santeria), which is an extension of the Yoruba spiritual system Ifa, is the name of the

tradition that Palo is incorrectly associated with, despite these traditions deriving from separate

regions in Africa. Although there are similarities when Palo and Lucumi are juxtaposed, they are

their own separate traditions with unique worldviews, approaches to spirituality, and rituals that

differ according to their origins and beliefs. Outsiders of Palo and the many other Kongo

traditions frequently refer to it as the dark side of Santeria (Kail, Narco Cults: Understanding the

Use of Afro-Caribbean and Mexican Religious Cultures in the Drug Wars, 2015). This is an

inaccurate depiction, as the religion is not the same as Lucumi, and each tradition contains

different modalities to approach or work the spirit that is viewed with disdain by each one, unless

someone is initiated into both traditions concomitantly. Referring to Nkisi Malongo, or any Palo

branch as a dark side of Lucumi attacks the legitimacy and sovereignty of Kongo religion and

instead of situating it as its own sovereign religion with roots from a completely different ethnic

group in Africa, it undermines the religion and fuses it into a tradition that it has nothing to do

with and cannot be practiced with simultaneously. This erroneous notion also holds similar ideals

that once fueled the European conquests of Africa, Caribbean islands, and the Americas which

led to the genocide of millions of indigenous peoples, their cultures, and spiritual beliefs. The

casting out of Nkisi Malongo into the dark as a religion used for evil upholds and promotes the

white supremacist claims that have been used against non-white people since the period of

colonization and enslavement throughout the diaspora.

12
 It is my upmost intention to put an end to such nonsense by providing an insider’s

account of the tradition as a soon-to-be initiated researcher, sharing what can be told to the

public without breaking any rules set by the members of the tradition, the Kongo ancestors, and

spirits that are both the custodians, guardians, and transmitters of this tradition to ensure its’

survival and longevity. My access to the tradition is granted via Cuban immigrants that have

settled into North Central Florida, as well as the grandson of both a Tata 2 and Yaya3 that still

lives in Cuba today. Since the creation of this thesis has taken place amid the COVID-19

pandemic that is still harvesting and collecting the souls of people throughout the globe, I have

chosen to rely on phone calls, video calls through Skype, Facebook messenger and Zoom, text

messages, and emails to maintain a relationship with my research participants. I was given

permission and invited to attend ceremonies in person, however I chose to wait until the

pandemic subsides for me to attend in-person ceremonies. To accommodate me, the communities

I have been in contact with and learning from have allowed me to participate in Misa espirituals 4

and cleansings with them via video calls. While virtually participating in these ceremonies I am

still expected to do what I would do as if I was in attendance. This requires me to wear certain

items of clothing that carry different meanings, light specific candles for specific purposes, sing

songs dedicated to various spirits in unison with members of the Munanzo, dance, recite specific

prayers and pleas to the spirits, or leave offerings. My virtual fieldwork experiences took place

between the months of August and December 2021. However, I am also relying on the

2
Tata is a title that is given to male elders in the Kongo and Kongo religions that means father. It is also used to
refer to someone that has been granted the secrets to enter priesthood.
3
Yaya is a title that is given to female elders in the Kongo and Kongo religions that means mother. It is also used to
refer to someone that has been granted the secrets and status to assume the role as a priestess.
4
A Misa is a ceremony incorporated into Nkisi Malongo to communicate with the spirits of the dead, relying on
mediumship, signs, senses, and spiritual mounting (possession) for the spirits to relay messages to adepts.

13
experiences I had in person in Cuba, and in Ocala, Florida when I first arrived in Florida during

late Spring of 2020 when the COVID-19 pandemic was still in its early stages.

Also, it is imperative for me to note that throughout this thesis, I will be referring to the

region and its practices as Kongo, rather than addressing it as ‘Congo’ with a “c”, which is

associated with the result of European imperialism, colonialism, Christianity, slavery, and the

dismantling of the Kongo kingdom by these foreign institutions that wreaked havoc upon the

Kongo region. Kongo is the name of the kingdom that once spanned across numerous regions

and provinces in central and west central Africa. It was named by the original peoples of the

region who spoke the KiKongo language, and I will honor, respect, and uphold their legacy by

using ‘Kongo’ when I speak about the kingdom and its people, culture, traditions, and all the

spiritual traditions that were birthed from her proverbial womb. I will not refer to the Nkisi

Malongo in any way that associates it with Yoruba religious practices, as that is the antithesis to

this project that seeks to center this tradition as a unique Kongo practice. By providing a detailed

account as someone who has relationships with living practitioners and spends time learning

with them, my goal is to recenter Nkisi Malongo as its own sovereign religious tradition with its

own unique origin, cosmology, conceptualization of spirits, rituals, ceremonies, regulations, and

way of approaching life in all aspects. Nkisi Malongo is the formal name, although I will use it

and Palo simultaneously throughout this work.

Although there are many books, articles, and documentaries that have been produced

about Palo, I do not use them as the basis for my research, as most of them were written by

outsiders that did not develop substantial relationships within the community (that is, people who

conducted research primarily from the seat of their office), individuals that intentionally

14
disseminated false information, those that did not gain the knowledge from a reputable source,

and those that did not receive the license to write certain things about the tradition.

Each house has many mansions, meaning that each house practices the tradition

differently. However, there is a foundation laid from the Kongo ancestors that a Munanzo is

supposed to follow at the most “basic” level. The communities I have learned with are a part of

three different ramas, or branches within the Palo system, which contains unique differences that

I will discuss in later chapters. The information used to complete this ethnography is a

culmination of the countless lessons that I have received from the Tatas I have met, ngeuyo 5,

individuals who I have developed sibling-like relationships with, historical records, and Nzambi

a Mpungu (God), as the creator is both my purpose and push to complete this work. Lydia

Cabrera’s book Las Reglas de Congo, published in 1979, along with Donato Fhunsu’s English

translations of them have helped me tremendously. Dr. Kimbwandende K. B. Fu-Kiau’s work

and lectures on the African cosmology of the Bantu Kongo have also influenced my work and

helped with my understanding of the Kongo worldview. However, the structure and style of this

ethnography is heavily influenced by the work of two special women I admire that conducted

field research and wrote books about Haitian Vodou, Zora Neale Hurston and Maya Deren. Tell

My Horse, Their Eyes Were Watching God, and Divine Horseman were three books I read by

these authors that catapulted me into the intellectual study of African Traditional Religions and

contributing to the production of knowledge by researching, participating, and writing about

them. These two writers and anthropologists serve as the drumsticks that help produce the sound

which vibrates from this work as if it were a drum itself, communication the messages of the

Kongo spirits and ancestors who desire to have their story told. This work is structured in a

5
Ngeuyo refers to those that have just been initiated into Nkisi Malongo and allowed to learn the secrets.

15
manner that first explores the origins of the tradition while its practitioners were still present in

the Kongo kingdom before they were ripped from their land and trafficked across the Atlantic.

Then I address its transformation as it landed to Cuba and the United States. By adopting what I

coin Kongo hermeneutics, I interpret the cosmology, ceremonies, deities, ceremonies, and other

aspects of the tradition that are accessible to the uninitiated public. My intention is to make this

work as accessible as possible, breaking down the many aspects of the tradition that I am

allowed to so that the children of the Kongo throughout the diaspora and other people seeking

knowledge can obtain it. This work is a precursor for what will come, as I will expand on it when

I travel to the Kongo, back to Cuba, and undergo initiation in the future.

Positionality Statement

I am an African descendant male from the South, born and raised in Winston-Salem,

North Carolina. Growing up, I was surrounded by spiritually strong women that prayed often and

attended the Baptist church. I can recall many instances from my childhood spending time in my

late grandmother Odessa’s apartment and witnessing her kneeling by the bedside praying and

reading in the large Bible that is still in possession of my family today. My paternal grandmother

Jacki is also a spiritually strong and faithful woman of God who reads her Bible and prays daily.

My aunt Jade and my mother Tammy have also remained praying women that have always had a

solid relationship with God, regardless of if they attended church frequently every Sunday or not.

While I was a child, my family attended both New Zion Baptist church and the historically

significant Goler Memorial African Methodist Episcopal church located in downtown Winston-

Salem. However, for me there was something about Christianity that did not resonate with my

spirit and understanding of the cosmos. It was not that I did not believe in God, but I always

questioned that we read from a book that was supposedly written by a supreme being that no one

had ever seen before. It also confused me that every physical representation of Jesus and God’s

16
angels depicted them as white. The older I got the more I began to develop a passion for studying

history, which led to me inquiring about the history of the relationship with African and

indigenous people and the Church, especially the Black Christian church. It was during those

moments of inquiry that I discovered the forced conversion of Africans from our traditional

spiritual practices to Christianity during the period of enslavement. This sparked my curiosity in

wanting to learn about what traditions my people practiced before they were forced into the

Christian institution.

The passion for studying the complexities within African Traditional religions intensified

after my intellectual experiences in undergrad, taking courses regarding the presence of these

traditions in the Americas and Caribbean. This intellectual passion and curiosity deepened after

studying abroad in Cuba in 2019. After getting the opportunity to visit a spiritual house and

speak with elders, witness a celebration for new initiates, and become overwhelmed by a barrage

of drum rhythms calling me to dance-I knew that contributing to the production of knowledge by

researching ATR’s 6 was a part of my life’s vocation. I am concerned with studying and

documenting the histories, traditions, and cultures of African and African descendant people

because there it is both my passion and because there is an intentional ploy of Western academia

and society to undermine and/or subjugate the knowledge and histories of African people. In my

perspective and work, there is no room for telling a one-sided story of our people, as we are all

important pieces in the cosmos or grand machine that we call life. I am aware that although my

heart and intentions are pure, there is sometimes a reluctance from African and Indigenous

communities to be open with researchers in the field work process. The potential for this to occur

has been eliminated through my participation in the tradition in Florida, the use of participant-

6
Abbreviation for African Traditional Religions.

17
observation methodology and building rapport with the Tatas and members of the munanzos by

participating in certain ceremonies, spiritual cleansings, and building great relationships with

them. The moments of joy, laughter, eating, and getting to know each other outside of talking

about spirituality is what allowed for me to become closer to my research participants which I

am grateful for. By recentering Nkisi Malongo as an ancestral system of spiritual wisdom and

knowledge, the stigmas will be removed, negative stereotypes and myths will be debunked, and

the beacon of light that this research serves as-will shine bright enough to lead those to the

tradition that want an authentic experience or just learn about it without succumbing to scams or

those that provide false information.

Applied Africana Studies

Applied Africana Studies is a theoretical framework that guides the production of

scholarship that is both centered and relevant to the needs and interests of people of African

descent (McDougal, 2013). I am using this theoretical approach as an anchor in my work

because I am concerned with studying the histories, traditions, and cultures of African and

African descendant people. This approach is an extension of the values that Africana studies was

founded upon which unquestionably shines a light on the lives and conditions of African people

on the continent and throughout the diaspora. It also assists with conjuring solutions to the

problems that have been caused by imperialism, colonialism, racism, the trans-Atlantic slave

trade, and a myriad of other oppressive isms and institutions. I use this framework while

studying African Traditional Religions due to the circulation of negative stigmas about them and

hegemonic ideological forces present in academia and entertainment that continuously scrutinize

these traditions, casting them as witchcraft, primitive, and demonic. The Applied Africana

studies approach is situated at the root of my work, as it is only possible to raise the

consciousness of African people by operating from an African-centered location (McDougal,

18
2013). An African centered theoretical approach is necessary in my research and work, as

academia and entertainment are infected by ideological and cultural biases that reflect

Eurocentric and Western ways of thought which intentionally exclude Africans and the totality

of African experiences and histories. By anchoring my work with this approach, I seek to

recenter Palo Mayombe as not simply a religion or what the dominant narratives and stigmas

have defined it as-but as an Ancestral system of wisdom and knowledge that provides its’

initiates with a blueprint to maneuver through this life and those follow it. This approach is not a

method, but it is a framework that guides the mixed methods that I will use throughout my

research. The Applied Africana studies theoretical approach allows one to have a grand purview

which recalls the essence of African religions as they functioned on the continent prior to the

colonialism and enslavement and their evolution as devotees landed in new terrains and

conditions once they arrived on the ships.

Religious Syncretization

Afro-Catholic syncretism has predominantly been analyzed through the metaphor of a

mask in which African slaves ingeniously employed the traditions of Catholic saints to disguise

their worship of African deities, ensuring the preservation of their traditions (Ogunnaike, 2020).

Syncretism is a theory and process that both fall flat when discussing what has occurred between

Africans and African religions throughout the centuries since they have been in contact with

Christianity, colonialism, and the institution of chattel slavery. It tends to fall flat because

syncretism presents historical events at a surface level and conveys the “creolization” process as

one that insinuates that African and indigenous people just laid down their traditions in favor of

adopting another. This is not the case at all when we discuss African Traditional Religions or in

this case, Nkisi Malongo. In this thesis, I seek to expand the theory of religious syncretism by

presenting it as more of a process of transformation for both African and European religions. I

19
consider it transformation because it was more than just Kongo Africans using Catholic saints

and Christianity as a mask, but they took certain concepts within Christianity and made them

their own. A shining example of this would be the observation of Doña Beatriz Kimpa Vita of

the Kongo kingdom who asserted that Jesus Christ and saints of Catholicism were African and

born in the Kongo region. We can also observe the adoption of the cross or crucifix into Kongo

traditional religion as symbol to represent both Nzambi and the cycle of life as it is shown in the

Bakongo cosmogram.

Research Methods

Participant-Observation

To carry out this project, I rely heavily on participant observation. Participant observation

is the process of entering a group of people with a shared identity to gain an understanding of

their community. This is achieved by gaining knowledge and a deeper understanding of the

actors, interaction, scene, and events that take place at the research site (Allen, 2017). The

Munanzo (spiritual house) in Ocala, Florida where I conducted my research is also the house that

allowed me to engage in ceremonies, which gives me an insider’s perspective that allowed me to

observe various ceremonies, rituals, songs, and objects that were transported from Cuba and the

Kongo. My position as an African descendant male who also practices a form of African

traditional spirituality comes without any inherent biases that were developed to diminish or

slander Palo Mayombe or any other African traditional religion, so this method used is not just

for the sake of collecting data, but a way of life that I myself am a part of.

My interaction with the members of the Munanzo in central Florida began in the early

part of Fall of 2021, when I attended my first Misa ceremony to communicate with the ancestors

and spirit guides. From that moment, I was in frequent contact with the Tata, Yaya, and initiated

members of the Munanzo daily for about five months. Although everyone does not live in the

20
same vicinity, we communed daily through an internet chat service called Discord to discuss

Palo Mayombe, receive lessons and instruction from Tata, and interact normally as a family

would-discussing life, laughing together, supporting each other during trying times, etc. To build

genuine relationships with this Munanzo in Florida outside of worship and discussing the

tradition for research purposes, I spent time with those that live in Florida who were in driving

distance from where I lived in Gainesville, Florida. If the space was open and required

facemasks, I attended concerts and other venues with some of the members so that we could

drink together, eat together and just spend time enjoying each other’s company which allowed us

to create and strengthen our relationships. The community is blended with both men and women

of all races, socioeconomic backgrounds, and sexual orientations. It is imperative to note that this

Munanzo was accepting towards all walks of life because this refutes many of the claims that

have been made about Palo Mayombe over the years. Although I am a heterosexual male, it still

blew my mind and made me respect the Munanzo in Ocala tremendously because over the years

it has been declared by some who practice and some outside of the tradition that Palo Mayombe

does not initiate gay men or women. I consulted with the Tata of this Munanzo and the Tata in

Cuba that I was put in contact with, and they informed me that their Munanzo’s did not follow

those claims because they left it up to the spirits to decide who would and would not become

initiated into the tradition. This attitude towards the tradition and leaving it up for the spirits to

decide in participation and initiations regardless of someone’s sexual orientation or gender

showed that there was no ounce of sexism, ego tripping fueled by machismo. Spending time

learning with the Kota Lima Munanzo in central Florida showed me the exact opposite of what I

was expecting prior to my first encounter. Even the titles that women are given in this Munanzo

once they are initiated reflect that there is no sexism or machismo that wedges between the desire

21
to practice the tradition amongst a community and elevate spiritually. For example, after one

becomes initiated, it may be in their destiny to obtain the title of priesthood. In the Kota Lima

Munanzo, women that obtain this status are addressed as Yaya, rather than Yayi which is

different than many other Munanzos. I was informed by Tata Rompe Pecho and initiates within

his Munanzo that people refer to female priests as Yayi in a disrespectful manner which means

“thing” which places them a step lower in the hierarchy compared to the status of the male priest,

Tata. There are also very strict rules set in place by this Tata for the entire Munanzo regarding

the development of relationships. On my first day of learning with them, he made it very clear

that there would be no sexual or romantic contact with anyone in the Munanzo, unless a husband

and wife or boyfriend and girlfriend already knew each other prior to joining and learning the

tradition under his tutelage. Since I was raised in a household surrounded by women, I already

have the upmost respect for women and do my best to make anyone comfortable in my presence.

