The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture: A View from the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Vietnam 37 Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture: A View from the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Vietnam 37 Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture: A View from the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Vietnam 37 Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh
of India and
Southeast Asia
Icons, Narratives, Monuments
Edited by
Parul Pandya Dhar
Connected Histories
of India and
Southeast Asia
Icons, Narratives, Monuments
Edited by
Parul Pandya Dhar
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DOI: https://doi.org//10.4135/978-93-5479-557-2
Cover Image: Vishvakarma Cave, Interior, Ellora, India. Photo (c): Kevin Standage.
CONTENTS
List of Figures ix
List of Maps xv
Foreword by Dr S. Jaishankar xvii
Preface xix
Acknowledgments xxi
Chapter 1 Introduction: Icons, Narratives, and Monuments across the Indian Ocean 3
Parul Pandya Dhar
Chapter 2 Mapping Connections: Early Trade and Cultural Contacts between India and Southeast Asia 23
Suchandra Ghosh
Chapter 3 The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture:
A View from the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Vietnam 37
Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh
Chapter 4 Pre-Angkorian Śaiva Temples of Īśānapura: A New Perspective on Early India–Cambodia Links 67
Swati Chemburkar
Chapter 5 Art and Architecture of Myanmar: Links with India 85
Chedha Tingsanchali
Chapter 6 Dynamics of Relationship between Indonesia and India in the Hindu-Buddhist Period 113
Agustijanto Indradjaja
Chapter 7 Epic Visions in Terracotta, Stone, and Stucco: Rāmāyaṇa in Indian Sculpture
(Beginnings to 8th Century CE) 131
Parul Pandya Dhar
Chapter 8 From the Ganges to the Chao Phraya River: Early Transmission of Indian Religion, Arts, and
Architecture in Central Thailand, c. 7th–8th Centuries 159
M.L. Pattaratorn Chirapravati
Chapter 9 Tracing Indian Cultural Connections in Malaysia and Brunei: From Early Candis to Modern Art 173
Cheryl Chelliah Thiruchelvam and Sarena Abdullah
Chapter 10 Buddhist Arts of Laos 185
Vatsana Douangmalasy
Chapter 11 Agusan Tārā: The Unfolding of a Pilgrim Circuit in the Philippines 197
Joefe B. Santarita
viii Connected Histories of India and Southeast Asia
Bibliography221
About the Editor and Contributors241
Index245
II
The main criteria for UNESCO to list the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary as a World Cultural Heritage Site in December 1999 were:
Criterion (ii): The Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary is an exceptional example of cultural interchange, with the introduction of
the Hindu architecture of the Indian sub-continent into South-East Asia; Criterion (iii): The Campā kingdom(s)
was an important phenomenon in the political and cultural history of South-East Asia, vividly illustrated by
the ruins of Mỹ Sơn. (UNESCO 1999)
This also confirms the cultural interaction between India and Campā as well as the other ancient polities of Southeast
Asia during the premodern times.
The Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary was rediscovered by French colonial soldiers in 1885. Ten years later, Camille Paris cleared
the site of the jungle. The site was later studied by Louis Finot and Lunet de Lajonquière when some stone inscrip-
tions were found during 1896–1999. During 1901–1902, Henri Parmentier had researched the art and architecture,
and also carried out archaeological excavations at the site together with Charles Carpeaux during 1903–1904 (Art
Absolument 2005, 28–33; Baptiste 2009, 14–25) (Figure 3.1).
Currently, the site belongs to Mỹ Sơn village, Duy Phú commune, Duy Xuyên district, Quảng Nam province in
central Vietnam, at N15°31’ and E108°34’, approximately 70 kilometers southwest of Đà Năn ̃ g city, and some 40 kilo-
meters west of the ancient town of Hội An. This place was once the holy land of the ancient Campā kingdom(s) (Mai
2022, 289–290; Po Dharma 1997, 39–55).
