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HOW PEOPLE EVALUATE OTHERS
IN ORGANIZATIONS
SERIES IN APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY
Edwin A.Fleishman, George Mason University,
Jeanette N.Cleveland, Pennsylvania State University
Series Editors
Gregory Bedny and David Meister

The Russian Theory of Activity: Current Applications to Design
and Learning
Michael T.Brannick, Eduardo Salas, and Carolyn Prince

Team Performance Assessment and Measurement: Theory, Research,
and Applications
Jeanette N.Cleveland, Margaret Stockdale, and Kevin R.Murphy

Women and Men in Organizations: Sex and Gender Issues at Work
Russell Cropanzano
Justice in the Workplace: Approaching Fairness in Human Resource
Management, Volume I
Russell Cropanzano
Justice in the Workplace: From Theory to Practice, Volume 2
James E.Driskell and Eduardo Salas

Stress and Human Performance
Sidney A.Fine and Steven F.Cronshaw

Functional Job Analysis: A Foundation for Human Resources
Management
Sidney A.Fine and Maury Getkate

Benchmark Tasks for Job Analysis: A Guide for Functional Job Analysis
(FJA) Scales
J.Kevin Ford, Steve W.J.Kozlowski, Kurt Kraiger, Eduardo Salas,

and Mark S.Teachout
Improving Training Effectiveness in Work Organizations
Jerald Greenberg
Organizational Behavior: The State of the Science
Uwe E.Kleinbeck, Hans-Henning Quast, Henk Thierry, and

Hartmut Häcker
Work Motivation
Martin I.Kurke and Ellen M.Scrivner

Police Psychology into the 21st Century
Manuel London
Job Feedback: Giving, Seeking, and Using Feedback for Performance
Improvement
Manuel London
How People Evaluate Others in Organizations
Manuel London
Leadership Development: Paths to Self-Insight and Professional Growth
Robert F.Morrison and Jerome Adams

Contemporary Career Development Issues
Michael D.Mumford, Garnett Stokes, and William A.Owens

Patterns of Life History: The Ecology of Human Individuality
Kevin R.Murphy and Frank E.Saal

Psychology in Organizations: Integrating Science and Practice
Ned Rosen
Teamwork and the Bottom Line: Groups Make a Difference
Heinz Schuler, James L.Farr, and Mike Smith

Personnel Selection and Assessment: Individual and Organizational
Perspectives
John W.Senders and Neville P.Moray

Human Error: Cause, Prediction, and Reduction
IN ORGANIZATIONS
Edited by
Manuel London
State University of New York at Stony Brook
LAWRENCE ERLBAUM ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS

Mahwah, New Jersey London
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2009.
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Copyright © 2001 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc

All right reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in
any form, by photostat, microfilm, retrieval system, or any
other means, without prior written permission of the publisher.
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers

10 Industrial Avenue
Mahwah, NJ 07430
Cover design by Kathryn Houghtaling Lacey
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
How people evaluate others in organizations/edited by Manuel London.

p. cm.—(Applied psychology)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8058-3611-X (cloth: acid-free paper)—ISBN 0-8058-3612-8 (pbk.: acid-free paper)
1. Psychology, Industrial. 2. Social perception. I. London, Manuel. II. Series in applied
psychology.
HF5548.8 .H65 2001

158.7–dc21
00–065402
ISBN 1-4106-0060-2 Master e-book ISBN

Contents
Series Foreword ix
Edwin A.Fleishman
Preface xi
About the Authors xv
I SOCIAL COGNITION AND PERSON PERCEPTION
1 Person Perception in Organizations: An Overview of the Field 5

Richard J.Klimoski and Lisa M.Donahue
2 Causes and Consequences of Stereotypes in Organizations 45

Don Operario and Susan T.Fiske
II SELECTION
3 Person Perception in Employment Interviews 67

Charles K.Parsons, Robert C.Liden, and Talya N.Bauer
4 Executive Promotion and Selection 91

Valerie I.Sessa
5 The Role of Dimensions and Exercises in Assessment

Center Judgments 111
Paul R.Sackett and Kathleen A.Tuzinski
III APPRAISAL
6 Performance Appraisal: Person Perception Processes and Challenges 135

Janet L.Barnes-Farrell
7 Multisource Feedback Ratings: What Do They Really Measure? 155