I was not worried about overstepping any boundaries or making anyone uncomfortable by

desiring an inappropriate form of intimacy during the research process because those were not

my intentions, but Tata’s strict rules that he put in place at his Munanzo made the research

process much smoother and greatly diminished the room for nervousness and hesitancy when I

ask questions to learn, from both my female participants because they did not have to worry

about the potential for someone to get close to them with lascivious intentions beneath the

surface.

When there were important ceremonies or initiations most members of the house try to

make their way to Florida so that they can attend. Those that are unable to attend certain

ceremonies like Misas and other ceremonies can log in and video call so that they can participate

and learn. Participant-Observation as the preferred method of choice for my research is

22
imperative in the study of Palo Mayombe, as most researchers in academia that have written

about it in the past were “arm-chair” anthropologists that were not properly instructed in front of

elders, the spirits, or able to receive the information that I am able to receive since they were not

surrounded by elders or in the process of becoming initiated. There are many inconsistencies and

incorrect conclusions that are drawn about closed traditions if one relies heavily on certain

books, articles, and documentaries to research them. Using the Participant-Observation method

and speaking directly with elders is a fool-proof way of eliminating the chance of producing or

reproducing an incorrect analysis about Nkisi Malongo, and other African Traditional Religions.

The data collection methods I use are qualitative, as I am working with humans and the traditions

about the forces of nature to complete my research.

Oral History

The use of oral history to pass down the knowledge of one’s roots, mythological origin

stories, spiritual religions, songs, and culture is a customary feature of African Religions and

cultural traditions throughout the diaspora. It is an extension of the practices that were used by

the griots of West Africa and the Nkisi (priests) of central Africa that inhabited the Kongo region

whose descendants I focus on in this research. While the griot and Nkisi were viewed as the

storytellers and/or healers of society, their presence served a role that was much more expansive

than just recalling and retelling the stories that their forefathers and foremothers shared among

the generations before them. These people were the repositories and vessels for communicating

the history of the communities that they were a part of. While it has become the norm of

societies in this era known as modernity to scribe and recant the history of communities and

civilizations through books, articles, and journals, African and indigenous societies still place the

use of oral history as a dominant medium for teaching about the intricacies, histories, and

knowledge about the religions and spiritual traditions of our people. Since a very young age, I

23
was taught to sit, listen, and learn from my elders as they speak so that I could receive and use

the information on various topics that was being poured into me. Through oral history,

researchers can access information that is considered lost, unavailable, or difficult to to obtain.

Interviews: Open-Ended Narrative Interviews & Group Interviews

The use of interviews as a method for collecting data is imperative for my research, as the

passing down of knowledge and information in African Traditional Religions differs from the

Abrahamic religions such as Islam and Christianity. Unlike the Abrahamic religions, African

Traditional Religions rely on the use of orality, art, and divination to pass down information

rather than using sacred scrolls or books, apart from certain things being provided to newly

initiated ngeuyo. As we were ripped from our homelands in Africa, the necessity and

significance of oral history was augmented to maintain our identity, culture, histories, and

traditions. Today, the usage of oral history is still prevalent in the realm of Palo, although the

Tata of the Briyumba branch I encountered allows his godchildren to write certain things to help

them memorize their lessons. This is one of the driving forces for me choosing a myriad of

participant observation methods and interviewing methods. The narrative interview method will

be used as I work with various Palo elders and initiates to construct a timeline of the arrival of

this tradition in the Western hemisphere, how it evolved, and the impact of external and internal

forces. Open-ended narrative and group interviews are both incorporated into my research

methods which has assisted in the process of getting to know the research participants better and

receiving information that I didn’t initially think to ask about since I let them guide the

conversations once I present my specific questions.

Accessibility

Unlike many researchers that conduct fieldwork with their participants and never share

their work with them once it is complete, this work is created with the members of my Munanzo

24
(Palo house) to avoid inconsistencies and errors. It will be dispersed to each member of the

house and eventually shared on our social media platforms to reach those that seek the

information. Most of those that are interested in Nkisi Malongo exist outside of Academia, but

my work will be accessible to both academic and non-academic spaces. It is imperative for me to

make my work accessible in both spaces, as I am guided by my respect for the Kongo traditions

and spirits that want their stories told in a respectful manner and acknowledge their presence in

these spaces. Since this thesis is written in English, my intention of making this work accessible

is more likely, as most books and articles that have been written about the tradition are written in

Spanish and Kikongo. The non-English words that I use will be thoroughly explained and I will

provide definitions to explain important concepts, names and mechanisms of the tradition.

25
 CHAPTER 2
MY FIRST VISIT

My first-time meeting Tata face-to-face was at a misa ceremony I attended at his house

on Thursday, July 23, 2020. When I walked through the garage, it was already as if I had seen

these people before. My naivety led me to enter before I had cleansed myself. So, I was

instructed to exit then go to the front door of the house. Lucille, one of the female members of

the Munanzo showed me what it meant to cleanse myself at the door before entering. I looked

down and saw a basin full of a light, electric green liquid that smelled like Florida water1,

cologne, various essential oils, and it also contained some white flower petals that were

swimming in it. After I watched Lucille, I mimicked her motions by first beginning with

cleansing my hands. Then I rubbed some of it from the top of my head making my way down my

body, flicking away and swatting downwards to rid myself of any negative energy or spirits that

I had accumulated throughout my day. I was rocking all white, as I had been instructed to-white

jeans, a white silk polo, and some all-white Nike Air Force Ones that I had on the tuck for a

while inside my closet which were still shining pearly white as if I had just bought them from the

store. After cleansing, I walked through Tata’s home, greeted his kids for the first time, his

barking guard dog which was a ferocious chihuahua named Olaf, then I made my way to the

garage from entering the door to the left of the kitchen.

When I stepped foot in Tata’s garage it felt as if I had jumped straight back to the Kongo

Kingdom and left the United States. I was immediately transported back to the continent that my

ancestors once inhabited, getting lost in my thoughts by overthinking and wondering if I was

1
Florida water is eau de cologne that was brought to the United States in 1808. It was initially used for medicinal
purposes, to alleviate headaches, fevers, and colds. In the African Traditional Religions community and other Spirit
based traditions the product is used often to cleanse the spiritual grime that negatively impacts a space, individual,
and/or community.

26
looking at the exact things they would have held and smelling similar things that they would

have smelled. I did not even know what to say at first about everything that I was seeing because

everything that I had seen in books and websites was there. In person I was viewing the Nkisi

Nkondi statues with the nails and piercing eyes, Nganga pots, Lucero Mundo mounds, dolls, a

variety of palo (sticks), a machete that still had the stains of blood from an animal sacrifice that

looked like it was there for several months, firmas2, etc. I had a childlike sparkle in my eyes

while staring at this stuff, and although I wanted to go and touch everything, I kept my

composure as much as I could although I was smiling nonstop. Once I finished looking at

everything, I made my way to one of the chairs that was open and ready for someone to occupy

it.

We were all sitting in a circle and there was a large square table in front of us. The table

housed the Boveda, which was lit up with a candle and six tall goblets of water, three in each

row in line to the right and left of an even taller goblet of water standing with a crucifix inside of

the water. While there were about eight of us in attendance, another member of the Munanzo sat

in the middle of the circle with her backs to the rest of us circling her. There was a water goblet

placed behind her with a red cover next to a burning white candle then we began the Misa with

multiple prayers. It blew my mind at the number of prayers we said and how we used both

Kikongo and Catholic prayers. Tata began with the Kongo prayer, the Lord’s prayer, another

member requested to say one, and so did another, then once we finished the prayers everyone lit

up their cigarettes and awaited the messages to come from the spiritual realm, I do not smoke

cigarettes, so I chose to enjoy a thick, mild flavored cigar. The Misa ceremony is a part of the

2
The firmas are Kongo symbols that are like the Vèvè symbols that are traced on the ground in Vodou religious
ceremonies. They are used for a myriad of reasons, mostly to contact a certain spirit or manipulate the energy of a
situation to benefit the will of the person or community that drew it.

27
espiritismo tradition in which those who participate communicate with the spirits of the dead,

ancestral spirits, and since they are also common in Palo Munanzo’s-the Kongo spirits also

convey messages. It is a ceremony in which those present rely on their skill of mediumship to

communicate what the spirits want to say. Usually, the messages are received from the spirits

through random thoughts that pop up in one’s head, physical feelings that one feels (changes in

body temperature, alterations in mood, pains, itching, etc.), or someone can be mounted by a

spirit which leads to trance. I sat in the chair with my feet flat on the floor, arms uncrossed with

my palms flat down on my knees as I had been instructed and I waited for the messages to come

to my mind. It wasn’t long after the prayers ended that people in the circle began receiving and

relaying messages. Once this happened my right and left hands began to shake vehemently. I

closed my eyes and convinced myself that I was unintentionally psyching myself out, but when I

took two deep breaths and opened my eyes, my hands were still shaking. Tata received a

message from a spirit that he described as “that man in that red suit that sometimes rocks black

pants and a white shirt to confuse people.” With his piercing eyes he looked at me and said that

is my spirit guide and asked me if I knew him. I hesitated then said, Legba? He confirmed that

but informed me that in Nkisi Malongo and other branches of Palo, he is called Lucero or

Nkuyu. The woman in the middle of the circle received a message for me, looked at me,

addressed my various relationships and said that I need to focus more on myself and pour more

of that energy into myself. Another person in the Munanzo received a message, looked at me and

described a spirit that surrounds me as a North African man dressed in a turban that is an

intellectual. Honestly, I took most things with a grain of salt and brushed these messages off at

first, doubting their legitimacy. But when Tata was mounted by his Palo spirit, things got real

fast and my doubt was shattered. While mounted he told me that someone in my dad’s family

28
practiced Nkisi Malongo a long time ago, and that I did not choose Nkisi Malongo, the tradition

and the Kongo spirits chose me. He even described the things that I have in my apartment while

smiling at me. He said, “what is that red item to the right of your door when you enter? I like

that.” The item he described is my Legba shrine and painting. He also described several things in

my life and past that only I would know. It was at that moment that I knew I was on a ride that

would completely turn my world upside down, test all the knowledge I thought I gained about

African traditional religions from reading books, and teach me things that no book or

documentary could show me. This thesis is built upon the wisdom that was poured into me from

Tata Rompe Pecho, another Tata who desires to remain nameless, and one of my elders who

grew up around his grandparents that practiced in Cuba. The majority of this thesis was

completed with the assistance of oral history, in addition to the knowledge acquired from books

to trace the history of the tradition in pre-colonial Africa.

29
 CHAPTER 3
KONGO ORIGINS: BANTU ROOTS

Long before Africans were trafficked across the Atlantic to appease the European

colonizer’s God of commerce and imperialism, there were a myriad of shamanistic practices that

were present throughout central Africa in the Kongo kingdom. Nkisi Malongo, Las Reglas de

Kongo, or Palo Mayombe is a culmination of those shamanistic practices that were used by the

Bantu speaking peoples that were present nearly 150,000 years ago. Prior to the establishment of

“organized” religion in Africa, whether traditional or those of Abrahamic faiths, the spiritual

practices that were led by these shamans and bushmen were heavily imbued with ancestral

veneration, the use of plants and herbs for medicinal or spiritual purposes, drumming, singing,

and divination to diagnose physical or spiritual conditions and prescribe the remedies and

solutions to heal the afflicted. Nkisi Malongo contains a myriad of Bantu beliefs and practices

from three main groups who were forced and trafficked across the Atlantic to Cuba. Although

they inhabited the same region in central Africa, their cultures and way of life were diverse, and

there were many different subgroups of people within these groups of people. The three main

groups that remain alive within Nkisi Malongo today despite the ramifications of it’s founders

being ripped from their homelands are the Bambuti, Mbenga, and the Twa. Anthropologists in

the 19th and 20th centuries conducted fieldwork to study these groups from central Africa. They

mocked them for their short stature, which created an umbrella term still used today to address

these groups of the Kongo region as one rather than highlighting their own unique cultures and

names that they used to describe themselves. To diminish their presence and significance as

those that once heavily populated the region the Mbuti, Mbenga, and Twa peoples became

known as the Pygmies, or Pygmy people.

30
 The significance and presence of the Mbuti in Nkisi Malongo today can be observed in

the worldview that serves as the foundation and blueprint for the way that members of the

tradition see the world and how they situate themselves and other beings within it. When one

speaks of the Mbuti they are also referring to the Efe and Sua peoples that lived near the Ituri

forest of Kinshasha which is in the eastern region of Kongo. They Mbuti are a nature-based

people who place a great emphasis on the reverence, love, and protection for the forest, nature,

and beings within nature that each have their own specific role in the cosmos. It is common for

certain scholars and anthropologists to categorize any communal people who have a strong

connection to the land, animals, plants, and spirits as animist. However, this was not the case for

the Mbuti or other groups that were present in pre-colonial Kongo. For the Mbuti, the forest

served as more than just their home. It had a parental role, it was their mother and father that

would never turn its back on them, regardless of their circumstances (Mukenge, Culture and

Customs Of the Congo, 2002). This adoration and respect for nature amongst the Mbuti still

emanates within Palo today, as nature, and the forces within it are pillars within the tradition.

The Mbuti carried out elaborate funeral rites that were held shortly after a member of their

community crossed over into the realm of the spirits. The funeral rites that were most important

were those that involved singing, chanting, dancing, and calling out to the spirit of the Forest

who was viewed as their mother, father, and protector. According to Tata Rompe Pecho, the

Mbuti believed that the impetus for death was that the spirit of the forest had fallen asleep and

allowed their child to be taken to the realm of the dead. Although this meaning behind the death

of a loved one no longer remains in the tradition of Nkisi Malongo, there are extensive and

elaborate ceremonies after the passing of a loved one who is initiated that involves singing,

chanting, dancing, offerings, and other key rituals that I am not allowed to share.