The temple towers of Mỹ Sơn are located in a narrow valley, about 2 kilometers in diameter, surrounded by a
high mountain range, creating a mysterious aura for the valley. A stream originates from the holy Mahāparvata
mountain in the south, crossing the valley to join the holy Mahānadī river in the north, also known as the Thu Bồn
river, as mentioned in the Bhadravarman’s inscription. The inscription states, “[t]he land within (the boundaries
viz.) Suhala mountain in the east; the great mountain [Mahāparvata] in the south; the Kucaka mountain in the
west and the great river [Mahānadī] in the north, together with its inhabitants, has been given […]” (Golzio 2004,
2–4 [C.72; C.147]; Majumdar 1927, III: 4–8). Thanks to its particular physical location combined with its specific
artifacts, the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary has become unique among the sacred sites in Southeast Asia (Figures 3.2 and 3.3).
affirmed the land that was chosen to build the royal sanctuary as well as highlighted the ancient Cham beliefs, espe-
cially with regard to mountains being abodes of the gods. This manifested in the deification of the holy mountain
named Mahāparvata, or Great Mountain, which can still be found today to the south of the valley. Nowadays, the
local people call it Mount Răng Mèo (Cat Tooth Mountain) or Mount Hòn Đền (Temple Mountain). Besides, the first
inscription of Mỹ Sơn also highlights the earliest cult of Campā worshipping the Hindu gods such as Śiva-Maheśvara
and Umā, then Brahmā and Viṣṇu, as well as the reverence of the earth, wind, sky, water, and fire that became the
royal cult of Campā dynasties (Golzio 2004, 4; Majumdar 1927, III: 6–7).
The very first temple erected under the reign of Bhadravarman1 was made of wood, to enshrine the Bhadreśvara-
liṅga.2 Originally, the cult of Bhadreśvara represented the most powerful manifestation of God Shiva; he was
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture 39
Figure 3.2 The Holy River Mahānadī or Thu Bồn River and the Holy Mountain Mahāparvata, or Hòn Đền (in the Middle),
Thu Bồn Valley.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
worshipped in temples along the east coast of India, dating back to the early centuries CE, and spread to Southeast
Asia contemporarily (Sahai 2009, 81–82). Archaeological evidence indicates that the first temple of Mỹ Sơn was
built with a simple ground plan with wooden pillars supporting a roof made with light-weight material. So far as we
know from the inscriptions found in other religious architectural sites in Southeast Asia, the first Mỹ Sơn temple of
Bhadravarman has been considered by historians as the oldest-known Hindu temple to worship a royal liṅga, built
in the region around the late 4th or early 5th century CE (Cœdès 1966, 64–65, 1968, 48–49). It no longer survives
but several other liṅgas have been recovered from the site (Figure 3.4).
In 1985, archaeologists found a sarcophagus of rectangular shape made from several pieces of sandstone, during
the restoration works at Mỹ Sơn B-C-D groups. It contained broken fragments of pottery and coal ash from a crema-
tion. The sarcophagus was laid inside a low wall between the B6 and C3 towers. This is believed to be the burial tomb
of a king who ruled in the 10th century, testifying to the fact that Mỹ Sơn was both the sanctuary for worshipping
god Bhadreśvara—the tutelary of the kings and royal ancestors—and the burial ground for the memorial shrines of
the Cham kings (Trần 2008, 35–36).
The Mỹ Sơn B-C-D groups represent the specific iconographical features of the holy place, which is the most
remarkable temple complex on the site. The remaining works of this group were probably installed from the early
12th century onward in the following order: the main temple or kalan3 (in the Chăm language) B1, gate tower or
gopura B2, ceremonial long hall or maṇḍapa D1, secondary temples of B3 and B4 perhaps dedicated to Gaṇeśa and
Skanda, the two sons of Shiva, and the tower of B5, the repository for offering or koṣagṛha (so-called “fire tower,” or
“bimong apeu” by the Chăm people). Its main door faces north in the direction of Kubera, the god of good fortune,
and the tower itself symbolizes the treasury and prosperity of the realm. It can also be the place to continue lighting
the sacred fire (Agni) while performing the ritual in kalan B1 (Figures 3.5–3.10).
There is another temple marked as tower B6 built opposite the “fire tower” B5. Inside tower B6, an oval hollow
basin made of sandstone with a lotus-shaped design has been found. It was used to store sacred water used by
the royal family for the ritual of purgatory in kalan B1. This sacred water basin is unique among all the Cham
40 Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh
Figure 3.3 The Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Base of Mountain Mahāparvata, Quang Nam.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
archaeological sites (Trần 2009, 164–170). It can be assumed that group B once worshipped both Shiva and Vishnu.