Michael K.Mount and Steven E.Scullen
vii
viii Contents
IV DEVELOPMENTAL PROCESSES
8 Leadership and Perceiver Cognition: Moving Beyond First

Order Constructs 181
Douglas J.Brown and Robert G.Lord
9 Training Effectiveness: Assessing Training Needs, Motivation,

and Accomplishments 203
Kurt Kraiger and Herman Aguinis
10 Coaching in Organizations 221

James W.Smither and Susanne P.Reilly
11 Understanding, Assessing, and Intervening with

Problem Employees 253
Zvi Strassberg
V INTERPERSONAL INTERACTIONS
12 Cultural Frames and Values Affecting Employment Practices 279

Sumita Raghuram
13 Frame Attribution and Positional Framing in Negotiation 295

Jeff T.Casey
14 Group Dynamics and Shared Mental Model Development 309

Stephen M.Fiore, Eduardo Salas, and Janis A.Cannon-Bowers
15 Virtual Teams: Implications for E-Leadership and

Team Development 337
Bruce J.Avolio, Surinder Kahai, Rex Dumdum
and Nagaraj Sivasubramaniam
CONCLUSION
16 Toward a Comprehensive Understanding of Person Perception

in Organizations 359
Manuel London
Index 369
Series Foreword
Edwin A.Fleishman
Series Editor
There is a compelling need for innovative approaches to the solution of

many pressing problems involving human relationships in today’s society.
Such approaches are more likely to be successful when they are based on
sound research and applications. This Series in Applied Psychology offers
publications that emphasize state-of-the-art research and its application
to important issues of human behavior in a variety of social settings. The
objective is to bridge both academic and applied interests.
Much of industrial and organizational psychology and human resource
management, and indeed much of business in general, requires people to
evaluate and make decisions about others. Psychologists develop methods
to eliminate human error in interpersonal judgment to the extent possible.
However, many judgment processes are not systematic and are conducted
by managers and employees who are not trained for the task. This book
helps readers understand and improve person perception processes in
personnel selection, appraisal, development, and a host of important
interpersonal interactions.
The book begins with two foundation chapters on basic theory and
research of person perception, including such concepts as cognitive
schemas, social stereo-types, attribution processes, automatic/mindless
information processing, individual motivations and feelings that affect
ix
x Series Foreword
judgment, and situational conditions. The book then builds on these

concepts in 13 application chapters and a concluding overview. Topics
cover how person perception influences standard methods in industrial and
organizational psychology, such as the employment interview, assessment
centers, performance appraisal, and upward and peer ratings. Other topics
address less systematic applications that are critical in today’s dynamic
organizations, such as executive selection and promotion decisions,
perceptions employees have of their leaders, coaching, managing problem
employees, intercultural relationships, negotiations, in-person group
dynamics, and interactions in geographically dispersed teams limited to
technology-based communication.
The book is for students, researchers, and practitioners in industrial and
organizational psychology, applied social psychology, and human resource
management. All chapters are original and written by leading researchers
and practitioners. Manuel London is particularly well qualified to bring
these basic and applied topics together. He is currently professor at the
State University of New York at Stony Brook and has carried out research
and written extensively on these topics, teaches graduate courses on these
issues, worked on human resources programs for AT&T for 12 years, and
continues to serve as a management consultant in these areas.
Preface
An important part of human resource management and industrial and