31
 The BaTwa were once scattered into different subgroups along Great Lakes Twa, Lake

Tumbatwa, Kasai Twa, and Luvua Twa. Their descendants still inhabit the regions, which were

once all considered a part of the Kongo Kingdom. The Batwa peoples practiced a form of

shamanism that acknowledged the existence of one God which was known as /a’an. While /a’an

created the world and all beings within it, there was also another lesser deity acknowledged by

the BaTwa which was known as /a’an ‘e la tleni. For humans, /a’an ‘e la tleni was the lesser

deity that functioned as an intermediary between themselves and the creator. This lesser deity

was the being that worked with and dealt with humans more closely compared to the supreme

being (Mukenge, Culture and Customs of the Congo, 2002). Although various aspects of their

traditional practices are still open and waiting to be recovered through conducting thorough

research in the region, it is worth mentioning that their presence can be observed in two Kongo-

based practices that are alive and thriving in Cuba today. While the focus of this thesis is Nkisi

Malongo, I learned through speaking with elders that the BaTwa is heavily related to another

tradition that is heavily guarded and more secretive than Nkisi Malongo. This tradition is known

as Abakua, which functions as more than just a religious tradition, but more like a secret society

or fraternity for heterosexual men. The Abakua is a tradition that is stricter on following

bloodlines and there is less say from the spirits about who decides to become initiated because it

is typically held for a certain group of people that are Cuban only and can trace their lineage to

specific Kongo ancestors that made their way across the Atlantic. Other than the derogatory

moniker pygmy, the BaTwa peoples were also called the AbaTwa people of the Great Lakes.

The spelling and pronunciation of both Abatwa and Abakua highlights a connection between the

the tradition and the cultural group of the Kongo region. Although the Kongo based Abakua

society is strict on following bloodlines in Cuba, the importance of lineage is also heavily present

32
in Nkisi Malongo today. I will expand upon the imperativeness of lineage and roots in this work

in later chapters.

The final group that I will discuss which helped lay the foundation for what would

eventually become known as Nkisi Malongo or Palo Mayombe in the diaspora today are the

Mbenga. The Mbenga is a group that also has several subgroups within the larger group. The

most common subgroup is known as the Abaka people, whose shamanistic practices remain

present within the tradition today. For example, The Abaka Mbenga people believe in the

presence of one God. The name that they use to describe this supreme being is Komba, who is

known for creating all things that exist within the cosmos. The Abaka shamans also used a

myriad of herbs for different purposes. The use of herbs extended beyond them being ingested,

they were also used in tandem with roots, animal parts, and other elements of nature for spiritual

purposes. The herbs themselves housed the essence of both the creator and intermediaries that

assisted humans on their behalf.

Figure 3-1. Map of Africa that shows the groups present in the Kongo region that laid the
foundation for Nkisi Malongo.

33
 Early Kongo Religion and The Impact of Christianity: Eventually, after several

territorial disputes, migrations, and intermarriages, the various ethnic groups in the region fused

to become inextricably woven into one fabric, the fabric of central Africa which came to be

known as the Kongo kingdom. This kingdom stretched over the vast lands which housed the

countries we know of today as Angola, DR Congo, the Republic of Congo, and a part of Gabon.

According to oral history accounts, Nima a Nzima of Mpemba Kasi and Nsaku Lau of Mbata

founded the Kongo kingdom towards the end of the 14th century. Nima a Nzima’s son, Lukeni

Lua Nimi became the first king of the Kongo (Susan Cooksey, 2013). During these times there

was a widespread form of spirituality and religion that was built upon the various beliefs of the

Bantu worldviews and spiritual practices that were already present in the area prior to the

establishment of the Kongo kingdom. In this section I will explore some of the Kikongo terms

that are used today in Nkisi Malongo that derive from words that were spoken in the Kongo

region prior to descendants of the area being trafficked across the Atlantic for enslavement in the

Caribbean. Some of the key words that are used in the diction of adepts within Nkisi Malongo

today are Nganga, Nkisi, Ndoki, Nkondi, Nzambi, Bakulu, Bankita, Mpungu, and Wanga. There

are several others, but I will only provide these since I can use them throughout this ethnography

without sharing information that is withheld to outsiders of the tradition. These terms that are

still used today allow us to peek through the grand window of Kongo history and culture to see

the continuities between Nkisi Malongo today, and the spiritual practices of the people that were

living during the days of the Mwene (ruler/king) Kongo. In the old Kongo kingdom, the Nganga

was the name dedicated to the priest who held great power and spiritual wisdom to assist their

34
community with metaphysical ailments and other adverse conditions in their lives. Today, the

Nganga refers to the cauldron that is constructed and used by Tatas, or Palo priests.

In the Kongo, those that were destined to become Nganga were taught by knowledgable

elders who had the license and ability to teach about the matters of spiritual and medicinal

healing. Becoming an Nganga required candidates to undergo a series of strenuous initiation

ceremonies in the mfinda, or forest where they were isolated from the rest of the community to

receive lessons and learn the skills required to be spiritually reborn as an Nganga. There were

three secret socieites that initiated members of the community to teach them the ways of Kongo

spirituality and wisdom that would carry along their journey as an Nganga. These socieites,

which function as indigenous education systems are known as Kimpasi, Lemba, and Khimba.

The society that is of most importance when speaking about the foundations of Nkisi Malongo

today or even the Kongo Petwo rite of Haitian Vodou is known as Lemba (Fu-Kiau, 2001).

These socieites still exist in the Kongo region today but remain closed, highly secretive, and are

underground which means that they are only accessible to those that have direct connections to

their members. Members of these socieites went underground to avoid further persecution or

death during the initial underdevelopment of Africa by European nations, when openly

practicing traditional African religions and refusing to convert to Catholicism would result in

physical abuse or death.

Those who were Nganga were highly skilled in the art of divination, communicating with

the forces of nature, and working with plants and herbs. They also had the ability to construct

Minkisi figures for defensive purposes. It is imperative to note that the term has multiple

meanings, depending on what one is addressing. Nkisi is the term used to refer to the sacred

medicine that was granted by Nzambi, or God to the Kongo people. The term is also used when

35
referring to the objects that are constructed by the Nganga with the purpose of containing a

particular spirit or energy to carry out different tasks. Some of the most common that are shown

frequently in Kongo museum exhibits today are the Nkondi statues with nails protruding from

them. These are considered the most aggressive of all the Minkisi and were commonly used to

defend against spiritual attacks. The Nkondi were both the shield and the sword, since the

Nkondi were also used to wreak havoc on the enemies of the Nganga. The spirits housed within

these figures obtained the role and nature of hunters, considering that the priest would send these

spirits to do what they required, then they would return to the vessel.

Since the early arrival of the Portuguese in the region, these Nkondi figures have

fascinated the European mind and they have been labeled as nail fetishes without highlighting

their use for spiritual defense and attacks. They are stored in the most elaborate museums of the

day which is unfavorable considering that they are very intimate objects for the individual who

created them. Showcasing these statutes within museums or exhibits is offensive and

inappropriate because they contain materials within them that are sacred to the Kongo

communities and those that were trained to handle the energies that emanate from each piece that

completes them. Several Tatas and members of the tradition that I have spoken to have similar

sentiments. While sitting at the feet of Tata Rompe Pecho and letting him speak about this

subject, I concluded that he viewed the Nkondi sitting in museums as trophies for those that had

conquered his fallen brothers and sisters that practiced the tradition.

The term Ndoki can be considered the opposite of what the Nganga was, although they

are two sides of the same coin in the matters of Kongo spirituality. In the Kikongo language, the

term means sorcerer, which informs us that this specialist was skilled in the left-hand path of

bending the forces of nature or making pacts with “dark” or aggressive spirits to complete certain

36
tasks. While the Nganga was the magician of the light in the eyes of those that lived in the

region, the Ndoki was the sorcerer that had the ability to create chaos, spiritual sickness, and

bring bad luck for those that were their targets. Ndoki would construct amulets used in the first

stages of spiritual preparation or encouraging a specific outcome for those that were in

possession of them. Some Tatas in Palo today are viewed in the same way that the Ndoki were

viewed in the Kongo, especially when one reads books written by those like Manuel Barnett or

browses through social media, witnessing the reams of misconceptions and misinformation

circulating through threads on Twitter or Instagram. Although there has been much negativity

attached to Tatas that insinuates that they are mischieviousness, this does not truly reflect who

they are and what they do. There is a right-hand and a left-hand path within African traditional

religions. This does not mean that although one is on a darker path that they are evil, because

within Kongo cosmology the presence of the light and dark is one of the aspects that signifies

cosmic balance.

Nzambi is the Kikongo word which still reverberates strongly throughout the diaspora in

the ceremonies and prayers of Nkisi Malongo adepts, as it refers to the creator of all existence.

Nzambi, is who the Kongo people accredited for creating the cosmos and everything of it, and

this remains the case for Nkisi Malongo adepts today (Cabrera, 2001). The Kongo people

acknowledged and categorized ancestors in a hierarchal system that was contingent upon the

lives that these beings had while they were living and the way that they died. The most venerated

ancestors are those departed elders and noble members of the clan who lived exemplary lives on

earth, they were referred to as Bakulu (Mukenge, Culture and Customs of the Congo, 2002). The

ancestors who possessed characteristics that were the opposite of the Bakulu were referred to as

the Matebo. These ancestors were those that made the lives of those around them miserable and

37
had a negative effect on those that encountered them. They are treated are not venerated or

approached for assistance since they are depicted as spirits who feed on the flesh of humans and

bring suffering to the community (Mukenge, Culture and Customs of the Congo, 2002). The

status as an ancestor and rank in the realm of spirits is heavily contingent upon the event or way

that this spirit was separated from the vessel that once housed it. For example, since the Bakulu

lived with exceptional character and died naturally or peacefully they achieve a rank and status

in the psyche of their descendants that is rather pleasant, respectful, and favorable. However,

those that perished in conquest wars and victims of assassination or suicide, form a separate

category of ancestors that are known as Bankita (Mukenge, Culture and Customs Of the Congo,

2002). Although the Bankita experienced violent or brutal deaths, their status is not viewed in the

same way as the Matebo spirits. The separation of the Bankita from the Matebo spirits is due to

the nature that the Bankita may have had while they were living. Individuals who become

members of this category of spirits may have been warriors, founding fathers, Nganga, or noble

people that treated others with much respect and admiration. However, the nature of their deaths

heavily impacts the way that they operate in the spirit realm because they can become untranquil

spirits due to their untimely or brutal demise, or they can become more aggressive (Mukenge,

Culture and Customs of the Congo, 2002). Another class of spirits that were present in traditional

religious practices in the Kongo which survived the horrors of the trans-Atlantic slave trade are

known as the Kimpungulu. These are the raw forces of energy or spirits that govern various

aspects of nature. There have been claims made that certain Mpungu did not exist in the Kongo

and did not become visible until the children of the Kongo were trafficked to Cuba and blended

with the Yoruba. However, this is not the case because the Kimpungulu were always present in

the Kongo. Although most of the information about these forces was not written and their

38
histories were passed down orally, we can observe Kongo mythological origin stories and other

tales about these forces. There are ancient Kongo myths that detail the origins of Kalunga, the

Mpungu that rules over the ocean, seas, and the border which separates the telluric realm of the

living from the realm in which beings such as the ancestors, and other spirits that reside. Nkuyu

Mfinda, who has been called Lucero Mundo and associated with St. Anthony and since arriving

in Cuba, has also existed since the first grain of the sands of time descended into the primordial

hourglass crafted by Nzambi a Mpungu. Nsasi is another example of an Mpungu that has existed

long before the thought of the transatlantic crossed the mind of Europeans to even transport the

children of the Kongo to Cuba. Sitting at the feet of Tata Rompe Pecho, I asked how the

Kimpungulu were approached in precolonial Kongo. I was provided with the response that

although they always existed, they were never approached until the pain inflicted by European

imperialism, trading of enslaved Africans, and internal conflicts between rivals in the Kingdom

reverberated throughout the region. It was during those moments when the need to shift from

venerating only the ancestral spirits to incorporating the Kimpungulu occurred. To combat the

troublesome and horrid conditions they were up against, the people of the Kongo decided to

venerate and evoke the various forces of Nzambi who Gods in their own right. I will discuss

these Gods in depth further in my later chapter about the Kimpungulu in Nkisi Malongo.

39
Figure 3-2. The Nkondi statue used for spiritual warfare and attacks against enemies.

The arrival of Christianity along with the Portuguese is a topic that has been debated

amongst historians, anthropologists, and scholars for centuries. It has been declared by some that

the Kongo Kingdom willingly accepted Christianity and that many of the Kings were adamant in

their decision to reject their traditional religious beliefs in favor of beliefs that were from

outsiders (Thornton J. , 1984). This is due to the replication and heavily reliance upon

Portuguese writers and missionaries that were present in the Kongo during the days of the old

kingdom. One popular narrative used was written by Portuguese writer Rui de Pina, who

declared in his account that the baptism of the King and his major nobles went smoothly, and

both sides seem to have been well pleased (Faria, 1966).

Although there is an abundance of accounts that suggest that the conversion of the Kings

and people of the Kingdom to Christianity was peaceful and approached pleasurably on both

sides this should be observed with much skepticism and approached with caution due to the

positionality and potential for ulterior motives of those that produced and replicated these

accounts. While Rui De Pina and other historical accounts insist that this is the case, I would

40
assert that this could not have been the case if we consider the oral history accounts of not only

the people that were directly impacted by this interaction between the Europeans and the Kongo

kingdom, but a few of the images that were produced during the time which show the Catholic

missionaries burning Nkisi statues, traditional religious temples, and committing atrocious acts

that evoked fear throughout the people of the Kongo kingdom.

Figure 3-3. The Catholic missionaries shown setting religious temples ablaze in the Kongo
kingdom. Depicted in front of the burning temple are a myriad of items that are
common in Kongo traditional practices [Missione in Practica ca. 1750]

The dagger that pierces the mendacity of the notion that the Kongo kingdom willingly

rejected their religious beliefs and cultures to accept Christianity lies within a key aspect of

Kongo traditional religion that must be examined further. This aspect is the process known as

religious syncretization. Syncretization is usually discussed when the topic is centered on the

imposition of European religions and social concepts on African and Indigenous peoples during

the early stages of colonialism and enslavement. This type of discussion surrounding the process

41
of syncretization leaves out many questions and concerns that could be raised when exploring the

continuities between what was practiced before and after the imposition of European culture and

religious beliefs. When writers generalize the Kongo conversion to Christianity after relying on

mostly Portuguese sources replicated during the 15th century, it dims the lights on the question

surrounding resistance and the sovereignty of Kongo traditional religions. It builds upon the

mendacity created from white supremacist ideals about Africa and African people, insinuating

that prior to the introduction of European religion, customs, and cultures, Africans had no

conceptualization of God or civilization. The people of the Kongo Kingdom and their

descendants fused their religions, cultures, and various bodies of knowledge through the Catholic

church. One example that is still present in Nkisi Malongo today is the use of the cross to

symbolize Nzambi a Mpungu. The children of the Kongo knew the creator God under this name.

Nzambi is the God who was responsible for creating both the realm of the living and the realm

under the proverbial waters which contained the souls of the dead and unborn (Asante, 2008).

Nzambi is far removed from the access of human beings and dwells in the heavens. The presence

and role of Nzambi as the supreme being that created the cosmos and everything within it

informs us that the people of the Kongo region already had a complete and concise

conceptualization of God or the creator long before the arrival of Portuguese missionaries,

colonizers, and traders. This is important to think about when we approach the conversation of

Kongo conversion to Christianity and the process of syncretization because it allows us to see

that despite what Portuguese writers of the 15th and 16th centuries declared about the process of

conversion being welcomed by the Kongo, it would make no sense for these people to reject

what they already had known and acknowledged for centuries without even having contact with

the European conceptualization of God and religion.