These assumptions are drawn from the findings that include a tympanum carving an image of Gajalakshmi on the
west window of B5 and a brick Garuda figure sculpted on the roof of B6, along with other sacred images found in
group B (Parmentier 1909, 363–382) (Figure 3.11).
In the Mỹ Sơn B group, the gods of seven planets or nine planets, that is, saptagraha or navagraha, were wor-
shipped in the seven shrines of B7–B13, that include Sūrya, the Sun god, riding on a horse; Candra, the Moon god,
seated on a lotus throne; Maṅgala, Mars, riding on a rhinoceros; Budha, Mercury, on the back of a goose; Bṛhaspati,
Jupiter, riding on an elephant; Śukra, Venus, riding on a bull; and Śani, Saturn, riding on a buffalo4 (Baptiste and
Zéphir 2005, 275–281, cats. 64, 71; Trần 2008, 43–45) (Figure 3.12). The best example to compare with the image
of saptagraha in Mỹ Sơn is the 10th-century sandstone frieze of the nine planetary deities or navagrahas, found at
Trà Kiệu, which is now on display in the History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City (Kapoor 2022, cat. 47b).
The remaining construction of kalan Mỹ Sơn B1 reveals that it was once the largest temple of the sanctuary,
distinguished by its huge sandstone, which was probably reconstructed in a later period between the 11th and 13th
centuries. It is considered the central temple because of its remnants of inscriptions and architectural ornaments
dating from the late 4th to the 13th centuries, and by its large-scale ground plan located in the middle of the site.
Kalan Mỹ Sơn B1 enshrines a Bhadreśvara-liṅga in the sanctum, wherein a large pedestal of the yoni-liṅga rests on
a water chute to drain the sacred water of the ritual. Much of the temple architecture of the Mỹ Sơn B group was
built and restored continuously from the 7th to the 13th centuries (Trần, Oyama, and Toshihiko 2005, 22; Trần and
Shigeeda 2005, 4–9).
The comparison indicates that the Mỹ Sơn C group is simpler despite having the same planning as the Mỹ Sơn B
group. It includes kalan C1, gopura C2, maṇḍapa D2, koṣagṛha C3, and so on, in which kalan C1 is a reconstruction
that reuses several previous architectural fragments (Stern 1942, 87) (Figure 3.13).
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture 41
Figure 3.5 The Courtyard of B-C-D Temple Towers. East View. Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Quang Nam, 10th Century.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
Figure 3.7 Deva (?) Carved in the Brick Inner Pilaster Wall, Mỹ Sơn B3 Temple, 10th Century.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture 45
Figure 3.8 The Vermiculated Pattern Motif, Carved on Brick. Mỹ Sơn B4 Temple. Late 9th to Early 10th Centuries.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
of Mỹ Sơn C1. Technically, the sculpture of Shiva at Mỹ Sơn A’4 is more sophisticated than the one at Mỹ Sơn
C1, although both could have been made in the same art period (Baptiste and Zéphir 2005, 192–196, cats. 9, 10;
Boisselier 1963, 54) (Figure 3.14).
In the Mỹ Sơn E group, E1 temple is worshipped for Shiva in the form of the liṅga, whereas the E4 temple is
worshipped for Shiva’s anthropomorphic statue. The E1 temple is one of the earliest structures on the site, and its
pedestal is a masterpiece of Cham art. Both the temple and the pedestal of Mỹ Sơn E1 were constructed in the first
half of the 8th century (Trần 2005, 132–139). The Mỹ Sơn E1 pedestal consists of a yoni-liṅga that was reconstructed
by Parmentier at the beginning of the 20th century (Parmentier 1909, pl. CXX)6 (Figure 3.15). The Mỹ Sơn E4 temple
is located closely on the northern side of Mỹ Sơn E1 wherein the architectural fragments, such as the large lintel
and pediment in sandstone depicting the royal court and the image of a goddess, that is, Devi, reveal the distinctive
art features and structural techniques, which proves that the temple itself belongs to the second half of the 11th
century (Baptiste and Zéphir 2005, 284–286, cat. 73; Boisselier 1963, 212–213).