organizational psychology is the way people evaluate and make decisions
about others. Selection, appraisal, development, and interpersonal
interaction are key processes in organizations, and human resource experts
design systematic methods to ensure the reliability and validity of these
processes. Dynamics of basic social psychology are the foundation for
these processes and the tools and procedures that make them rigorous. In
particular, these methods depend on how people perceive and evaluate
others—the social psychological processes of person perception and social
cognition. This book links the social psychology of person perception to
interpersonal interactions, evaluations, and decisions in organizations.
It applies current theory and research in social cognition to formal and
informal assessments used in personnel selection, appraisal, development,
and key interpersonal interactions, such as teamwork, negotiations, and
cross-cultural relationships.
The book addresses ways to improve the practice of personnel selection
and performance appraisal and ways to educate employees so that they
make more accurate interpersonal judgments in informal situations. This
includes ways to enhance raters’ accuracy by helping them understand
cognitive processes, in general, and their own judgment processes, in
particular. The focus is on how raters and decision makers develop a
frame of reference based on performance dimensions that are important
xi
xii Preface
for the job and how they can avoid rater biases and other errors. The book
is meant for use by graduate students, practitioners, and researchers in
the fields of social psychology, industrial and organizational psychology,
and human resource management.
This book stems from my general interest in applied person perception.
From my research as a graduate student in the early 1970s, I investigated
information processing in employment interviews and the role of the
rater in performance appraisal. This developed into research at AT&T
in the late 1970s and early 1980s on how promotion decisions are made
by department managers and the importance of managers’ insights into
themselves and organizational opportunities as components of career
motivation and development. I then began a program of research on
multisource (360-degree) feedback surveys and explored factors that
influence rater agreement and ratee use of the results. The current book
extends this work to a comprehensive examination of how person
perception and social cognition influence a wide variety of organizational
human resource processes. I invited leading experts to examine basic
concepts in social psychology and the application of these concepts
to human resource methods. These applied processes are formal
mechanisms for making decisions, such as employment interviews (which
may be conducted by personnel experts or by managers without formal
human resource training), judgment and decision-making aids (such as
performance appraisal surveys), and general interpersonal processes.
The book is divided into five parts. The first introduces basic theory and
research on person perception, social cognition, interpersonal judgment,
and stereotypes. It reviews such topics as dispositional and attributional
inferences and judgment biases, indicating how these processes can
be functional as well as dysfunctional. The next four parts of the book
cover applications of person perception. Part II deals with employment
interviews, promotion decisions, and assessment centers. Part III
examines performance appraisal and multisource feedback surveys. Part
IV focuses on developmental processes, including leadership, career
dynamics, coaching, and managing problem performers. The final part
examines the role of person perception in interpersonal situations, such
as multicultural relationships, negotiations, face-to-face work teams,
and “virtual” teams (geographically dispersed teams that use electronic
means of communication). The concluding chapter summarizes and
integrates the major themes in the book and outlines directions for
applying social cognition to understanding organization and individual
decision processes.
Preface xiii
I am indebted to the contributors to this volume for agreeing to participate

in the project and submitting papers that were on target in content, length,
and time frame. Their contributions should enhance the fields of industrial
and organizational psychology and human resource management by calling
attention to the social psychological components of our methods and using
this knowledge to enhance the value of our techniques to organizational
and individual success.
Manuel London
About the Authors
Herman Aguinis is Associate Professor of Management and Director

of the M.S. in Management Program at the Graduate School of Business
Administration of the University of Colorado at Denver. He has a graduate
degree in psychology from the University of Buenos Aires, and an M.A.
and Ph.D. in industrial and organizational psychology from the State
University of New York at Albany. In 1997, he received the Journal of
Organizational Behavior Best Paper Award for 1996 (with Charles A.
Pierce and Donn Byrne). Currently, he serves as an elected member of
the Executive Committee of the Human Resources Management Division
of the Academy of Management and Associate Editor for Organizational
Research Method.
Bruce J.Avolio is Professor and Director of the Center for Leadership

Studies at Binghamton University. He received his Ph.D. from the
University of Akron in 1982 in industrial and organizational and life-
span psychology. He has published over 70 articles and book chapters
on topics related to individual, team, and organizational leadership and is
considered an international expert in the area of assessing and developing
transformational leadership. Over the last five years, Dr. Avolio has
worked with a wide range of colleagues in setting up a worldwide network
of Centers for Leadership Studies. Affiliate centers to date that have been
established are located in Israel, South Africa, Korea, Australia, Sweden,
and New Zealand. Several new centers are planned for inauguration over
the next 2 years.
xv
xvi About the Authors
Janet L.Barnes-Farrell is Associate Professor of Industrial and

Organizational Psychology at the University of Connecticut. She received
her Ph.D. in industrial and organizational psychology from the Pennsylvania
State University. Dr. Barnes-Farrell’s research interests primarily focus
on problems related to the appraisal of work performance and on issues
associated with aging and work. Her work has been published in the
Journal of Applied Psychology, Journal of Applied Social Psychology,
Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, Personnel
Psychology, Psychology and Aging, and Work and Stress. She currently
serves on the Editorial Board of the Journal of Applied Psychology.
Talya N.Bauer, Ph.D., Purdue University, is Associate Professor of