42
 Furthermore, the Antonian movement led by Kimpa Vita is a shining example of

resistance against the Portuguese and their form of Christianity. Kimpa Vita (Dońa Beatriz) was

one of the major voices that spoke out and warned the Kongo kingdom about the dangerous

seeds that were being sown by the Portuguese. She was a noblewoman born in the Mbidizi valley

of the once illustrious Kongo Kingdom. During the era of Kimpa Vita, the kingdom that was

once comparable to the other noble civilizations throughout African history had been butchered

and segregated into multiple chiefdoms across the region. By the year 1703, she had become ill

with a spiritual illness that led to her being mounted by St. Anthony. When she was healed from

her sickness, she began to travel throughout the Kongo region healing the sick, alleviating the

ailments in others that caused infertility, advocating for the rejection of European

conceptualizations and origin stories of Christianity, promoting the reunification of the Kongo

kingdom, and urging the leaders and people of the region to not trust the Portuguese because she

received messages from St. Anthony that they were untrustworthy and would eventually enslave

those that put their trust in them (Thornton J. K., 1998). Kimpa Vita was an Nganga which

granted her much insight into the realm of the spirits and heightened her mediumship abilities.

The focus of her Antonian Movement in years past has been characterized as an Afro-Christian

Peace movement. However, there was much more beneath the surface of her being mounted by

Saint Anthony and relaying his messages. Although most historical records of the time focused

on her relationship to Saint Anthony, if you place the role of Kimpa Vita, her title as Nganga,

and the relationship between the Christian Saints and the Kongo Kimpungulu, then one can see

that there is great potential to uncover more about the early Kongo traditional religions that

require much examination. If we place the historical accounts of the Antonian movement written

by the Portuguese and place them side by side with aspects of Kongo traditional religion, then

43
the window to understanding the origins of Nkisi Malongo widens. Her declaration of Jesus,

Mary, and St. Francis as Black people who originated in the Kongo, the destruction of large

wooden crosses, rejection of sacraments performed by the Portuguese clergy, and designation of

São Salvador as the true birthplace of Jesus shows us how the Nganga and traditional religious

practices were transformed after the implementation of Christianity in the region. I assert that it

is not the case that the region just willingly rejected their religious beliefs and practices after the

arrival of the Europeans, they were just forced into a continuous process of transformation. Some

would use the term syncretization, but I use transformation to avoid the trap of discussing

religious syncretization which rarely presents us with the case of examining who was victorious

and who was subjugated in that process of blending two distinct religious practices and cultures.

Although I will not expand further for the sake of this project being an ethnography about Nkisi

Malongo, I will state that Kimpa Vita’s relationship with St. Anthony that has been cemented in

world history is likely to have been a relationship that she had with the Kongo Mpungu or spirit,

Nkuyu/Lucero. Nkuyu is Nzambi a Mpungu’s divine messenger that opens and closes the door to

opportunity and impacts the destiny of humankind. This being has a myriad of roles,

responsibilities, names and characteristics. But the most visible aspect of Nkuyu within Kimpa

Vita and the Antonian movement is the desire and will to disseminate divine wisdom and

revelations from God to those that are lost. Nkuyu is a great warrior and will go through the fire

itself to see that those who are loyal to him have the means to make it across the way on their

journey to prosperity. Nkuyu/Lucero was fused with the Christian Saint who served as the

blueprint and foundation for Kimpa Vita’s movement, St. Anthony. While there are no written

accounts that have been uncovered yet of Kimpa Vita or the “Little Anthony’s” that followed her

addressing St. Anthony as Nkuyu, I have consulted with multiple Tatas who have agreed that it is

44
more than likely that Kimpa Vita was referring to Nkuyu, considering that she was an Nganga

herself who would have been well versed in aspects of Kongo traditional religion and the

Kimpungulu. Through multiple conversations with Tatas, Yayas, adepts of the religion, and

those that grew up around it, I have understood that the Nganga and children of the Kongo did

not just do away with their understanding of the cosmos or the various aspects of the tradition, in

favor of converting to Christianity. Once the plans of the Europeans began to unfold shortly after

they arrived in the Kingdom, the Kongolese people were put in a position that forced them to

acknowledge and incorporate aspects of Christianity. It was not the case that the Kongo rejected

Nzambi for the Christian God, or that the Kongo rejected the Nkisi and Kimpungulu for the

Christian Saints. They began to see the Saints through the eyes of the Nkisi and Christian God

through the eyes of Nzambi a Mpungu to ensure the survival of their cosmological lens, history

culture, and traditions. When Mwene Kongo kneeled at the feet of the Portuguese in front of the

cross, it was expected that all their adepts did the same. As history shows us, those that did not

rebel immediately and meet their demise, converted along with their leader, brothers, and sisters.

This reality played a massive role in the elaborate puzzle of Kongo religion and history, as it was

what allowed the traditional religious practices of the once great kingdom to survive and travel

across the waters with its sons and daughters who had been kidnapped or sold to be enslaved in

Cuba for the sake of commerce and greed.

45
Figure 3-4. This cross became a symbol for the Kongo creator God, Nzambi a Mpungu. [The
Met Museum at Fifth Avenue, the crucifix is on display at the museum and image is
available for public usage.]

Figure 3-5. The kneeling of the Kongo peoples in front of the cross. [Missione in Practica”
circa 1750

46
 CHAPTER 4
NKISI MALONGO IN CUBA

To understand how Nkisi Malongo was able to take root in Cuba and become what it is

today, it is imperative to observe the conditions on the island that were created and influenced by

Roman Catholicism, colonialism, the enslavement of Africans, rebellions on the island, and

religious persecution of non-Christian faiths by Catholics and law enforcement. Initially when

the Spanish first arrived in Cuba they swindled and enslaved the indigenous Taino population to

work in the mines and extract gold, silver, copper and other raw materials. The exploitation and

enslavement of the original inhabitants of the island did not last long, as they were practically

wiped out from diseases and the harsh conditions that were consequences of enslavement. The

Taino who remained fled to the mountains and resided there for until they were eventually face

to face with the African maroons that banded together with them to fight against enslavement

and recreate a community that was free from enslavement, persecution, etc.

After the Taino population plummeted and the industry switched from focusing on mining to

producing cash crops like sugarcane and coffee, the shift to importing and enslaving African

people skyrocketed. The first group of Africans were brought to the Cuba in 1512. Directly or

indirectly, legally and illegally, African slaves were systematically introduced in Cuba which

numbered a minimum of 850,000 people brought from various countries in west and central

Africa (Castellanos, 1987). Much attention is given to the Africans that were brought from the

Yoruba kingdom of Oyo and other surrounding areas which is now known as Nigeria. This is

reflected in the mass production of books, articles, journals, documentaries, and other forms of

cultural production that focus on the religions and spiritual practices of the Yoruba more than

those of the Kongo who were also brought there. Lucumi, or better known as Santeria is the

47
name of the religion and worldview that this group is a part of. However, of the 850,000 Africans

who were brought to the island, a vast portion of that number was accumulated from the amount

of people brought from the Kongo kingdom. Research and a closer examination of this group of

Africans brought to Cuba is much needed, as these people brought with them a religion and

spiritual practices that are still widely misunderstood today throughout the diaspora. Nkisi

Malongo, Las Reglas de Kongo, or Palo Mayombe is the name of the African Traditional

Religion that shines beautifully on the Afro-Cuban cultural canvas which stretches across the

diaspora today due to the migration of its adepts. Although Africans were brought to lands that

were foreign to most of them, they would soon find out that Cuba, and the Caribbean in general,

would provide the stage and opportunity for them to replicate their religious and cultural

practices.

Sowing the Seeds of Africa in the Caribbean: Two characteristics about life in Cuba made

the ground fertile enough for enslaved Africans to sow the seeds that would lay the foundations

for transporting their religious beliefs and cultural customs in the Caribbean. The geographic

location of Cuba and its close relationship to the equator and tropic of cancer makes the climate

of the island tropical, which makes the Caribbean region more like the climate that the Kongo

people experienced while they were living in Africa before being trafficked across the Atlantic.

Although they were transported to a new location with different plants, herbs, animals, trees, and

other things they were accustomed to, they were able to discover things that would supplement

what they were used to, or at least serve as the Cuban equivalent to the Kongo version of a

particular item. The presence of certain plants in the Caribbean that were native to West and

Central Africa also highlight the transportation of seeds with Africans as they came across the

waters on the ships. The climate of the region allowed these seeds to be sown and take root just

48
as they would have if they were still in Africa with the people who planted them. For example,

Black Abrus Precatorius is an important seed that has various uses within African Traditional

Religions. It has a spot that mimics an eye which allows it to function as a tool for divination, it

offers protection for those that wear or possess them, and when ground into a fine powder it can

be used as a poison. Poisoning was a widespread act of resistance against enslavement,

colonialism, and the horrid conditions that Africans faced in Cuba. Many of the individuals who

were skilled in concocting poisons and herbal remedies were practitioners of Nkisi Malongo and

other African Traditional Religions. Poisoning was practiced in both the Caribbean and ATR

cultures in the Old and New World tropics, and seems to be a significant reason for slaves to

transport Abrus with them on their voyage because it had the potential for protection against evil

spirits that they would be forced to encounter as they made their journey to the western

hemisphere (McClure, 1982). Ricinus Communis, the plant that is used to produce Castor oil

also made its way across the waters with the sons and daughters of Africa that used it for a

myriad of purposes. This plant is still used today in Nkisi Malongo, Lucumi, Candomblé, and

other ATR’s throughout the diaspora.

In addition to the persecution of their beliefs that occurred in Africa after they had been

sabotaged by European imperialism, enslaved Africans still had their beliefs attacked and

outlawed by Spanish colonists, missionaries, and leaders of the Roman Catholic church. One of

the first acts of spiritual warfare against African people as they found themselves in the western

hemisphere was the forced conversion to Christianity. However, there were major differences in

the conversion of Africans depending on who the colonial powers were that enslaved them. In

the North American colonies, the dominant form of Christianity was Protestantism. In Protestant

America, the African was accepted as a member of the church only after participating in

49
religious indoctrination (Kirby, 1985). After undergoing religious indoctrination in the Protestant

colonies, it became difficult to maintain the religious beliefs, traditions, and ceremonies that they

were used to in Africa. This is due to the vast differences in style of worship between the English

Protestants and Spanish Catholics. The Protestant colonies were also much more aggressive in

their measures to prevent the practice and spread of Africna religions. For example, in

Protestantism there is no veneration of saints because the focus is placed on praising God and

only God. Approaching the saints for assistance is considered unbiblical and synonymous with

the worship of idols, unlike the Catholics who have over 4,000 saints that are venerated. In

Protestantism there are only two sacraments that are practiced: baptism and the Eucharist. In

Catholicism there are seven different sacraments practiced: baptism, the Eucharist, matrimony,

penance, holy orders, and extreme unction. In Cuba, the Catholic style of worship aligned more

with aspects of Nkisi Malongo and other African Traditional Religions.

While Kongolese and other groups of Africans were kneeling to the cross and accepting

the Christian God as their lord and savior while they were in the presence of Spanish colonists

and mercenaries of the cross, they were strategically conjuring ways to maintain their religious

beliefs and practices through the practice of Catholicism. Rather than rejecting the Nkisi and

throwing them away to venerate the Catholic Saints, the children of the Kongo began to see the

saints through the eyes of the Nkisi and Kimpungulu.

There has been an influx in the production and reproduction of mendacities in the African

Traditional Religion community surrounding the purpose and origins of the concept known as 7

African Powers. This concept refers to the method of syncretization in which the Kimpungulu

were fused with the Catholic Saints. This concept can also be used when speaking about the

Yoruba tradition of Ifa. The exact date of this process happening is unknown although it is very

50
likely to have occurred over a period of several years after the arrival of Africans once they were

able to grasp more of the Catholic concepts and style of worship. African religion was

discouraged, depicted as devil worship, criminalized by the Spanish colonists and pushed to the

margins of society. But using the Catholic church as a mask and establishing Cabildos for

different ethnic groups from Africa allowed African religions to live and thrive. The Cabildos

were based upon the Spanish confradias/fraternities but were transformed to fit the needs of

Africans in Cuba. They became more than just places where certain ethnic groups came together

to entertain themselves with music, drumming, and dancing, they were mutual aid societies in

which Africans came together to combine resources and money to purchase the freedom of its

members and practice their religions in privacy (Barcia, Reyes, & Delgado, 2012). Each Cabildo

was organized by certain members of a particular ethnic group and their names were reflective of

the ethnic group that they belonged to. In historical records and documents, one could determine

if that Cabildo had members that were Kongo, Yoruba, etc. By bringing together people of

similar ethnic backgrounds, and by acting as extended families, these institutions, or “nations”,

enhanced solidarity among slaves and reinforced the survival of African cultural patterns (Kirby,

1985). This type of institution played a massive role in the sprouting of the seed that is known as

Nkisi Malongo or Palo Mayombe. The earliest recorded date of Nkisi Malongo existing in Cuba

takes us on a journey back in time to 1792 when the religious council known as Cabildo Rey

Mago San Melchor of Havana was formed in the heart of the city (Lima, 2022). This Cabildo

was instrumental in liberating its people, which made the survival of Kongo religions possible.

The name of the Cabildo itself points to the need for Africans to mask their beliefs through the

fusion of African and Catholic beliefs. While Cabildo Rey Mago San Melchor is considered the

first Kongo cabildo which makes it the first institution to practice Nkisi Malongo in Cuba, the

51
construction of the first Fundamento or Nganga cauldron is widely debated even amongst

various branches of Palo. Before examining the erection of the first Nganga in Cuba, it is

imperative to explore the different ramas, or branches in Palo since they all have different origin

stories and approaches to the tradition.

52
 CHAPTER 5
THE RAMAS/BRANCHES OF PALO

Just as there were various ethnic groups that practiced different versions of Bantu

shamanism in the Kongo, in Nkisi Malongo there are different branches that those who are called

to initiate into the tradition may choose or resonate with. For an outsider to understand, it is easy

to comprehend the ramas if I provide an example that references Christianity. The Christian

church has a particular belief in a creator God and an origin story surrounding the religious

figure, Jesus Christ. However, there are various denominations that interpret the Bible,

Christianity, and the relationship with God differently. Although these various denominations

within Christianity do things differently, at their core they are still Christian, and they share that

foundation despite the differences or tension that may be wedged between them. In Palo, these

distinctions made between certain denominations are known as ramas. At their core and on the

surface, they are indeed Nkisi Malongo, they just have different modalities and use different

means to work the spirit and interpret certain things. Most of these branches existed and were

practiced by certain lineages in Kongo before Cuba, however there is one that was reshaped and

developed in Cuba. These branches of Nkisi Malongo today are Palo Briyumba, Palo Mayombe,

and Palo Monte. The original branches that were present in the Kongo were Palo Mayombe and

Palo Briyumba. Palo Kimbisa existed in Africa, however the lineage died in Africa and was

extinct until it was reestablished in Cuba. There are miniscule differences between these ramas,

however these minuscule differences produce vast outcomes when working the spirit. In Palo

Mayombe there is less work that is done with the use of human bones. The main Mpungu that

protects and walks with the Munanzo of the Palo Mayombe branch is Nsasi, which is important

because Nsasi was the first Nkisi that was brought to Cuba after Kongo Africans were enslaved

53
and trafficked across the Atlantic. Ngeuyo of Palo Mayombe are known as Mayomberos and

Mayomberas. Initially, Palo Mayombe was the prominent branch in Cuba and there were strict

rules put in place to protect the tradition.