It was built, probably, under the reign of king Śrī Harivarman, ca. 1081, when, “[h]e has re-established the edifices
and the city of Campā during the troublesome days of the war […] and seeing Śrīśanabhadreśvara despoiled of all
his possessions at the end of the war, he came to worship the god with a pious heart […]”. This passage is found in
46 Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh
Figure 3.9 The koṣagṛha or the So-Called “Fire Tower.” Mỹ Sơn Temple B5, 10th Century.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture 47
Figure 3.10 Ground Plan and Section of B-C-D Temple Groups. Mỹ Sơn B5, 10th Century.
Source: Drawn by Shigeeda Yutaka (Trần and Shigeeda 2005).
the king’s inscription left at Mỹ Sơn (Golzio 2004, 138–142 [C.90]; Majumdar 1927, III, 161–167). The Mỹ Sơn E4
temple enshrined Shiva’s anthropomorphic icon, which is a three-dimensional sandstone statue standing atop a
high square pedestal of yoni decorated with a row of breasts symbolizing goddess Uroja—the founder of the state
(Trần and Shigeeda 2005, 11–13). The costume of Shiva is a long rectangular sampot falling to his ankles, which
has a large front part decorated with Z-shaped folds; those are the sculptural features of Cham art styles appearing
during the late 11th and the early 12th centuries (Boisselier 1963, 212).
Shivalinga and Shiva’s anthropomorphic statues worshipped at the temples of Mỹ Sơn B1–C1, A’1–A’4, and E1–E4
represent the phenomena of the double cult of Shiva having been practiced significantly at the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary
from the 8th to 12th/13th centuries. Among all the Cham religious sites, the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary is unique because
of the double cult of Shiva. Except for some images representing the goddess on bas-relief pediments, at Mỹ Sơn,
there is no three-dimensional statue of a goddess found in the main temples, suggesting that the Hindu goddesses
did not play an important role in this royal sanctuary. The specific iconographic features of the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary
48 Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh
Figure 3.11 Window Tympanum Decorated with Two Elephants and a Mango Tree Representing the Goddess
Gajalakshmi. Mỹ Sơn Temple B5. 10th Century.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture 49
Figure 3.13 Mỹ Sơn Temple C1, 11th Century. Quang Nam.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
reflected the Cham royal cult through the centuries that also made the sanctuary a distinctive site among the Hindu
cultural landscapes in Southeast Asia (Trần and Nakamura, 2008).
Consequently, the worship of Shiva at Mỹ Sơn, together with the worship of goddess Bhagavati, a consort of Shiva,
at the Po Nagar Nha Trang reflects the cult of dual cosmology, that is, male–female/father–mother/mountain–sea/
areca clan–coconut clan, and so on, which was practiced at the two royal sanctuaries throughout the Cham dynas-
ties from the 8th to the 13th centuries. Po Nagar Nha Trang is the other royal sanctuary of the southern state of the
kingdom and is located approximately 500 kilometers from Mỹ Sơn. The Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary was in the north belong-
ing to the Amaravati state where God Shiva-Bhadreśvara/Father of the Royal/Mountain/Areca was worshipped, and
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture 51
Figure 3.14 Shiva Statue, Mỹ Sơn Temple A’1. Sandstone, 8th Century CE. Mỹ Sơn D1 Gallery.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
52 Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh
Figure 3.15 Ekamukhaliṅga. Kalan Mỹ Sơn Temple E1. Sandstone. Early 8th Century.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture 53
the Po Nagar Nha Trang Sanctuary was in the south belonging to the Kauthara state where goddess Bhagavati-Po
Yang Inu Nagar/Mother of the State/Sea/Coconut was worshipped. Geographically, the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary was in
a deep valley surrounded by high mountain ranges, whereas the Po Nagar Nha Trang Sanctuary was located on a
riverside hill near the estuary. This cosmological dualism, which was rooted in the natural beliefs of the prehis-
toric Austronesian world, survives to this day in the Chăm ethnic community (Nakamura 2009, 78–106; Trần and
Nakamura 2012, 267–280) (Figure 3.16).
Figure 3.16 Statue of Bhagavati or Yang Inu Po Nagar. Po Nagar Temple, Nha Trang, Sandstone, 11th Century.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
54 Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh
difficult to support7 (Dhar 2016, 39–41; Parmentier 1909, 420–422; Trần and Bùi 2021, 162–171; Trần and Shigeeda
2005, 2018, 57–64).