Organizational Behavior and Human Resource Management at Portland
State University, Portland, Oregon. Her experience training, consulting,
and conducting research with organizations includes work with Bristol-
Meyers Squibb, NASA, Subaru-Isuzu, Hewlett-Packard, Intel, and the
Los Angeles Unified School District. Her teaching and research interests
include socialization, leadership, and applicant reactions to selection.
She is a member of the Journal of Applied Psychology Editorial Board
and was the Program Chair for the year 2001 Society for Industrial
and Organizational Psychologist’s Annual Conference in San Diego,
California. Her work appears in outlets such as Academy of Management
Journal, Personnel Psychology, Journal of Applied Psychology, Research
in Personnel & Human Resource Management, Group & Organization
Management, Journal of Career Planning & Employment, Journal of
Applied Social Psychology, and Journal of Business & Psychology.
Douglas J.Brown is Assistant Professor of Industrial and Organizational

Psychology at the University of Waterloo. He received his Ph.D. in
industrial and organizational Psychology at the University of Akron. His
research interests lie in the area of leadership and social cognitions. He has
coauthored work on leadership in Organizational Behavior and Human
Decision Processes and The Leadership Quarterly.
Janis A.Cannon-Bowers is Senior Research Psychologist in the Science

and Technology Division of the Naval Air Warfare Center, Training Systems
Division. She received her Ph.D. in 1988 in industrial and organizational
psychology from the University of South Florida. Her research interests
include team training and performance, crew coordination training, training
effectiveness, and tactical decision making.
About the Authors xvii
Jeff T.Casey is Associate Professor of Management and Policy at the

State University of New York at Stony Brook, where he also holds a joint
appointment in the Department of Political Science. He received his Ph.D.
in 1986 in psychology from the University of Wisconsin, Madison, and
has held positions as research scientist at the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology and as a visiting assistant professor at the Graduate School
of Business, University of Chicago. His research interests are behavioral
decision making (including judgment under risk and uncertainty, and
psychological models of economic behavior) and human resource
management (including job performance feedback systems). He has
published in such journals as Acta Psychologica, Organizational Behavior
and Human Decision Processes, and Management Science.
Lisa M.Donahue is currently a doctoral candidate in industrial and

organizational psychology at George Mason University. She received an
M.S. in industrial and organizational psychology in 1991 from Clemson
University. Lisa’s research and applied work focus on improving the
quality of applied human resource judgments, particularly in the area of
assessment centers. She has over six years of experience directing the
development of assessment procedures for the Test Development and
Validation Unit, New Orleans Civil Service. Her research on applied
judgments has appeared in Journal of Social Behavior and Personality
and Human Performance.
Rex Dumdum is an Adjunct Professor of Management Information

Systems in the School of Management and a Research Associate in the
Center for Leadership Studies at Binghamton University. He received
his Ph.D. in management information systems from Binghamton
University in 1993. His research interests are in harnessing and integrating
collective intelligence in internetworked enterprises to solve complex
problems, virtual teams and leadership, electronic commerce, problem
formulation in ill-structured situations, and information systems
development methodologies.
Stephen M.Fiore is a Ph.D. candidate in cognitive psychology at the

University of Pittsburgh Learning Research and Development Center.
He is currently a Research Associate at the University of Central Florida,
Team Performance Laboratory. He maintains an interdisciplinary research
interest that incorporates aspects of cognitive, social, and organizational
psychology in the investigation of problem solving and decision making
in individuals and groups.
xviii About the Authors
Susan T.Fiske, Professor of Psychology, Princeton University, previously

served on the faculties of the University of Massachusetts at Amherst
and Carnegie-Mellon University. A Harvard B.A. and Ph.D., she has
authored over 100 journal articles and book chapters; she has edited seven
books and journal special issues, including (with Gilbert & Lindzey) The
Handbook of Social Psychology and (with Schacter & Zahn-Waxler)
The Annual Review of Psychology. Her graduate text with Taylor, Social
Cognition (1984; 2nd ed., 1991), defined the subfield of how people think
and make sense of other people. Her federally funded social-cognition
research focuses on social structure, motivation, and stereotyping, which
led to expert testimony cited by the U.S. Supreme Court in the first sex
discrimination case to use social science research.
Surinder Kahai is Associate Professor of Management Information

Systems and a Fellow at the Center of Leadership Studies at the State
University of New York at Binghamton, specializing in computer-mediated
communication systems, leadership in computer-mediated contexts, and
decision support systems. He earned a B.Tech in chemical engineering
from the Indian Institute of Technology, an M.S. in chemical engineering
from Rutgers University, and a Ph.D. in business administration from
the University of Michigan. His research has been published in journals
such as Creativity Research Journal, Decision Sciences, Decision Support
Systems, Journal of Applied Psychology, Personnel Psychology, and Small
Group Research.
Richard J.Klimoski is Professor of Industrial and Organizational