I asked a Tata of Briyumba and Mayombe about some of these rules and one that I am

allowed to share was that Palo Mayombe was closed to all white people, and even mulattos. It

was a tradition that was reserved for Kongo Africans that were dark skinned in complexion and it

was a belief that this rule would keep the tradition pure and free from further persecution and

becoming diluted. This rule and the need for Palo Mayombe to become more private and

secretive was warranted considering the nature of chattel slavery in Cuba and the fact that there

were informants that frequently snitched and fed information to masters and overseers. Although

the primary Mpungu of Palo Mayombe is Nsasi, it was Zarabanda that did not allow white or

people with light complexions to enter the doors of the tradition and learn the ways of Nkisi

Malongo. Ironically, it was also Zarabanda that changed this rule so that mulatto’s and even

white people could initiate into the tradition. I was informed by Tata Rompe Pecho that this was

done because Zarabanda began to see that not every person of lighter complexions is the enemy

and that even the darkest of shades could turn their backs on members of the Cabildo or Nkisi

Malongo altogether. Although the tradition would remain secretive and only accessible to those

that became ngeuyo (initiates), eliminating the requirements based on skin color would benefit

the survival of the tradition and sacred knowledge that is embedded within it. Tatas and the Nkisi

began to rely more on peeping the hearts and souls of men and women to determine eligibility

for initiation, which has proved to be a successful decision made by Zarabanda since the tradition

is still alive and thriving today. The branch that was established after this decision was made is

known as Palo Briyumba. Unlike the Mayombe branch, the Mpungu that is the head of

54
munanzos in the Palo Briyumba branch is Zarabanda. In Briyumba, the use of working with

human skulls and bones is more prevalent and there are more Kimpungulu that are venerated and

evoked. The heavy use of skulls and bones in this branch is reflected in the name itself, as

Briyumba, or Vriyumba, means to work with the spirit of death (Kail, Narco-Cults, 2015). Palo

Kimbisa is the branch that tends to face much scrutiny by Tatas of the Mayombe and Briyumba

branches. This scrutiny stems from the origins of this branch, the hostile relationship between

itself and the other two branches, and the tension that remains that was born from the spiritual

wars that occurred between these three branches in Cuba. If you were to ask a Tata who is a part

of the Mayombe or Briyumba branches, depending upon their positionality they might tell you

that the Palo Kimbisa branch was started without obtaining the proper licensia, or license to start

a brand-new branch. I was unable to learn secret information about what is required for someone

to separate from the original branches to create a new one, but I was told that the branch would

have to come from a lineage that was not severed and made it across the waters from Africa.

Palo Kimbisa was founded in 1843 in Havana, Cuba by Andres Facundo de los Dolores

Petit after he visited Monte Oscuro, an area where many enslaved Africans lived (Kail, Narco-

Cults, 2015).

Regardless of my personal views, I can understand why certain elders and ngeuyo view

the Kimbisa branch with disdain. Since Andres Petit incorporated what he learned from Kongo

Africans in Cuba and blended their beliefs with foreign elements such as Freemasonry,

Catholicism, Lucumi, Vodun, and Espiritismo, it seems very likely that during his time he

viewed the Kongo tradition as it was currently constructed, as inadequate and incomplete. Petit

chose to name his branch Regla Kimbisa del Santo Cristo del Buen Viaje, fashioning his branch

after the name of a lineage that existed in Africa but had died out before they got the chance to

55
arrive in Cuba. Andres Petit sought to align himself with the spirits of the Briyumba lineage that

had died out and fuse them with spirits that are present within the Orisa based traditions of West

Africa. If you ask a Tata of the Kimbisa branch, they will tell you that they believe the branch

was founded in Kongo during the rule and lifetime of King Alfonso I. Ngeuyo and elders within

the Kimbisa branch refer to themselves as Kimbiseros. Although some Tatas of the Mayombe or

Briyumba branches refuse to acknowledge Palo Kimbisa or refer to it as a tradition that

incorporates religious elements from various traditions outside of the Kongo, I respect the

creation of this branch because it was done in a way that did not shun, condemn, or subjugate

any other traditions in the process. In the perspective of Andres Petit and his spiritual

descendants who still practice the Kimbisa rule today, they believe that this branch was created

to combine the “best” elements of each tradition. In doing so, they assert that this would unite the

modern man and woman who needed more assistance to navigate the world and circumstances

they found themselves in due to the ramifications of colonialism, enslavement, and the many

machinations of racial capitalism. After the arrival of Palo Kimbisa, that is when more claims

that associated Palo Mayombe and other Nkisi Malongo branches with Lucumi (Santeria) began

to spring forth in conversations and documents. But this association between these two distinct

traditions usually places Lucumi in the light, while casting Nkisi Malongo to the dark, labeling it

negative, a matter explored in more detail below

56
 CHAPTER 6
THE FALSIFICATION OF KONGO CONCIOUSNESS AND RELIGION

Carlos Montenegro, one of the authors of several books about Kongo traditional religion

in Cuba and the African diaspora has been one of the leading voices that associates Nkisi

Malongo with Lucumi. He is adamant in his belief that Palo Mayombe is even the “dark-side” of

Santeria (Montenegro, 1998). This sentiment is the same in several other texts, some more

aggressive than others which openly state that Palo is for those that only seek to dabble in the

work of the devil. Miguel Barnet declares:

Regla Conga, Regla de Palo, Palo Monte and Mayombe refers to the sticks or branches

from the forest that are used as magical elements in spells. This definition can include

other Cuban Congo sects, and in fact it encompasses the magical rites of almost all the

others. Mayombe or Palo Monte is one of the most widely known and popular rites. It is

said to be used for evil. People use it when they wish to dabble in evil. Coal and

gunpowder are used in bad works that are performed, preferably on Tuesdays, as that is

the day of the devil. (Barnet, 2001)

It is an interesting take to consider any branch of Nkisi Malongo a dark side of Lucumi,

or any other religious practice considering that it is from the Kongo and is its own sovereign

tradition. Although there are elders, ngeuyo, and other adepts who may be initiated or involved

in both traditions, it is still imperative for us to note that they are different. Ignoring the

sovereignty of Nkisi Malongo and fusing it with Lucumi as it’s “dark side” leads to the

falsification of not only the tradition itself, but Kongo consciousness as well. When we consider

the cosmology of the Kongo and worldview of those that are adepts of the tradition, there is no

concept of evil in the way that is described when many outsiders describe it. There is a frequent

push by outsiders and adepts of Abrahamic religions to associate the Christian version of the

57
devil and evil with Nkisi Malongo. However, there is no concept of the devil that exists in this

tradition, regardless of the branch that is practiced. The only dark, powerful spirit or force of

nature that may be associated with chaotic behavior, misfortunate, or inflicting spiritual warfare

against an enemy of an initiate is known as Lukankazi, Lungambe, or Kadiempembe.

The conceptualization of good, evil, the devil, and the images that are attached to them

stem from the consciousness, culture, and religious traditions of Europeans. If one examines

Nkisi Malongo and many other African Traditional Religions, they will discover that the idea of

these concepts has vast differences. In each branch of Palo, the Nkisi, Ndoki, Kimpungulu,

Bankita, and other spirits do not operate according to the laws created and maintained by human

beings, especially those that demonize or do not understand the culture, worldview, and religious

practices of African people. While someone who is an outsider or unfamiliar with African

cosmology may consider that what a Tata or Ngeuyo uses Lukankazi or any other Nkisi for is

evil, these spirits do not see their acts of service through these lenses. The lens in which they see

their actions through is contingent upon whether they helped their partner or not. The

relationship that the Tata, Yaya, Ngeuyo, or adept has with certain spirits after initiation is one

that is best symbolized as a mutually beneficial, symbiotic partnership. Whether their actions

bring misfortune, trauma, or any other unpropitious effect towards the target is of less concern to

the spirit than if they help their partner. So, in the perspective of those trained to see the world

through the western gaze of Christianity or lens of whiteness, those acts that are committed by

the spirit which bring negative effects are considered evil. However, if we apply that same

western gaze to observe this at an alternative angle, that same individual could view these acts

committed by these spirits as good since they helped their partner in some way. To understand

58
Nkisi Malongo better in a less complicated way that is not dictated solely by juxtaposing it to

Christianity, it is important to examine the Kongo cosmology and worldview.

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 CHAPTER 7
KONGO COSMOLOGY: NZAMBI’S BLUEPRINT

Kongo cosmology is something that continuously sparks interest within the minds of

those unfamiliar with Nkisi Malongo. However, it is often misunderstood and misrepresented

due to the reproduction of narratives created by those that relied on European sources and

textbooks that ignore the efficacy of approaching an elder to understand the tradition that is

maintained and supported by their wisdom, souls, brains, and backs. The Kongo view of the

cosmos has been instrumental in the lives of African people throughout the diaspora, as shown in

its’ implementation into Haitian Vodou, African American Hoodoo, and Nkisi Malongo. Within

this cosmological blueprint, there exists a certain worldview which allows adepts of Nkisi

Malongo, and other Kongo influenced traditions to see the world and everything within it

through a unique perspective and determine their role in the cosmos.

Within Kongo cosmology, there is one God that exists in which all beings must answer to

regardless of their status or positionality. This God that is present within each branch of Nkisi

Malongo carries the same name that he was referred to back in the days of the ancient Kongo

kingdom. This supreme being which is responsible for creating the universe and everything

within it is known as Nzambi a Mpungu, Nzambi, or Nsambi. To put it as plain as possible,

Nzambi is the grand architect, painter, and sculptor who molded the world to be the way that it is

and will be in the future. If we compare the universe and the cosmological hierarchy for spirits

and other beings within it to a ladder, Nzambi would sit at the top. According to Kongo

mythology, Nzambi gave humankind the knowledge on how to create sacred medicines from

plants for a myriad of purposes (Cabrera, 2001). While sitting at the feet of a Tata of the

Briyumba branch I was taught that the world was constructed by Nzambi’s voice, literally

speaking the universe into existence. Since then, Nzambi has remained silent and almost out of

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reach for human contact. If Nzambi’s voice was to be heard again by human ears, it would

suggest that the end of the world was near. Within Kongo cosmology, Nzambi is omnipotent and

ubiquitous, vast and omniscient. Although there is no image that can capture what Nzambi looks

like, it is best to use all five senses to get a glimpse of how massive Nzambi a Mpungu is. I sat in

silence for about five minutes trying to understand Nzambi in comparison to all beings of the

universe while I was in Tata Rompe Pecho’s garage. He broke it down to me and said that if

Nzambi were to be represented by the beaches and great seas then everything that exists in the

universe, both seen and unseen, would only measure as a minute grain of sand regardless of the

manner that we perceive it with our eyes. Even the most massive animals in the world all placed

together in one herd still wouldn’t measure up to how massive Nzambi is. While this supreme

being is everywhere all the time, adepts of the tradition generally do not seek out Nzambi to

carry out the work that they need done because the creator is far removed from human contact.

This is done by the other Gods, or Kimpungulu.

Within each branch of Nkisi Malongo, there is an Mpungu, or Kimpungulu (plural) that

are specific to that branch. In Palo Mayombe the main Mpungu is Nzazi. Within the Palo

Briyumba and Kimbisa branches the main Mpungu for these Munanzos is Zarabanda or

Sarabanda. If we compared Nzambi a Mpungu to a human hand, the Kimpungulu would be the

fingers that extend from the palm. Everyone has a main Mpungu that assists them and the

dominant energy or temperament that everyone has is contingent upon the Mpungu that is the

strongest within their lives. There is also an Mpungu that is specific to that individual’s family,

and the overall community that the individual belongs to. I will describe the functions of the

seven main Kimpungulu of Nkisi Malongo further along in this thesis.

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 In addition to the Kimpungulu that exist to help each human being reach their greatest

potential and become closer to Nzambi, there are elemental spirits that exist in the cosmos. These

elemental spirits are known as the Nkisi, Simbi, Nkita, and Ntembo spirits. The Nkisi are spirits

of the Earth that can be approached through the trees, herbs, roots, etc. Although the Nkisi is a

type of spirit, there word is also used to refer to a certain object or charm that is created by Tatas

for different purposes. These objects are infused and controlled by persons of a certain social

status who are endowed with special supernatural might acquire through certain mystical

operations, purchase or inheritance.

The topic of Nkisi can get confusing, and I am still looking forward to understanding

them better as time progresses and I expand on this work. According to Tara Rompe Pecho,

Nkisi refers to the spirits that are naturally found on Earth. The Simbi spirits are found in certain

waters on Earth. These water spirits, who were known as Bisimbi in the old Kongo kingdom,

live by the creeks, springs, and ponds (Mukenge, Culture and Customs Of the Congo, 2002).

The Simbi spirits that inhabit these waters are known as their guardians and are approached with

great respect, because they can bring chaos, destruction, or even death to those that disturb them.

These spirits play a massive role in not only Nkisi Malongo, but they also made their way to

Haiti and are present in the Kongo-Petwo nation of spirits within the African Traditional

Religion, Vodou. The Nkita are the fire spirits that inhabit the spaces in which the element of fire

is most prevalent. After the Nkita are the Ntembo spirits which dwell in the air.

Following the elemental spirits are those known as the Nfumbe. Each spirit in the

universe plays a massive role in Nkisi Malongo, but these spirits are the ones that are approached

most frequently when a Tata approaches his Nganga, or spiritual cauldron to work with the

spirits. The Nfumbe means the “dead one” in Kikongo and is a blanket term to refer to the forces

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of the dead, or collection of ancestral spirits (Ochoa, 2010). Although this is an ancestral spirit,

an Nfumbe does not have to be an immediate ancestor of Ngangulero because it can be an

ancestor that is a part of the much larger collective that they belong to. The Nfumbe refers to

both the spirit itself and the physical vessel that is used to contain them. The Nfumbe is

contained and housed within a particular bone of the human body that is collected by the Tata

that has the authority and ability to fuse the spirit within that bone. The bones that the Nfumbe is

fused into does not have to be the bones that once beloninitaged to a particular spirit, and there is

a certain ceremony done to initiate and complete this process. The bones that are used to contain

the Nfumbe are the skull. Tibia, etc. As someone who is not an initiate or an elder, I am not

authorized to insinuate what all the purposes of the Nfumbe are, but through speaking with Tata

Rompe Pecho and my other sources, I was allowed to learn that the Nfumbe are used by the Tata

to help communicate with the Kimpungulu and other forces of nature.

Figure 7-1. The bones used for the Nfumbe in Nkisi Malongo and their purposes. [Kail,
Narco-Cults, 2015]

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 In Nkisi Malongo, there is a linear hierarchy that categorizes the spirits of the cosmos and

those that are approached by the adepts of the tradition. The individual first acknowledges and

approaches their individual spirits. These spirits are exclusive to this person and are only in their

“spiritual court” meaning that they are not involved with anyone else except for the person that

they are behind. After the individual spirits are those spirits that are a part of the individual’s

family. These family spirits are the ancestral spirits and other benevolent spirits that protect and

watch over the bloodline that the individual is a part of. Some of these spirits may be more

present in one family member’s life over another family member, but regardless of the person

that they walk with the most, they are able to be contacted and venerated by the entire family or

those that are a part of that specific bloodline. Following the familial spirits are the spirits that

belong to the community. The simplest way to break this down would be observing a

neighborhood in a city or rural area. In a neighborhood there are multiple families that inhabit

this neighborhood, who belong to different bloodlines. Although these people that live in the

community originate from different bloodlines they still belong to that neighborhood, or that

community. Keeping this approach in mind, there are spirits that are unique to the community

and can be venerated or approached by all members that belong to this community, regardless of

their familial background. In the Kongo cosmology, these community spirits are the great Kongo

spirits that belong to a specific community. These may be the spirits that belong to the lineage

that the Munanzo is a part of the ancestral spirits that are within that branch of Nkisi Malongo,

etc.

Also, within the Kongo cosmology is an overall understanding of the sense of life, birth,

death, and time. This is best described when viewing the Dikenga cosmogram which serves as a

clock for understanding this continuous cycle of life.

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Figure 7-2. The Dikenga cosmogram that is a part of Nkisi Malongo and pre-colonial Kongo
religious traditions. It has numerous uses within the tradition itself, but in this context,
it is the clock for understanding the cycle of life.