Around the mid-9th century, Mahayana esoteric Buddhism gained dominance in the Cham royal court. The
Lakṣmīndra-Lokeśvara vihāra was constructed in Đồng Dương, about 30 kilometers southeast of Mỹ Sơn, thus herald-
ing the decline of the important role of the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary (Shigeeda 2001, 100–107). This may explain why only
a few temples were built in Mỹ Sơn during this period, among these being kalans A10 and B4 built around 875 CE.
At the beginning of the 10th century, the cult of Shiva reasserted its dominance in the Campā kingdom(s). A series
of Hindu temple complexes were built or restored during this renaissance. At Mỹ Sơn, most of the temples, shrines,
and ancillary constructions in the A, B, C, and D groups were built or restored at this time. The most remarkable
building of Mỹ Sơn A group during the 10th century was kalan Mỹ Sơn A1. This is a masterpiece of Cham archi-
tecture, with 28 meters in height (Figures 3.19 and 3.20). Kalan A1 is a unique temple with two doors (facing east
and west) and houses a large yoni-liṅga altar. It was surrounded by six secondary temples, which combine with the
two entrances of the kalan to worship the gods of eight directions or aṣṭadikpālas. These gods include Indra, god
of thunder, guardian of east, on an elephant; Agni, god of fire, protector of southeast, on a rhinoceros; Yama, god
of death, guardian of south, on a buffalo; Varuṇa, god of water, defender of west, on a goose; Nirṛti/Nairṛta, god of
destruction, tutelary of southwest, on a yakṣa (a demigod); Vāyu, god of wind, protector of northwest, on a horse;
Kuvera, god of wealth and good fortune, defender of north, on a castle; and Iśana, the Supreme Being, tutelary of
northeast, on a bull (Baptiste and Zéphir 2005, 275–281, cats. 64, 71; Trần 2008, 42). The worship of the gods of
eight directions or aṣṭadikpālas of group A and the gods of seven/nine planets or saptagrahas/navagrahas of group B,
as mentioned above, reflect the unique cosmological cult of Cham dynasties in Mỹ Sơn from the early 10th century
onward (Figure 3.21).
Despite sustaining heavy damage from bombing and shelling during the recent wars in the 20th century, many
edifices representative of the Mỹ Sơn A1 art style have survived, most of the remaining temple towers were built
between the 10th and 12th centuries, among them are the constructions of A1, B3, B5, B6, B7, C1, D1, D2, E4, and
E7, which were considered the masterpieces of Cham architecture (Trần 1988, 35–49) (Figures 3.22 and 3.23).
At about the end of the 10th century, there were several wars between the Đại Việt kingdom in north Vietnam
and the Song empire in China, which needs to be mentioned as the main political factor that impacted the whole
region. Contemporarily, the Song emperors tried to lure the Cham allies into wars against the Đại Việt from the
southern borders, which seeded later conflicts between Đại Việt and Campā (Hoàng 1966, 234–263; Wade 2011,
152). In 981/2 CE, king Lê Hoàn of Đại Việt took the initiative to attack Campā to reduce war threats from the south
and the Lakṣmīndra-Lokeśvara vihāra in Đồng Dương was thus destroyed. Lê Hoàn’s attack, along with an uprising
of Campā residents against Lưu Kỳ Tông’s usurpation in the following year, caused many Cham people to flee to
Hainan Island (Trần and Nguyễn 2021; Wade 2011, 143–145).
Moreover, in the year 1000 CE, king Śrī Yang Pu Ku Vijaya sent an envoy to the Chinese court to announce the
relocation of the Cham capital to Vijaya. In 1044, 1047, and 1069 CE, the Lý dynasty of Đại Việt repeatedly attacked
the north of the Campā kingdom(s), causing the kingdom to fall into crisis (Cœdès 1968, 125, 139–140). However,
the southern Cham polity remained stable. King Jaya Parameśvaravarman in the southern Pāṇḍuraṅga region,
thus, dedicated a Buddhist monastery called Rājākula in 1055 CE, in the present Phan Rang area in Ninh Thuận
province. The king identified himself as a chakravartin (universal ruler), and a devout Buddhist believer as the Phú
Quý inscription C.122 indicated (Golzio 2004, 131).