Psychology and the Director of the Center for Behavioral and Cognitive
Studies at George Mason University. Prior to joining the faculty at
George Mason University, Richard was on the faculty of the Ohio State
University. He is also a principal in the firm of GLK and Associates
and has worked with a variety of organizations on such issues as human
resource management systems, job-related stress, and quality of work life.
His current research interests revolve around the areas of organizational
control systems in the form of performance appraisal and performance
feedback programs, as well as team performance. He is a past president
of the Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology and past chair
of the HR Division of the Academy of Management. He is also a Fellow
of the Society for Industrial/Organizational Psychology and American
Psychological Society. He has served on the editorial review boards of
such leading journals as Human Resource Management Review, Academy
About the Authors xix
of Management Journal, and Journal of Applied Psychology. He served as

editor of the Academy of Management Review from 1990 to 1993.
Kurt Kraiger is Professor of Psychology at the University of Colorado

at Denver and Director of the Center for Applied Psychology. He
received his Ph.D. in industrial and organizational psychology from the
Ohio State University in 1983. He has published or presented over 100
papers on various topics in industrial and organizational psychology.
In 1994, he received the Academy of Management’s Human Resources
Division Award for Best Paper (with Kevin Ford and Eduardo Salas). He
has coedited a book entitled Improving Training Effectiveness in Work
Organizations, and is currently working on two other books related to
training practices. He has designed and implemented training evaluation
and needs assessment programs, certification exams, competency profile
systems, performance appraisal systems, and selection systems.
Robert C.Liden, Ph.D., University of Cincinnati, is Professor of

Management at the University of Illinois at Chicago where he is Director of
the Ph.D. Program. His research focuses on interpersonal processes as they
relate to such topics as leadership, groups, and employment interviews. He
has nearly 50 publications in journals such as the Academy of Management
Journal, Academy of Management Review, Journal of Applied Psychology,
Journal of Management, and Personnel Psychology. He has served on the
editorial boards of the Academy of Management Journal and the Journal of
Management since 1994. He was the 1999 program chair for the Academy
of Management’s Organizational Behavior Division, a position followed
by division chair-elect (1999–2000) and division chair (2000–2001).
Manuel London is Professor and Director of the Center for Human

Resource Management in the Harriman School for Management at the
State University of New York at Stony Brook. He received his A.B. degree
from Case Western Reserve University in philosophy and psychology
and his M.A. and Ph.D. from the Ohio State University in industrial
and organizational psychology. He taught at the University of Illinois at
Champaign for three years. He was then a researcher and human resource
manager at AT&T for 12 years before moving to Stony Brook. His
books include Self and Interpersonal Insight: How People Learn About
Themselves and Others in Organizations (published by Oxford University
Press in 1995), Job Feedback: Giving, Seeking, and Using Feedback for
Performance Improvement (published by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates
in 1997), and 360-Degree Feedback: A Tool and Process for Continuous,
xx About the Authors
Self-Directed Management Development (coedited with Walter Tornow

and published by Jossey-Bass in 1998).
Robert G.Lord received his Ph.D. in organizational psychology from

Carnegie-Mellon University in 1975. He has been at the University of Akron
since that time and is currently Professor and Chair of the Department of
Psychology. He is a Fellow of the Society for Industrial and Organizational
Psychology and a Fellow of the American Psychological Society. He has
published extensively on topics related to social cognitions, leadership
processes, leadership perceptions, and information processing, and he has
published one book on this topic.
Michael K.Mount is the Henry B.Tippie Professor of Human Resource

Management in the Department of Management and Organizations in the
Tippie College of Business at the University of Iowa. He received his Ph.D.
in industrial and organizational psychology from Iowa State University in
1977. In addition to research that investigates multisource feedback systems,
Professor Mount has also conducted research that examines the relation
of the Five-Factor Model personality constructs to job performance. He
has published numerous articles in leading industrial and organizational
psychology journals such as Journal of Applied Psychology and Personnel
Psychology, and currently serves on the Editorial Board of the Journal
of Applied Psychology. He is a Fellow in the Society for Industrial and
Organizational Psychology and the American Psychological Association.
He is also a Senior Scientist with the Gallup Organization.
Don Operario is a Research Psychologist at the University of California at