Unlike those who subscribe to the western conceptualization of the telluric and

supernatural realms, those that are elders, ngeuyo, and adepts of Nkisi Malongo who live

according to Kongo cosmology do not separate these realms or planes of existence. The physical

and spiritual realms are interconnected, yet they are separated by the primordial waters of the

Mpungu which governs all the oceans, Kalunga. The Kalunga line on the Dikenga cosmogram

represents the separation between the world of the seen and unseen. The space below the

Kalunga line is known as Ku Mpemba. This is the realm of the spirits, ghosts, and unborn, and

they inhabit this space until they are sought after to assist those that call upon them, or if it is

time for them to return to the land of the living through the birthing process. Before you are born

this is where your soul resides, and once your time is up in the land of the living you shed your

physical vessel so that your soul can return to Ku Mpemba. The space above the Kalunga line is

known as Ku Nseke and can be interpreted as the land of the living. It is the physical aspect of

existence and is the desired destination for spirits awaiting their birth in the land of Ku Mpemba.

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Although Ku Nseke and Ku Mpbemba are separated by the great waters of Kalunga, these

worlds share a close relationship with each other (Fu-Kiau, 2001). Although the spirits

themselves do not have physical vessels or the means to present themselves as they would if they

were humans, they are still able to communicate and manifest themselves within the land of Ku

Nseke. The spirits that reside in the lands of the dead are always conveying messages to the land

of the living, and in brief moments they manifest themselves physically by attaching themselves

to a living human being through the process known as mounting or spirit possession. When a

spirit from Ku Mpemba mounts their target, they can relay various messages to those present

after displacing the consciousness of their host for a moment. In this moment the spirit makes

their host speak in verbal or non-verbal ways by using speech, dancing, body jerks, etc. The four

circular points that are outside each portion of the circle represent the cycles of the sun. The

Dikenga cosmogram makes it easier to understand the conceptualization of both life and death

within the Kongo worldview that is a part of Nkisi Malongo, and other Kongo based religions.

Death is natural facet of life, yet the west has shrouded it in fear and utter mysticism.

This may have a lot to do with the Western philosophy and approach to life that does not view

the land of the living and land of the dead as one that is interconnected. Today, we have grown to

fear and become repulsed by death. But according to the cosmology of the Kongo, we should

become more comfortable with the process of death, as death is present in all aspects of life.

In Nkisi Malongo and most African Traditional Religions, death is not only the process

of the soul departing from a vessel which it once animated. It is a phase of life itself-something

undergoing a shift, shedding, and rebirth of some sort. When a body no longer houses a soul,

what is left behind is the spirit that continues to live in the memories of those that the person

impacted and embedded deeply within each atrium of their hearts. The spirit will live as long as

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those impacted remember and keep their legacy alive. However, while the spirit of that person is

still present on Earth, their soul has been transported to the realm of Ku Mpemba, where the

other souls of the dead reside. Death is not limited to the transportation of the soul once the heart

produces its last beat and lungs take their last breath, the reaper can also come to collect versions

of yourself that existed in previous years but can no longer exist in the present or future. Death

can collect passions, vices, or what once brought you excitement. It is a reminder to let us know

that nothing is cemented in time and that all things are subjected to change and facing the sands

of time.

We are all tiny grains of sand in the grand mechanism of life created by Nzambi a

Mpungu to make this mechanism function as intended. This makes death a beautiful necessity. In

Western society, most people fear and are repulsed by death, but it is a beautiful thing

considering that it is simply another side of this coin called life. Ku Mpemba is the land beneath

the primordial sea of Kalunga that is both a tomb and womb in and of itself. It is a tomb because

it is the destination for the souls of those that have shed their physical vessels, or bodies that

once housed them. It is also a womb because it is the canal which allows spirits to return to Ku

Nseke, the land of the living. The concept of Bakulu, or the ancestral spirits within the Kongo

cosmology, is important when considering the idea of birth.

The ancestral spirits dwell in Ku Mpemba for a certain period until they eventually make

their way back to Ku Nseke (Fu-Kiau, 2001). This space which is above the Kalunga line is the

realm in which you (who are reading this) and I temporarily inhabit. It is the space that is best

categorized as the realm of the seen, or the physical realm in which things that are within Ku

Mpemba can manifest themselves into an actual form rather than just a spirit. There is an

understanding within African Traditional Religions and even in the Black Christian churches of

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the United States that I have been a member of, that when someone is born, they are just an

ancestor that has returned to inhabit the land of the living once more. Although the Nseke and

Mpemba realms are separated, they are interconnected simultaneously. There is always

interference by the spirits within the realm of the living and interference by the living within the

realm of the spirits. This is exhibited through ritual and ceremony. Religious rituals and

ceremonies create a particular rupture between space and time so that there is the ability for each

realm to gain access to the other in that moment. Without disclosing any secrets of the tradition,

we can examine the process of giving offerings to certain Mpungu or other Nkisi. When these

offerings are made, this is not just a symbolic act. It is an act that initiates contact between the

physical and the spiritual world. The offering, especially if it involves the use of animal blood, is

what animates or provides the spirit with the means to carry out the task that is required of the

adept who contacts it.

In Nkisi Malongo, there is no parasitic relationship or “slave and slave-master” type of

relationship between the spirits and the Ngangulero. For the spirit to manifest itself in the Nseke

realm this offering is required of the initiate. Drums, and singing also play a massive role in this

process, as they are the means to let the spirits know that they are being called upon and that it is

time for them to make their way to the Munanzo within this physical plane of existence. On the

Dikenga, the circles that represent the cycles of the sun also represent the cycles of life that each

being experiences in life. The arrows, which travel continuously on the cosmogram tells us that

the cycle does not end, even after the death of someone.

The cycle of life occurs in a counterclockwise manner, beginning with Musoni to Kala,

which is the stage of birth. Kala to Tukula consists of the journey from childhood to adulthood

and the many different stages that accompany this transition (adolescence, puberty, etc.). Tukula

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to Luvemba symbolizes the transition from adulthood to old age. From Luvemba back to Musoni

is the transition that one makes when they die and return to the Mpemba realm. The Kala stage

of childhood, which is the sunrise on the cosmogram, symbolizes joy, hope, and is represented

by the color Black (Fu-Kiau, 2001). The Tukula stage of adulthood, which is noon on the

cosmogram, symbolizes the first animals on Earth, the physical power of men, and is represented

by the color red. The Luvemba stage of old age, which is sunset on the cosmogram, symbolizes

the first humans on Earth that were created by Nzambi, and is represented by the color white.

The Musoni stage of death which is also the beginning stage and midnight on the cosmogram,

symbolizes spiritual power, the beginning of the Earth, and is represented by yellow (Thea

Lautenschläger, 2020). The Dikenga cosmogram has many other purposes and is used often in

Nkisi Malongo. There are variations of this cosmogram when members of the tradition trace

firmas on the floor with chalk or powder before ceremonies. The firma is the symbol which is

used as a conduit to call upon the Kimpungulu or other spirits and energies to carry out a specific

purpose or mission. It is imperative to note that although some people may come across a firma,

I was told by elders that initiation into the tradition is what will give someone the “keys” or

knowledge to make the firmas work. This means that someone who is not initiated can trace a

firma on the floor, but it will still be inactive even if it is the correct symbol, because they do not

have all of the knowledge to make it come to life. They are used the same way that the Vévés in

Haitian Vodou are used, and in Nkisi Malongo you can even see some that are used in Haiti if

the ceremonies you attend is of a lineage that stems from the Kongo. Lineage plays an important

role in Nkisi Malongo and is both the backbone and guide for the tradition, regardless of the

branch that is observed.

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Figure 7-3. An example of a firma used in Nkisi Malongo. The Dikenga cosmogram seems to
serve as the base for the firma, however there are variations.

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 CHAPTER 8
THE IMPORTANCE OF LINEAGE IN NKISI MALONGO

Just as the trees, flowers, herbs, and succulents in nature must have roots to receive the

nutrients water, and oxygen to survive, so does Nkisi Malongo. Roots, or lineage is the compass

in which we use to trace our origins. In this tradition, you either have a clean unbroken line that

extends back to the time of the ancient Kongo, or you do not. There is no estimating or guessing,

the roots for a branch and Munanzo within Palo must be linear. This means that a living elder

had to pass down the sacred knowledge and information down to the next generation, and this

cycle continued to the contemporary times. The importance of having a lineage which has

survived through the transmission of knowledge by an elder in Nkisi Malongo allows to see that

we are practicing the exact same thing that our ancestors practiced without guessing. It does not

matter if a person is a blood relative or not within this tradition, if a living Ngangulero or elder

teaches and passes down information to an initiate, the lineage survives. It was said to me by

several Tatas that without lineage, there is no Kongo and without Kongo, there is no lineage. In

the tradition of Nkisi Malongo, an uninterrupted lineage is important because history is written in

a biased way and can be corrupted with several holes in it. Internal history of a lineage is not

affected by the outside world’s potential to inflict their biases on the tradition because one of the

elder’s responsibilities is to provide the information to initiates that will allow them to see where

their Munanzo, branch, and tradition originates.

Regardless of the branch, Nkisi Malongo remains an oral tradition, but not some things

are able to be written to help pass information and add an extra layer of protection in the goal of

preserving the tradition. Initiates that have sworn an oath before the Nganga are allowed to write

information obtained from their Tata/Yaya and the Kongo spirits. However, although they can

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write this information, it is expected and required of them to memorize prayers, information

regarding the Kimpungulu, personal prayers, firmas, and other information received during

initiation. The elders and Kongo spirits do not mind if an initiate reads prayers form a notebook,

but if year has passed since someone’s initiation, they will begin to question them and their

decision to allow them into the tradition.

Long story short, an initiate can write notes but a Tata of the Briyumba branch told me

that memorization and effort is a requirement for most things that must remain secret to ensure

the longevity of the tradition. Learning Kikongo words is also inevitable as one becomes

initiated into the world of Nkisi Malongo. Despite being displaced across the ocean, Kikongo

remains the dominant language used in Nkisi Malongo, although there was a mixture between

Spanish and Kikongo since the tradition was forced to adapt to the conditions of colonial Cuba.

By telling and retelling the history of a lineage, the tradition can survive and recount the

moments of history that are not written in textbooks. Through oral history, I was able to learn

about the construction of the first Nganga in Cuba after enslaved Africans were forcefully

brought across the Atlantic.

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 CHAPTER 9
THE FIRST NGANGA IN CUBA

There has been much speculation about the origins of the Nganga within the tradition.

This speculation is warranted considering the meaning behind the term itself. When we observe

the precolonial Kongo region and the Kongo kingdom, the term Nganga was used to address

those who were the conduits between Nseke and Mpemba. In the Kikongo language, Nganga

derives from the root word which means knowledge or skill (Thornton J. K., 1998). In Dr. Fu-

Kiau’s lectures he made it clear that an Nganga, regardless of their gender, was skilled in the

matters of approaching the world of the supernatural and alleviating the suffering or ills of those

that were impacted by adverse conditions that negatively impacted their spiritual, physical, and

mental wellbeing. In their own right, the Nganga was a doctor and had the ability or license to

diagnose and prescribe remedies to foment the healing process within the minds and bodies of

their clients. Today, the term Nganga is used to refer to the cauldron or pot which is the

cornerstone for working the spirit within all branches of Nkisi Malongo. Not only is the Nganga

a means to communicate with the Nfumbe and different classes of spirits within the tradition, it

is also holds a key purpose to maintain the lineage of the tradition and grant the permission for

one to become an Ngeuyo into the tradition. In the old days of the Kongo kingdom, ensuring the

longevity of Nkisi Malongo was maintained through specific bloodlines. The institution of

chattel slavery and the ramifications of colonialism intentionally disrupted the bloodlines of

Kongo people and their descendants, so adepts of the tradition were unable to solely rely on the

maintenance of familial bloodlines to protect the tradition. The use of spiritual tools, objects, and

initiating people that were outside of the “traditional” Kongo bloodlines were ways to ensure that

the lineage would continue despite the societal pressures, harsh reality, and brutal conditions that

African people faced during the period of enslavement in Cuba. The Nganga became a tool to

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ensure the longevity of the tradition and made sure that Nganguleros and all adepts of Nkisi

Malongo could trace their lineage back to Africa. In this sense, the Nganga functions as more

than a means to work the spirit, but it is a cauldron which occupies multiple times, places, and

spaces. This means that the Nganga operates on a timeframe that is like the currents and tides of

the seas, in which it travels forward and backwards concomitantly.

The Nganga is not as confined to the present as the bodies of humans are since they are

the link to the Kongo. Even in the initiation process that is done in front of the Nganga, there is a

certain moment when the newly initiated person is transported to the origins of the branch and

tradition itself, which shatters the western conceptualization of time.

The Nganga as it is represented today, has a complicated history, and the origin stories

vary according to what branch one approaches and what Tata one goes to. Through the

knowledge acquired from Tatas I have spoken to in and outside of Cuba, I was told that the first

pots for Palo Mayombe and Briyumba both existed in Africa. The hills of Mayombe in Cabinda

and Calabari in the Kongo region are the origins of the first Nganga of the Palo Mayombe

branch, that was constructed in Pinar del Rio Cuba during the period of enslavement (Kail,

Narco-Cults, 2015). When Africans were brought to Cuba from the Kongo region, they were

transported with none of their belongings. This meant that the only aspects of Nkisi Malongo that

were brought from Africa were the Nkisi, the spiritual specialists that knew how to approach or

work them, and the ability to communicate with the various facets of Nzambi a Mpungu present

within nature. I wasn’t clear about how the pots came to Cuba, and initially I thought that

someone brought them on the ships somehow across the Atlantic. However, while I was in

Tata’s garage I was informed by him that no pots made their way across the ships, but the first

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Nkisi that made the voyage across the Atlantic was Nzazi, who was brought with Tata

Denamotuto who established the Mayombe branch in Cuba.

As Nzazi made his way across the Atlantic and the Mayombe branch was established in

Pinar del Rio Cuba, the shift from the Nganga being the priest to the pot occurred. The spiritual

specialist, priest, and scientist of the dead and spirits became known as Tata. The word for the

cauldron became Nganga, which meant mystery. The term that is now used today to refer to the

priests and priestesses within Nkisi Malongo and each branch is Tata Nganga/Nkisi or Yaya

Nganga/Nkisi, which translates to the father or mother of mystery. Several books that have been

written throughout the years have expressed that the Tata and adepts of Nkisi Malongo need to

be in front of the pot to work the spirit and carry out their duties. However, this is something that

must be analyzed in depth and challenged, considering the establishment of the tradition in Cuba.

Africans who were brought from the Kongo did not bring any cauldrons with them across the

Atlantic, which means that if the Nganga must be always present to communicate with the spirits

and get work done, then the tradition would not have been able to get transported across the

waters. The children of the Kongo possessed the ability to tap into nature and communicate with

the spirits before the first Nganga was created in Cuba. After one is initiated into the tradition

and learns the secrets, they can call upon the spirits and tap into the essence of Nzambi a

Mpungu through various modalities and approaches. This ability assisted the Tatas when they

arrived to Cuba to discover the ingredients necessary to construct new Ngangas once they found

themselves in lands that had vast differences and similarities to their homelands in Africa.

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Figure 9-1. Two Ngangas. These vessels have a myriad of different purposes within the
tradition.

World Within a World: The Nganga is a world within a world itself. In it there are

hundreds of items that are used to communicate with the dead and various spirits found

in nature. It is a pot that is made of iron or clay, and the items within it must be sourced

from various parts of the world under different circumstances that are not open to the

public. Everything that is within the Nganga and the reason behind their presence is

inaccessible to those that are not initiated into the tradition, but one can see that there are

things within it that represent various aspects of nature. Considering that the Nganga is

a world within the world that we already exist in, you will find objects that symbolize what

you will find in nature. Just as the world we live in has sticks, plants, trees, dirt, animals,

stones, water, menga (Kikongo word for blood), bones, shells etc. You can see some of

these items within the cauldron.