King Śrī Harivarman, the hero of the kingdom, who ascended the throne in 1074–1081 CE, had begun recon-
structing the state after years of war with Đại Việt.8 He restored all the temple towers at Mỹ Sơn and rebuilt villages
and towns, which is appreciated and recorded on another epitaph of the king left in Mỹ Sơn during this century.9
Important temples, such as B1, B6, C1, C3, D2, E4, and E7 were restored and built during Śrī Harivarman’s reign
(Stern 1942, 100–101) (Figure 3.24).
Trade between South India and South China was affected by the wars of Đaị Viêṭ and Campā because Campā was a
center for transiting quality goods, and the war may have thus impacted maritime operations in the area. It may lead
to the assumption that contemporary Cham kings invoked the help of the Cholas’ naval power to preserve the inde-
pendence of the kingdom(s). This was possible, thanks to the close political, military, and commercial interactions
between the Chola kingdom and Campā, which bridged the obvious influences on the Cham religious architecture
during the period. In terms of architectural features during this period, the Cham temple architecture improved in
construction techniques through their structure. For example, the temple towers were built higher and used more
sandstone to combine with brick to withstand load on construction, as well as the application of decorative arts.
The temple bases were specially made of brick, composed of stylized lotus shapes, which were formed by a series of
moldings—beginning at the top and bottom with cyma. In addition, the Cham temples have been built at a higher
scale, composed of high stone temple bases with their rich sculptural narratives, which illustrated various themes
of Ramayana and Mahabharata that can be found at the Chiên Đàn, Khương Mỹ, and Tháp Bạc (Silver Tower) temple
complexes, and so on (Trần 2008a, 59–72; 2018, 43, Figure 14; Trần and Nguyễn 2021).
Figure 3.20 Kīrttimukha/Kāla Mask. Temple Base, Mỹ Sơn A1. Brick, 10th Century.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture 59
Figure 3.21 Kalan Mỹ Sơn A1 and Six Small Temples, from A2–A7, around the Temple Base. Quang Nam. c. 10th
Century CE.
Source: Drawn by Shigeeda Yutaka (Trần and Shigeeda 2005).
Paramabodhisattva abdicated in favor of Prince Vāk, who took the reign name Jaya Indravarman. Like his uncle,
Jaya Indravarman was also a Buddhist. He ordered an inscription to be carved in praise of Paramabodhisattva
and constructed a Buddhist monastery named Śrī Indralokeśvara in Tranul district, probably not far from Mỹ Sơn
(Majumdar 1927, III: 172).
Decades later, Paramabodhisattva’s merit was praised again in Mỹ Sơn inscription C.101 dated 1157 CE, which was
erected by king Jaya Harivarman, who also claimed to be his descendant (Golzio 2004, 166–167). Jaya Harivarman
was celebrated as a hero for defending Campā against a Khmer attack in 1150 CE. The inscription says that the
king was a native of Bhūmiratnavijaya, that is, the Vijaya state. It is understood from later Khmer inscriptions that
a young Khmer prince served in his army who would later become the great Cambodian Buddhist king Jayavarman
VII from ca. 1182–1220 CE (Sharrock 2018, 116–168).
Jayavarman VII gained power in Angkor by driving out the remnants of a Cham force that had penetrated the
Khmer capital and killed his predecessor Tribhuvanādityavarman (Sharrock 2018, 112). He fought to return Vijaya
60 Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh
Figure 3.22 Maṇḍapa, North View. Mỹ Sơn D1, 10th Century.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
to the Khmer empire but was held up for a decade by his former Cham protégé, who defeated an invading Khmer
army and proclaimed himself king Śrī Sūryavarmadeva of a briefly united Campā kingdom. King Sūrya celebrated
his victory, according to his long and historical inscription C.92 B-C, by constructing in 1194 CE a temple to the
esoteric Buddhist deity Śrī Heruka (Herukaharmya). Positioned next to the stone temple of the presiding Mỹ Sơn
god, that is, Shiva-Bhadreśvara, this was the first fully esoteric Buddhist shrine built in Campā, which may imply
that the cult of Shiva–Buddha was worshipped by the Cham elite at the same time as the local cult having been con-
temporarily practiced in Java (Acri 2015, 261–282; Chutiwongs 2005, 85; Golzio 2004, 174–176; Schweyer 2018, 76).
Heruka, the fierce emanation of the supreme Buddha Vajrasattva, was later adopted as the most powerful deity of the
Vajrayana by the courts of Angkor, Java, Sumatra, and Mongol China in the 12th to 14th centuries (Bautze-Picron
2014, 107–128; Calo 2020, 1–20; Schnitger 1937, 26, figure xxxiv; Sharrock 2009, 49–64; Sharrock 2022, 126–164).