San Francisco. He received a Ph.D. from the University of Massachusetts
at Amherst in social psychology, with a minor in multicultural issues,
focusing on the social context of stereotyping in race and gender relations.
He took a postdoctoral fellowship at UCSF to examine the health effects
of social and organizational hierarchy. His research now examines the
association between stigma, social oppression, and health-related behaviors
(substance use and unsafe sex), and he conducts interventions with high-
risk populations.
Charles K.Parsons, Ph.D., University of Illinois, is Professor of

Organizational Behavior in the DuPree College of Management at the
Georgia Institute of Technology. His research interests include employment
interviewing, employee socialization, the impact of performance feedback
on employee motivation and performance, and employee responses to
About the Authors xxi
technological change. His work appears in journals such as Academy

of Management Journal, Journal of Applied Psychology, Journal of
Organizational Behavior, Personnel Psychology, and the Journal of
Occupational and Organizational Psychology. His special teaching
interests are human resource management in the legal and regulatory
environment, and international human resource management. He has also
performed in various administrative capacities in the college including
Acting Associate Dean and Director of the Ph.D. Program.
Sumita Raghuram is Assistant Professor of Management at Fordham

University, New York. She received her Ph.D. from the University
of Minnesota. She has conducted research at the Copenhagen School
of Business. Her research interests include virtual work, strategic and
international human resource management, and workforce diversity.
Susanne P.Reilly is a consultant with Right Manus Consultants based in

Stamford, Connecticut. She was formerly Vice-President, Organizational
Capability at Chase Manhattan. She received her Ph.D. from Stevens
Institute of Technology. Her research has been published in Leadership
Quarterly and the Journal of Business and Psychology. Her current
research interests deal with coaching and feedback processes.
Paul R.Sackett is Professor of Psychology at the University of Minnesota.

He received his Ph.D. in industrial and organizational psychology from
the Ohio State University in 1979. His research interests include personnel
selection and decisions, the measurement of counterproductive behavior
in the workplace, and the assessment of managerial potential. He was
editor of Personnel Psychology and a past president of the Society for
Industrial and Organizational Psychology. He has published numerous
articles in such journals as the Journal of Applied Psychology and
Personnel Psychology.
Eduardo Salas is Professor of Psychology at the University of Central

Florida and Principal Scientist for Human Factors Research at the Institute
for Simulation and Training (IST). Previously, he was a Senior Research
Psychologist and Head of the Training Technology Development Branch
of the Naval Air Warfare Center, Training Systems Division. He received
his Ph.D. in 1984 in industrial and organizational psychology from Old
Dominion University. He has coauthored over 150 journal articles and
book chapters and has coedited eight books. He is on the editorial boards
of Human Factors, Personnel Psychology, Military Psychology, Group
xxii About the Authors
Dynamics, and Journal of Organizational Behavior. He is currently the

Series Editor for the Professional Practice Book Series and has served
in numerous Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology
committees throughout the years. He is a Fellow of SIOP and the Human
Factors and Ergonomics Society.
Steven E.Scullen is Assistant Professor in the College of Management at

North Carolina State University. He received his Ph.D. in human resource
management from the University of Iowa in 1998. His primary research
interests are the measurement and management of job performance and
applications of structural equations modeling to problems in human resource
management. His work has appeared in Journal of Applied Psychology,
Personnel Psychology, and Organizational Research Methods.
Valerie I.Sessa, Ph.D., is a Research Scientist and Director at the Center

for Creative Leadership. Valerie’s past work included codeveloping
and managing a large-scale program of research in the area of executive
selection. This research included an interview study of top-level executives
regarding current selection practices at the very top of the organization. She
co-designed and developed the Peak Selection Simulation, a multimedia
simulation created to study and educate top-level leaders on how to select
executives. Valerie has made many presentations on this topic, is writing
book chapters and journal articles, and recently had a book published
entitled Executive Selection: Strategies for Success. Valerie is a member
of the American Psychological Association, Academy of Management,
North Carolina Industrial and Organizational Psychologists, and the
Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology. She graduated from
the industrial and organizational psychology doctoral program at New
York University.
Nagaraj Sivasubramaniam is Assistant Professor of Organizational