Sticks, or Palo in Spanish play a massive role within Nkisi Malongo and the construction

of an Nganga. Within the Kongo spiritual system and science of the dead, sticks and trees carry

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the essence of different spirits and offer different results whether these results foment healing or

destruction for the one who casts spells or their target. The purpose behind the different branches

of trees used in the spiritual work of those who practice Nkisi Malongo is not able to be

conveyed to the public, but it is worth noting that each branch is either numbered or tied with a

certain fabric to distinguish the properties and purposes for the stick that is inside of the Nganga.

The construction of a Nganga is a strenuous, expensive and time-consuming process that can

take several years to complete. Some of the ingredients are sourced around the world, and some

of the ingredients require a lot of money to obtain since they are from different regions of the

world or come from a certain species that is rare. If a Nganga is constructed in a short timeframe,

that is a tell-tale sign of a fraudulent Nganga and the chance of it missing vital pieces is likely.

Some Tatas maintain the stance that it could take up to three years to create an effective, living,

and working Nganga, while others believe that it could take six or more months to complete this

process. While the various items within the Nganga take time to obtain, there is also a period

where the Nganga must sit and undergo secret ceremonies to become one that is working and

infused with the spirits and energies that the Tata needs to work with the Nfumbe and Mpungu.

The Nganga that is constructed must come from another Nganga that has a lineage that can be

traced back to the Kongo. There is a divination process to determine if a Tata is ready and able to

possess a Nganga, and this is a process that cannot be overlooked or ignored.

In addition to the palo (sticks) that are placed within the Nganga, human and animal

bones are also important to include inside of the pot. A kiyumba, or skull is the part of the human

skeleton that I have seen most common within the Ngangas of Tatas I have encountered. In the

United States there has also been many articles written about government officials seizing skulls

and other human bones in Miami from those that practice the religion. These articles typically

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generalize the practice as evil or negative, since the articles are focused on those that sell drugs

or try to use Palo for other mischievious things. Along with the skull, the tibia and femur are

common bones that are found inside of each branch of Nkisi Malongo. Each bone has a unique

purpose that is not completely different than what function they were used for while they were

attached to a living and breathing human being. For example, the skull that is placed within the

Nganga serves as the center of thought, knowledge, and intelligence for the spirit that will be

infused within the bones. The tibia is used in a similar fashion that a band director uses his baton

to conduct his musicians to create the sounds of a beautiful symphony. With the tibia or femur,

the Tata conducts the spirits to carry out a task and direct the energies of the dead.

The bones that are collected from the feet of the dead allow the Nfumbe to walk, while

the hands collected from the bones of the hand allow the Nfumbe to collect items for the Tata.

The Nfumbe, which is an ancestral spirit that becomes fused within the bones that the Tata

collects, is housed within the Nganga. Selecting a spirit to become the Nfumbe is a secret and

private process where the Tata approaches a spirit and creates a pact between himself and the

spirit that lasts until the day that he sheds his physical vessel and departs from the realm of the

living to return to the land of the dead beneath Kalunga’s great waters. The Nfumbe becomes

bathed within a mixture of different herbs, plants, and objects that are reflective of a particular

Mpungu, which is usually reflective of the type of branch that the Tata belongs to. For example,

in a Briyumba branch I encountered, the Tata’s Nfumbe was once a Jamaican man. This Tata’s

Nfumbe had the energy and behaviors of the Mpungu that is associated with the Palo Briyumba,

which is the ferocious and intelligent warrior Zarabanda. A Tata from the Palo Mayombe branch

could have an Nfumbe whose bones once belonged to Chinese man. His Nfumbe would have the

energy, behaviors, and carry the spirit of the cunning and tactful warrior Nzazi. The physical

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appearance of a live and working Nganga that has been in use for several years is one that is far

from polished and clean. Unlike Lucumi (Santeria) which Nkisi Malongo is incorrectly

associated with, cleanliness and purity are not required by the spirits to conduct work. After

ceremonies, offerings, and animal sacrifices are made, the Tata does not clean the blood or

animal feathers from his Nganga, as the objects and remnants left on the Nganga amplify the

power of the Nfumbe, Mpungu, and spirits of the dead that are present within the Tata’s Nganga

and Munanzo. The Nfumbe and Kimpungulu of Nkisi Malongo (except for Chola Wengue)

differ from the Orisha of Lucumi in the sense that they are not beings that must be approached

while one is clean, “pure”, or abstinent.

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 CHAPTER 10
KIMPUNGULU: THE FINGERS OF NZAMBI’S HAND

After Nzambi a Mpungu molded the universe, separated Kalunga’s waters of the heaven

from the sky, created human beings and everything within the universe, there was the

Kimpungulu left on Earth. The Mpungu, or Kimpungulu (plural) are like the fingers that extend

from Nzambi’s mighty hands, or Nzambi’s custodians sent to assist human beings. They are here

to ensure that human beings can reach their potential to fulfill our purpose(s) while we are

making progress in our journey in the land of the living. The Kimpungulu govern certain aspects

of nature, and depending on their characteristics and tastes, they can be found places that humans

frequent. Before I met Tata Rompe Pecho, I was misinformed about the Kimpungulu because

someone that was not initiated into the traditon told me that the Mpungu was invented in Cuba

once the Kongo Africans interacted with the Yoruba and their Orisha based traditions. While I

was sitting in front of Tata with my notepad, I was informed that they have existed long before

humans tapped into our potential to create written and spoken language, but before European

imperialism ravaged the Kongo region, they were not venerated the way that they are today

within Nkisi Malongo, and other Kongo based traditions. Once the children of the Kongo found

themselves up against the unmerciful talons of European colonialism, imperialism and

enslavement, they began to seek spiritual help that was beyond the veneration of their immediate

ancestors. They approached the Kimpungulu, who are Gods in their own right, for assistance to

engage in spiritual warfare with those who enslaved and exploited them. The Kimpungulu are

ferocious Gods and forces of nature, who carry energies that humans can tap into at specific

moments to manipulate energies to their benefit or detriment. There are thousands of

Kimpungulu, however there are seven main ones, known as the seven African powers, that are

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known and acknowledged by the public. Seven African Powers refers to the forced

transformation of the Mpungu after they made their way across the Atlantic from the Kongo.

They became associated with Catholic saints in Cuba. We cannot pinpoint the exact date that this

transformation occurred, but I was told that this was a long process that occurred over several

years. Each Mpungu corresponded with a Catholic saint that has similar characteristics, likes,

and dislikes. To avoid religious persecution, this transformation process and making the Catholic

saints their own rather than just accepting them and rejecting the Mpungu, the tradition was able

to survive. I will briefly expand on these seven Kimpungulu below.

Figure 10-1. 7 African Powers candle used to evoke the Kimpungulu for different reasons.
This candle can be used in the Lwa and Orisha traditions as well.

Nkuyu Nfinda: Lucero Mundo

He who opens the gates to communication between realms is known as Nkuyu Nfinda, or

Tata Nfinda. Lucero Mundo is the Spanish name given to him as his descendants made their way

to Cuba on ships from the Kongo. Nkuyu Nfinda is the divine messenger, as he relays messages

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between the realm of the spirits and humans. The name given to him in Cuba which means “light

bringer” is fitting considering that Nkuyu not only provides the light to initiate communication

between humans and spirits, but he shines light on the path between the land of the living and

land of the dead so that the spirits can make their journey to or from each realm. Nkuyu loves

nature and can be found in the forest or anywhere that a crossroads is near, which highlights is

permanent residence at the crossroads between the land of the living and the land of the dead.

His Kongo name itself is Nkuyu Nfinda, which translates to Ghost of the forest. Depending on

the branch, he can be associated with St. Anthony of Padua, St. Peter, St. Nobert, etc. Nkuyu is

the first to be approached to open communication with other Mpungu, and an Nganga cannot be

constructed without Nkuyu because he is the Mpungu that serves as the key to open the door to

the spirit realm. Without the “key” or blessing of Lucero, no other spirits would be able to enter.

While he opens the door to allow the spirits into the physical world, his counterpart who does the

opposite is known as Kobayende, who deals with dead, contacted for healing, and is associated

with St. Lazarus. Another role of Lucero is that he can determine the outcome of men and

women, as he is the one that can open the gates to possibilities or close them depending on the

way that he is approached. The role and nature of this Mpungu makes him one that could bring

either positive or negative, pleasure or pain, laughter or sorrow. Nkuyu Nfinda, or Lucero loves

the colors red and black, and he loves sweets, chickens, goat, and rum. He is an ancient man with

childlike qualities that could turn either sweet or sour quickly.

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Figure 10-2. Nkuyu Nfinda/Lucero Mundo or he who opens the gates to communicating with
the realm of the spirits. Unlike the Orisha and Lwa, there aren’t many physical
representations of him, but he is usually referred to as that man in the red and black

Kalunga/Madre Agua

While Nkuyu Nfinda/Lucero is the one that opens the door to communicating with the

realm of the spirits, it is Kalunga who serves as the path in which these beings travel across to

reach their destination. Kalunga is the Mpungu which governs all the great seas, oceans, and is

always found in these salt waters. Kalunga is not just one of the most important Mpungu, she is

one of the most important aspects of Kongo cosmology considering her role in separating the

realms of Ku Mpemba and Ku Nseke. When Nzambi a Mpungu separated the waters from the

sky, Kalunga was designated as the barrier to keep the realm of the living separate from the

realm of the dead. Her role was designated by the creator to maintain balance. After we have

lived our lives in the Nseke realm, we return to Mpemba by traveling across Kalunga’s waters.

Her nature is described as cool, although just as the waters in the ocean have the potential to

create the most ferocious tsunamis, hurricanes, and tropical storms, Kalunga can become volatile

and destructive if approached incorrectly or neglected. Kalunga is the mother of the oceans that

loves and protects children, which makes her the Mpungu that is approached often by expecting

83
mothers, or those with infertility issues who seek to become pregnant. Her favorite color is blue,

and her favorite offerings are blue flowers, blue fruits, watermelon, and rum. Although they both

govern certain types of waters found on Earth, she is not to be associated with Chola Wengue, as

they have different purposes, temperaments, likes, and dislikes.

Figure 10-3. Kalunga, the mother of the oceans and salt waters. She is often associated with the
Lwa Lasiren in Vodou, and Orisha Yemaya.

Zarabanda/Sarabanda

When one thinks of a ferocious warrior that will obliterate any obstacle in their path or

defeat any enemy that stands in front of them in battle, Zarabanda is the Mpungu that comes to

mind. Zarabanda, or Sarabanda is the Mpungu that is the God of war, however he has other

characteristics and functions that make him highly respected and revered amongst other Mpungu

and all adepts of Nkisi Malongo. He is the Mpungu that governs metal, which makes him

favorable amongst blacksmiths and other people that work with metal. He is found often near the

mountains and railroads. When one sees a railroad spike near a Nganga, or Firma where spiritual

work is going to be conducted, you can be sure to see Sarabanda soon. Other than this Mpungu

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being a God of war, it is imperative to address the character that he exudes to understand why he

is respected and sought after for a myriad of tasks. When there is a task at hand that must be

completed, Zarabanda will have the courage and drive to get the work done effectively. One

could have the number of ideas or ambition to fill up every pool on Earth, but if they do not have

the courage to act then they nothing would get done. This is the energy that is embedded within

the spirit of Zarabanda. His favorite colors are green and the offerings he likes are cigars, rum,

and machetes. To ensure the longevity of the tradition and avoid further persecution of their

religious practices, adepts of the tradition associated Zarabanda with St. Michael. Out of all the

Mpungu to receive animal sacrifices, he is the Mpungu that can handle the most blood

considering the energy that he carries. Zarabanda is the primary Mpungu of the Palo Briyumba

branch of Nkisi Malongo. One may be familiar with the energy of Zarabanda if they are familiar

with the Lwa Ogou in Haitian Vodou or Ogun in the Yoruba based traditions.

Figure 10-4. Zarabanda/Sarabanda the Mpungu of war, metalworking, clearing obstacles,

courage, and wreaking havoc/revenge upon those that wrong him or his children.

Nzazi/Nsasi/Siete Rayos

Nsasi, or Nzazi is the Mpungu that is an intelligent, cunning, and ferocious warrior of

Nkisi Malongo. He is the warrior that possesses a temper that could crack the lands apart of each

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continent as he uses bolts of lightning. His ability to strike and scorch the Earth with rays of

lightening is why he was named Siete Rayos (Seven Rays) when his children were brought to

Cuba. He was the first Mpungu to make his way across the Atlantic and is the main Mpungu of

the Palo Mayombe branch. Red is his color and the Catholic Saint he was fused with is Saint

Barbara. Although Nsasi is a fierce warrior, it is imperative to note that he is frequently sought

after to deal with the matters of the heart. He is depicted as a handsome man with a love for

women, and his children are known to be charming. When lovers are in domestic disputes or

cannot see eye to eye, Nsasi is approached to bring balance or to fix, repair, and bring back the

love that once was there and vibrant. In nature he is found at the palm trees and when he is given

offerings he enjoys palm leaves, palm oil, red wine, and roosters. Leopards are the animals that

are most associated with him and in some of his depictions you are likely to see him wearing an

outfit that was created from leopard skins.

Figure 10-5. Nsasi, the main Mpungu of Palo Mayombe who was the first Nkisi to be brought
to Cuba from the Kongo kingdom. [Unknown artist. This depiction is widely
circulated throughout African Traditional Religion forums.]

Mama Chola Nguengue/Chola Wengue

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 Mama Chola is the Mpungu that can be hot tempered, yet cool tempered at the same time.

She is the Mpungu that can be found in the waters, but unlike Kalunga who is found in the salt

waters, Chola is found in freshwater areas in nature such as rivers or streams. She is the Mpungu

that deals with the principal present within most human beings whether it is undeveloped or

developed, which is love. Love shown by Chola Nguenge can be as sweet as the finest honey, or

as tough and fiery as the blazing sun itself. If a small child were to ask, what is love? A person

might respond by saying that it is a warm, fuzzy feeling that permeates one’s soul at the glance

of a being that brings sparkles to their eyes. Or that it is to be nice, or even harsh to heal

someone, regardless of if the message would be liked. Or it could be described as the satisfaction

that one feels while you taste one’s sweet nectar in the moments of erotic intimacy. The truth is,

love according to this Mpungu is a combination of all those things I mentioned, but varies

depending upon the circumstances. Love for Chola Nguenge is a mirror to hold someone

accountable, a fertilizer to help the community grow, and it is more than beautiful words, but the

actions that we show. Chola Nguenge is often misunderstood due to her personality, but the truth

is, if we are to understand her then we can examine our own conceptualization of love and the

relationships that we have with ourselves and other beings. Love is a moment that has highs and

lows, peaks and valleys, and this Mpungu personifies this aspect of love. She is depicted as a

beautiful woman that is a master of seduction who could seduce even the harshest of men. Her

favorite color is yellow, and her offerings are typically sweet citrus fruits, yellow flowers,

expensive perfumes, honey, cinnamon, and the Catholic Saint that she was forced to merge with

to ensure the longevity of the tradition to practice in secrecy was La Virgin de la Caridad del

Cobre. She is generous towards her children and those that are generous towards her, while she is

harsh towards those that do harm against her or those that she loves. She is an unforgiving

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Mpungu, and if someone makes a promise to give her something in exchange for her services,

she expects what is promised or she could make matters very difficult. For her children and those

that evoke her, she ensures material wealth, love, and prosperity but only if she is approached

properly.

Figure 10-6. Basílica Santuario Nacional de Nuestra Señora de la Caridad del Cobre in
Santiado de Cuba, Cuba. Although many people go to this church to pray to La
Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre, people also leave offerings for Mama Chola.