Although several Heruka figures have been discovered at various historical sites, proving that the cult of Heruka
was contemporarily popular in Asia, inscriptions rarely mention the god Heruka, and only one has been discovered
at Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary. The political crises that occurred in north-eastern India may have caused the spread of Tantric
Buddhism to Southeast Asia in the 12th century, especially the Vajrayana sect that flourished in Java, Champa, and
Khmer, with the Heruka cult, as mentioned in the recent studies on esoteric Buddhism (Acri 2016, 1–25; Acri and
Sharrock 2022, 1–6).
The political and military upheavals between the Chams and Khmers during the late 12th to early 13th centu-
ries, lined with the economic pull of the new deep-water port of Vijaya, were key in profiting from the burgeoning
sea trade of the Song dynasty (Sharrock 2018, 111–119; Whitmore 2018, 31–36). This was reflected in the boom
in art and architecture, most of it esoteric Buddhist, in the two states. In Campā, this was vividly present in Mỹ
Sơn and the region around Vijaya. Esoteric Buddhism reached new heights during the Indrapura dynasty with the
construction of Lakṣmīndra-Lokeśvara vihāra in 875 CE in Đồng Dương, Quảng Nam, and grew steadily in Campā in
an economic boom from the Song trade between the 12th and 15th centuries (Acri 2016, 19–22; Acri and Sharrock
2022, 1–6; Whitmore 2018, 31–36).
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture 61
Figure 3.24 The Process of the Mỹ Sơn B-C-D Temple Complexes through the Three Architectural Stages. The First
Stage: Ca. the 7th to 8th Centuries; The Second Stage: Ca. the 9th to 10th Centuries; the Third Stage: Ca. the 11th to
13th Centuries.
Source: Trần, Akiko, and Toshihiko (2005).
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture 63
Figure 3.25 Mỹ Sơn G Temple Group, Quang Nam, 1157/8 CE.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
While none of the monuments at Mỹ Sơn have survived and are intact, they constitute the best evidence for
studying the development of Cham arts during its most vital period. Additionally, these masterpieces at Mỹ Sơn
have provided researchers with many epitaphs dating from the late 4th to the 13th centuries CE. The relics of Mỹ
Sơn represent the best tangible evidence for research into the economy, society, religion, philosophy, and arts of
the civilization of the Campā kingdom(s) through all the centuries of its existence (Shigeeda and Momoki 1994,
10–26; Trần 2009, 177–183).
CONCLUSION
As a result of his long-term investigation of the Campā archaeology in central Vietnam during the 1990s and early
2000s, the late Professor Ian Glover of the Institute of Archaeology, University College London has concluded that,
the early states along the central coast of Vietnam were founded on existing social structures and were strongly
influenced by Indian religious and political ideology but remained economically dependent on trade with China
through the exportation of natural forest resources and the establishment of port entrepôts specializing in the
transfer of inter-regional trade to the commercial centres of southern China and northern Vietnam. (Glover
and Nguyễn 2011, 62)
Even though the Champa kingdom(s) had close economic contact with China from a very early period, the Chams
chose Indian cultural features to build their own cultural identity, which reflects very well in the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary
with its specific religion and characteristic arts. The archaeological artifacts show us that Indian cultural influences
64 Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh
Figure 3.26 Shiva dancing (?) Tympanum of kalan Mỹ Sơn H1, Quang Nam. Late 12th to Early 13th Centuries.
The Mỹ Sơn D2 Gallery.
Source: Trần Kỳ Phương.
The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture 65
became more significant in the third century CE, after the uprisings of the local people against the Han Chinese
domination for their independence in c. 192 CE (Đào 1957, 122–124; Glover and Nguyễn 2011, 60–62).
The phenomenon of the Chams rejecting Chinese or Hanized culture and art can be explained by the fact that
they attempted to preserve a culture they identified with as a means of self-preservation against Chinese cultural
aggression (those of Đại Việts in northern Vietnam/Sino-Vietnamese) and to build a stable alliance with the other
neighboring states in the region, which had also undergone Sanskritization (Cœdès 1966, 67).