Behavior in the School of Management at Binghamton University
where he teaches leadership, human resource management, and strategic
management at the undergraduate and graduate levels. His research
interests include impacts of strategic human resource management,
international human resource management, leadership roles and impact
in the virtual world, and the use of computer-mediated communications
in organizations. Dr. Sivasubramaniam received his Ph.D. from Florida
International University, Miami, Florida.
James W.Smither is a Professor in the Management Department at La

About the Authors xxiii
Salle University. He received his Ph.D. in industrial and organizational

psychology in 1985 from Stevens Institute of Technology. He is
currently Associate Editor of Personnel Psychology. Prior to teaching at
La Salle, Jim worked in corporate human resources for AT&T, and he
continues to consult with many large organizations. His research and
writing deal primarily with multisource feedback, coaching, and career-
related development.
Zvi Strassberg holds a joint doctorate in clinical and developmental

psychology from Vanderbilt University. He is Assistant Professor
of Clinical Psychology in the Department of Psychology at the State
University of New York at Stony Brook. His research and theoretical
papers have mainly focused on the relation between cognition and social
maladaptation, especially among children with aggressive behavior and
their parents and peers. More recently, Dr. Strassberg’s efforts have turned
toward the application of cognitive-behavioral principles and practices to
enhancing the job performance of individuals, groups, and organizations
as a whole, through addressing the personal and interpersonal bases of
effective working relationships.
Kathleen A.Tuzinski is a graduate student and Teaching Assistant in the

Department of Psychology at the University of Minnesota. Her research
interests include assessment center judgments, the changing nature of
managerial roles, and multisource feedback. She is a coresearcher for a
longitudinal study of managerial roles and for a study of the influence
of relevant and irrelevant assessee characteristics on final assessment
center ratings.
IN ORGANIZATIONS
I
Social Cognition and
Person Perception
At the risk of oversimplification, the basic cognitive model of person