Centella Ndoki/Mariwanga

If death were to exist in the form of an Mpungu within Nkisi Malongo, she would be

Centella Ndoki. She is the keeper of the cemeteries which means that she is who guards the gates

that surround the cemeteries. Her energy is often misunderstood considering her proximity to

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death and the spirits of the dead. While she is unforgiving, does not accept even one mistake in

offerings prepared for her, she is loyal and devoted to protecting those from darkness and

destruction that she cares for and respects. As Nkuyu Nfinda or Lucero is the Mpungu that shines

the light on the passageway between the realm of the living and the dead, it is Centella Ndoki

who ensures that spirits that are making their way from Ku Nseke do not get lost when they are

finding their way within Ku Mpemba. There has been a lot of negative connotations attached to

Centella Ndoki over the years since she has been associated with Santa Muerte, who is often

venerated for those that dabble in the matters of the underworld and the many things that come

with this. Cartel members, drug traffickers, murderers, etc. have added more fuel to the fire that

seeks to burn the true nature of Centella Ndoki, but it is imperative to keep in mind that the

spirit’s conceptualization of good and evil are not reflective of the moral compass of human

beings. The spirits themselves are independent from how people use them. Centella Ndoki’s

color is mostly burnt red or maroon, although she does have many other colors that she identifies

with. While she is the fiercest when she is angered and can evoke fear within even the most

seasoned Tatas and Yayas, her nature is typically cool and calm. She is present in areas where

the dead typically inhabit such as morgues, funeral homes, cemeteries, and places where many

have recently died and must cross over Kalunga’s great waters into the afterlife.

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Figure 10-7. Centella Ndoki, or Mariwanga the Mpungu who is the keeper of cemeteries and
custodian of the dead. [Tata Rompe Pecho, 2021]

Kengue/Tiembla Tierra

Kengue is the Mpungu who imparts divine wisdom and although he is a warrior just like

the other Mpungu, Kengue or Tiembla Tierra typically uses his mind and intellect to maneuver

over the obstacles that are placed in his path. His nature is cool, laid back, and he is difficult to

anger, but if he is brought to that point then it is a sight that one does not want to witness or

experience. Nzambi a Mpungu imparted grand wisdom upon Kengue, and his role is more than

to spread wisdom, but ensure that justice is served to maintain balance. He is considered pure in

the sense that he is the Mpungu that is associated with all things good, and the color white is

associated with him for this reason. Kengue is also known as Tiembla Tierra, or Earth Trembles

in Cuba which conveys his massive power in addition to the divine wisdom that he has. While

Nzambi a Mpungu is the creator of all things, Kengue is the father of the universe that was

created by Nzambi. Just as there is no Nganga without Nkuyu Nfinda/Lucero to open up the

doors to the spirit realm, there is no Nganga that can be created without Kengue to depart the

wisdom of Nzambi a Mpungu and all wisdom of the universe. He is approached by members of

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the tradition for a myriad of purposes, but some of the reasons that can be discussed publicly are

for discernment when making a decision, clearing the mind of mental fog, achieving mental and

emotional balance, and seeking justice after one has been wronged. He is depicted as an old and

wise man dressed in white. Some of his offerings are white doves, white flowers, sweet fruits,

and they are left at the places where he is commonly found which is in the mountains or Ceiba

trees.

Figure 10-8. Kengue/Tiembla Tierra bestowing his wisdom upon his children. [Artist Unknown,
image commonly circulated throughout African Traditional Religion Forums about
Palo Mayombe and Briyumba, 2021]

There are thousands of Kimpungulu that exist, but these are the main 7 that are

approached and agreed upon within the three branches of Nkisi Malongo. Before one becomes

initiated into Nkisi Malongo, it is customary for the Tata or Yaya to use divination to determine

who one’s Nsila are, or the Mpungu that are most present within the lives of an individual. Your

Nsila are your spiritual custodians that assist you throughout your life and are the energies that

are most dominant within you. Determining who your Nsila are, is just one minor step in the

process of initiation into Nkisi Malongo.

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 CHAPTER 11
RAYAMIENTO/INITIATED INTO NKISI MALONGO

The initiation process into a branch of Nkisi Malongo is referred to as Rayamiento. It has this

name because of the small cuts that are administered on various parts of the body by the Tata on

the new initiate. It is imperative to note that while one thinks that they are choosing Nkisi

Malongo to become a part of it is the exact opposite in the sense that Nkisi Malongo and the

Nkisi themselves are choosing who they want to initiate and impart the secrets of Nzambi and

the Kongo science of the dead into. Long before the blade even pierced the skin of someone’s

body, there are a few processes that one must go to before even considering initiation. The first

steps towards initiation are research, consulting one’s own personal spirit guides, then finding a

reputable and trustworthy Tata that has the credentials to initiate someone in front of the Nganga.

It is a crucial step to align yourself with a solid Tata who cares more about ensuring the

longevity of the tradition and teaching, rather than selecting a Tata based on their status in

society, material possessions, or looks. Just as capitalism has harmed African people, it has also

negatively impacted African Traditional Religions and now there are many that hide behind the

tradition claiming the title of Tata to prey on the spiritual weaknesses of people to accumulate a

mass amount of wealth and status.

After a reputable Tata is found and a person’s energy aligns with the Tata and his Munanzo,

the next step to become initiated is divination. Divination is an important step because after

someone resonates with it and determines that they want to become initiated, the spirits

determine if the individual is allowed into the tradition. Divination in Nkisi Malongo is done

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with different tools. These methods are using Chamalangos1and Vititi Mensu2 or Mpaka. You

must ask the spirits if Nkisi Malongo is in your destiny and if the Munanzo you are in is

supposed to be the house that initiates you.

The Day I Asked the Spirits

It was my second time at Tata’s house today. Three people had just gotten initiated the

day before so by the time I arrived they were taking notes and getting a lot of the knowledge that

they need in the beginning stages since they are now Ngeuyo (new initiates) into Palo Briyumba.

While I was observing them Tata said that he gives his godchildren more than just new Palo

names and individual firmas (signs), so that they can fend for themselves. I came here today

because I wanted to know if it was in my destiny to get scratched into Nkisi Malongo. That must

be determined through divination with the Chamalangos coconut shells, while sitting on the mat

in front of the Nganga. Tata said his prayers which as relayed in nothing but Kikongo words, and

he made sure to get the attention and acknowledgment of everyone there so that they could serve

as witnesses to what was cast and shown in the coconut shells for when he was about to throw

them. He laid out a straw mat in front of the Nganga, Nkisi statues, Lucero Mundo mound,

Native American statue, and several other Palo tools and objects. With his hands he motioned for

me to come and sit in front of him while he sat with his legs crossed and his back facing all the

objects I just mentioned. He touched both my forehead and the back of my neck then began

asking several questions. The chamalangos provide simple answers depending on the way that

the shells land and which side they fall on. The answers are either yes or no, which is Kuenda or

1
Four coconut shells carved into round discs with two sides.
2
A carved-out horn with a mirror placed at the end which allows the Tata to see messages from the spirits while
divining. It possesses the same secrets that an Nganga has which allows the Tata to do whatever he needs to do
without having to transport the Nganga pot.

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Ko in the Kikongo language. I could not tell what the Kikongo words meant individually as he

said them, but I could feel what he was asking and what he was receiving from the shells since I

am used to doing a form of divination myself since I have dabbled in Hoodoo over the years. He

asked about my destiny in Nkisi Malongo, if I am supposed to be a part of the Munanzo, who are

the Mpungu that walk with me, and I was given some proverbs. The reading affirmed my path in

Nkisi Malongo, that if I want to initiate into this Munanzo that I can, and that my Nsila (Mpungu

that walk with me) are Nkuyu Nfinda/Lucero and Kalunga/Madre Agua. I began to have my

doubts about the reading for a second because I was having thoughts that anyone could look at

me or be around me and see that I have a lot of Lucero or Legba dominant energy. But once the

proverbs were laid out in the reading and Tata began to discuss things about myself and my life

thus far that no one would know, and that is when I began to witness more, of the power of Nkisi

Malongo.

Presentations/Scratched
After someone receives confirmation that Nkisi Malongo is in their path and that they are

allowed to become scratched into the tradition, the date for initiation must be set. Three days

before initiation one must undergo a period of abstinence from sex, alcohol, and any mind-

altering drugs. The initiation process must be done completely sober, with no influence from

things that can cloud the mind because rayamiento is a process that is already taxing on the mind,

spirit, and body without the use of drugs. They are also not allowed to eat anything other than a

soup that contains the same ingredients that their Kongo ancestors ate. On the day of initiation,

presentations occur which is the process of the Tata and Yaya introducing the Mpungu and Nkisi

within nature to the soon-to-be initiate. There are seven different places that the Tata takes his

ngeuyo to during presentations. Each space during presentations reflects the Mpungu that

governs these spaces. For example, the ngeuyo meet Nkuyu Nfinda/Lucero at the crossroads or

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woods, Kalunga at the beach, Zarabanda at the railroad tracks, Chola Wengue at the river,

Nsasi/Siete Rayos at the palm tree, Kengue at the mountains or Ceiba tree, and Centella Ndoki at

the cemetery. The presentations in front of the Mpungu in the places that they inhabit is a key

step that cannot be overlooked or skipped, since this is the process where both the ngeuyo and

the Mpungu formally meet each other face to face. In this regard I would compare presentations

to introducing yourself to someone before you can use their kitchen appliances or any of their

belongings. If the Tata does not introduce the ngeuyo to the spirits, then they do not have the

license to approach them, work with their energies, and they will not be acknowledged. After

presentations the initiation process continues, and after it concludes a person is reborn again as a

ngueyo into Nkisi Malongo. I am not allowed nor willing to share what I have seen or heard

about the initiation process, but it is a step in someone’s life that drastically changes the way they

see the world and approach it. They are essentially shedding their old lives which no longer

serves them, which is reflective in the burial or burning of the clothes that were worn on the day

of initiation before being scratched in front of the Nganga. After someone becomes initiated into

Nkisi Malongo they are provided with a name that reflects their temperament and unique path or

role in the tradition, Dimbri or Collar de bandera which is a necklace worn like sash from left to

right (male initiates) or right to left (female initiates), a Lucero mound to protect themselves

against spiritual attacks or send them, and a notebook full of prayers, recipes, and other secret

information about the tradition.

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Figure 11-1. The Dimbri beads that are worn around from neck to shoulder like a sash. While
the Yoruba wear their elekes like necklaces, the Kongo wear their dimbri like flags.
The Dimbri are worn during ceremonies or doing spiritual work. [Mercado Libre
Mexico, 2021

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 CHAPTER 12
CONCLUSION

To conclude, Nkisi Malongo is an African Traditional Religion that was brought to the

Western hemisphere by enslaved Africans that were brought from the Kongo. It is a practice that

has many misconceptions surrounding it and is often misunderstood as a tradition dedicated to

darkness or working with the “devil” according to outsiders. The bad reputation that it has is the

result of misconceptions and false information being cycled through various platforms. When

news outlets discuss Palo Mayombe, it is mostly centered on government officials extracting

spiritual objects from the homes of drug dealers and murderers that use the religion for mischief

and their own lascivious intentions. This, in combination with Hollywood movies that depict

African religions as evil and exaggerate the use of animal sacrifice within them has created many

stereotypes that cloud the judgement of those that have not learned from those that are a part of

Palo.

Through speaking with elders and members of the tradition, it is clear to see that Palo

Mayombe is a henotheistic, nature-based tradition that teaches initiates how to tap into their

greatest potential and work with the forces of nature that were created by Nzambi. It is like

Hinduism, Buddhism, and some forms of Christianity in the sense that there is a

conceptualization of one creator God but there are also intermediaries that assist human beings

that could be considered Gods in comparison to human beings.

Despite many associating it with Yoruba religious practices, it is its own sovereign

tradition that originates from Bantu shamanistic practices and the spiritual knowledge from the

Lemba indigenous society that has remained secretive in the Kongo region today, yet still highly

visible in African Traditional Religions throughout the diaspora. Although the tradition was

forced to undergo the process of transformation while dealing with the Portuguese in the Kongo

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and the Spanish in Cuba, it has maintained a great bulk of what made it uniquely and

unapologetically Kongo. Each tradition that was brought to the western hemisphere by enslaved

Africans requires closer examination without solely relying on the western gaze molded by

Christianity and anti-Black racism, to understand their cosmologies, foundations, and functions.

While there needs to be more research and work written about Kongo traditional religion, I assert

that Nkisi Malongo and each branch offers us a window to explore what many consider to be lost

or undiscovered. For centuries many writers have relied on the narratives of European

missionaries to make assertions about the Kongo, the religions or spiritual traditions that were

present prior to the introduction of Christianity, and the conversion of Kongo people to

Christianity. It is necessary to interrogate the historical records and documents available, while

using alternative methods and sources to re(define) the history, culture, and spiritual traditions or

religions of African and indigenous people. Some of the documents that are still being used

today do not promote Nkisi Malongo as a tradition that stands on its own without Lucumi or

Christianity. It is depicted as a hybrid religion that is a dark side of Lucumi with Christian

elements. This depiction does a great disservice to those that practice the tradition, and it

prevents us from uncovering more information about traditional spiritual practices of the Kongo

and the people that descend from this region where the once-great kingdom flourished. This

tradition, and any branch that is a part of it should be viewed as its own tradition considering that

there are elements that cannot be practiced in tandem with other traditions. The Kongo

cosmology and spirits that are present within each branch of the tradition (excluding Kimbisa

which combines other spirits and religions) cannot be practiced alongside Yoruba spirits or

Orisha, because the Kimpungulu and Kongo spirits function differently. While the Lucumi

practitioners work with the Orisha, the Kongo tradition works more closely with the spirits of the

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dead and spirits that tend to be more hardened and don’t require a clean or “pure” approach. It is

worth mentioning that in the Lucumi tradition, communication between certain spirits that would

be considered ghosts is not acceptable or respected, while this is a big part of Nkisi Malongo

considering the Misa ceremonies in the tradition, where communicating with ghosts and other

spirits from the realm of the dead occurs. The Orisha are even said to work slower than the

Kimpungulu, who work faster considering their nature. I heard a quote from many Tatas and

initiates that showcases the characteristic of the Mpungu. They said that one goes to the Orisha

for blessings and Palo for results. This indicates that if there is a task that needs to be carried out

immediately, the Kongo spirits will make this happen. Even in the Kongo-Petwo nation of spirits

in Haitian Vodou they are said to work faster and are hotter tempered than their counterparts that

derived from West Africa.

Allocation of time and resources towards the study of Kongo religions is needed.

Although Palo Mayombe and other Kongo traditons are more secretive than other African

Traditional Religions, it is imperative that we document them in a better manner instead of

reproducing notions about them that focus on the negative aspects, which could be said about

any religion. Kongo spirituality and religions have always provided a solid foundation for

resistance throughout the diaspora in various time periods. Gullah Jack, Francois Makandal, and

Doña Beatriz Kimpa Vita are just a few examples of Kongo spiritual leaders who each played

their part in kickstarting resistance movements for social change. I hope that this thesis serves as

a foundation for studying Palo Mayombe and Kongo spirituality, and that it will continue to be

refined and built upon for generations to come, even after I shed my physical body and depart the

realm of Ku Nseke.

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 LIST OF REFERENCES

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Lima, M. K. (2022, January 14). About Munanzo Kota Lima. Retrieved from Temple of Nkisi
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 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

A graduate of Winston-Salem State University with a Bachelor of Arts in Africana

studies and the University of Florida with a Master of Arts in Latin American studies, Anthony

Baxter Jr. has a passion for studying the history, culture, migration patterns, and traditional

religions of African and African descendant people. He specializes in Africana and Caribbean

history. He loves exploring African Traditional Religions throughout the diaspora and is adamant

about uncovering and highlighting the presence of Kongo spirituality throughout the diaspora.

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