Along with the distinctive cult of the sanctuary, Mỹ Sơn was one of the longest historic sites in the whole region,
which represents the constant development of Hindu temple architecture from the late 4th to the 13th centuries.
This makes the sanctuary historically and archaeologically unique and significant for investigating Indian influence
in comparison with Chinese influence in Southeast Asia.
NOTES
1. The temple was then burnt by fire a couple of centuries later as noted in the inscription of Śambhuvarman at Mỹ Sơn. For
more information, see Majumdar (1927, III: 9–13) and Golzio (2004, 7–9 [C.73A]).
2. Whilst Majumdar suggested that the title given to the liṅga was possibly composed by coupling the proper name of king
Bhadravarman with Iśvara, the other name of Śiva: Bhadravarman + Iśvara = Bhadreśvara (Śiva). For more information, see
Majumdar (1927, II: 181).
3. The term kalan was mentioned in the Chinese historical book of Tongdian 通典 as “can-lan干闌” that came to be compiled
during the Tang dynasty in 766–801 CE. See «林邑» at https://ctext.org/tongdian/188/zh, accessed on May 10, 2022 (Đào
1957, 132–133).
4. In case the images are of navagrahas, they should include Rāhu and Ketu as the two nodes of the moon that are supposedly
lost.
5. We may compare the cult of Mỹ Sơn to those of the cult of the Angkor temples in which G. Cœdès argued that,
“[T]he national temple was also the personal temple of the king, erected by him during his life. When after his death his
ashes or mortal remains were deposited there to animate the idol and give the cult a living image, the temple became his
mausoleum […] in fact the great kings of Angkor built the monuments in order to contain their images and perpetuate their
personal cults […] Angkor Wat was the final habitation of a being who enjoyed certain divine prerogatives during his life,
and whom death had transformed into a god […]” For more information, see Cœdès (1969, 31, 34 and 38).
6. In November 2012, a sandstone ekamukhaliṅga, 126 cm high, was found at the north-eastern exterior corner of Mỹ Sơn E1
temple. The liṅga was carved with a head of Shiva on the upper section (rudrabhāga section), Shiva’s head was decorated
with a jaṭāmukuṭa. This recent found sandstone ekamukhaliṅga suggests that it was installed at the temple of Mỹ Sơn E1.
For more information, see Trần (2018, 40).
7. During the excavation at the temple in 2003, conducted by the Vietnam Institute of Archaeology, the archaeologists found
a large number of shards of terracotta tile that still remain within the interior of the temple. The terracotta tile supports
the hypothesis that the temple was built by a tiled roof, and not by the brick corbel technique. For more information, see
Lê (2017, 157–159) and Trần Kỳ Phương (2003: according to the author’s field notes).
8. Following is recorded in his inscription found at the Mỹ Sơn sanctuary,
“[T]he enemies had entered into the kingdom of Campā and installed themselves as masters; having taken possession of
all the royal property and the wealth of the gods; having pillaged the temples, the monasteries, the śālas, cells, hermit-
ages, villages and various edifices together with the horses, elephants, padatis (infantry?), oxen, buffaloes, and the corps;
having ravaged everything in the provinces of the kingdom of Campā; having plundered the temple of Śrīśanabhadreśvara
and all the objects which the kings of past times had granted as endowments to Śrīśanabhadreśvara; having taken all the
riches of the god and carried away the men belonging to the temple, the dancers, musicians […] servants together with
the various properties of Śrīśanabhadreśvara; the temple remained empty and devoid of worship […]” (Golzio 2004, 137
[C.94A]; Majumdar 1927, III: 161–167).
9. “[T]he temple of Īśānabhadra had been devastated and taken […] The Yuvaraja ordered the people of Simhapura […] to
construct the temple, to build the houses, to make perpetual sacrifices, to re-erect the chapels and to reconstruct the roads,
all as before […]” (Golzio 2004, 141–142 [C.90A]; Majumdar 1927, III: 164).
10. As his epitaph noted, “[I]n accordance with his former vows he first destroyed the soldiers of Cambodia and Yavana, and
then re-erected the temple of Śiva which they had destroyed […] In conformity to a previous vow, he installed, for obtain-
ing success, a Śiva on the mountain called Vugvan, which was his own, being marked in a previous birth […]” (Golzio 2004,
160 [C.100B]; Majumdar 1927, III: 178–180).