perception and information processing is that people have fairly fixed views
of the way things should be when they enter into interpersonal interactions.
These views (schemas or prototypes) act as filters to help process large
amounts of information about others’ characteristics and behavior. People
thereby tend to eliminate or ignore information that doesn’t fit their initial
views. They process information automatically whenever they can, avoid
cognitive effort, and maintain consistency in their cognitive and emotional
framework. When something happens out of the ordinary, they may be
jogged into thinking more mindfully to capture and interpret the unusual
information and reformulate their view of an individual or a group (Beach,
1990; Beach & Mitchell, 1990; London, 1995). Automatic processing,
and the biases and distortions that result from it, can be avoided with
various interventions, such as training and standardized data collection
and processing methods.
In chapter 1, Richard Klimoski and Lisa Donahue set the foundation of
theory and basic research findings for the application of person perception
to how people evaluate others in organizations. They outline key person
per-ception processes along with their antecedents and consequences
from the perspective of both social cognition and applied organizational
research. Person perception phenomena include cognitive, motivational,
affective, interpersonal, and social processes. Social cognition provides
insight into practice. Organizational research offers examples of how
cognitive processes operate in different types of social situations.
1
2 How People Evaluate Others in Organizations
Klimoski and Donahue explain that the way people see and judge others
is integrally tied to the social situation. Applying an input-processes-
output (IPO) model, they describe outputs as the consequences of a
decision for the decision maker and the person about whom the decision
is made. Processes in the model are cognitive, motivational, and affective.
Cognitive processes are the basis of classical person perception in social
psychology. In particular, cognitive structures for social information
processing (schemas and attribution processes) form heuristics to help
social perceivers form judgments and make decisions. Motivational
processes affect judgment, as when motives highlight the costs of being
indecisive or wrong. Affective processes drive decisions that are congruent
with the decision maker’s mood. Important social and interpersonal factors
include the history of the relationship between, and the similarity of, the
decision maker and the person about whom the decision is made. Inputs
include individual differences of the perceiver and target. Contextual
variables include task demands, group characteristics, and features of the
organizational system.
Klimoski and Donahue recognize that this IPO model is a convenient
way to organize social cognitive processes. However, they go beyond
this organizing framework to recognize the role of reciprocal causation
and the effects of social and normative forces on person perception. They
call this a “dynamic, embedded systems approach”—one that recognizes
the arbitrary distinction between cause and effect and incorporates the
social forces influencing person perception, such as accountability. They
note that person perception cannot easily be characterized in terms of
accuracy because of the contingent and volatile nature of what is being
perceived. Instead, person perception should be understood in terms of
the usefulness of the inferences to which it gives rise while taking into
account the demands of the observer’s task. These inferences are strongly
influenced by the motivation and skill of the perceiver in addition to the
clarity of the situation.
In short, Klimoski and Donahue set the stage for this book by showing
how theory and research on person perception and social cognition
offer a dynamic and rich picture of interpersonal judgment and decision
making. Affect, motivation, and goals determine how person perception
operates to affect decisions and behaviors. Rather than making objective,
dispassionate observations, people are more likely to be ego involved in
their perceptions and decisions in light of resulting personal consequences
to them as well as to those about whom their decisions are made.
The second foundation chapter, by Don Operario and Susan Fiske,
examines the causes and consequences of stereotypes in organizations.
Social Cognition and Person Perception 3
The authors review research on stereotyping, and offer four points about
stereotypes in organizations: (a) stereotypes are elusive—they are hard to
identify and even harder to control; (b) people use stereotypes to justify
inequalities in organizations; (c) stereotypes influence the behaviors
of both the stereotype holder and target, thus making it seem as if the
stereotypes are grounded in reality; and (d) stereotypes are responsive to
human intent, so they can be held in check with personal motivation and
social norms.
Operario and Fiske emphasize that, although stereotypes are elusive
because they are difficult to pin down definitively and even harder to
control, individuals and organizations can restrain the impact of stereotypes
on judgment and behavior by acknowledging their presence and potential
effects. Stereotypes are automatic, category-based perceptions stemming
from exaggerated beliefs that form preconceived notions about a group.
They can be an adaptive, fast way to understand other people with
little cognitive effort and to make judgments that are “good enough.”
Unfortunately, because stereotypes represent a generalization about a
group, they are often used to explain bias and inequality. When people
believe that stereotypes are true, they perpetuate them by attending to
observations that are consistent with the stereotypes, essentially creating a
self-fulfilling prophecy. The disadvantaged group comes to feel vulnerable
to stereotype-based biases, which in turn amplifies the power of stereotypes.
Fortunately, stereotypes are not immutable. By recognizing their subtlety
and pervasiveness, personnel in organizations can create responses and
norms that counter stereotypes and discourage behaviors, attitudes, and
decisions that perpetuate them.
REFERENCES
Beach, L.R. (1990). Image theory: Decision making in personal and organizational
contexts. New York: Wiley.
Beach, L.R., & Mitchell, T.R. (1990). Image theory: A behavioral theory of decision making
in organizations. In B.M.Staw & L.L.Cummings (Eds.), Research in organizational
behavior (Vol. 12, pp. 1–41), Greenwich, CT: JAI.
London, M. (1995). Self and interpersonal insight: How people evaluate themselves and
others in organizations. New York: Oxford University Press.
1
Person Perception in Organizations: An
Overview of the Field
Richard J.Klimoski
Lisa M.Donahue
George Mason University
Much of organizational behavior and processes are rooted in person

perception phenomena. Person perception in organizational contexts
represents motivated social judgment processes related to applied
problems or issues such as Whom do I hire? Whom do I promote? Whom
do I mentor? and Whom do I trust? Person perception phenomena have
been addressed more or less directly both in the basic social psychological
literature and in the applied personnel judgment and evaluation literature.
The primary goal of the chapter is to organize these phenomena in some
meaningful way, as well as to identify their antecedents and consequences
in organizational settings. As an overview, this chapter contains content
similar to more traditional chapters on person perception found in social
cognition texts, with an important exception. We examine person perception
from the perspective of both social cognition and applied organizational
research. The social cognition literature provides a theoretical perspective
or “meta-theory” to produce insights into the processes underlying problems
of practical importance. In a complementary way, applied organizational
research provides examples of the types of interpersonal and social envi-
ronments in which cognitive processes may be studied.
5
Constructs, Processes, and Phenomena

"Applied Problematics"
Inputs Processes Outputs

Target Infonnation Processing Consequences for
Perceiver Perception of Target
Context MotivationallAffective
Consequences for
Interpersonal/Social Perceiver/Decision-
Maker
FIG. 1.1. Input-Processes-Output (IPO) framework of person perception.
To organize the basic and applied literature and to understand when

and where in work settings person perception processes are relevant,
we adopt an input-processes-output (IPO) framework (see Fig. 1.1). We
deviate from the traditional sequence followed in an IPO framework and
start with a discussion of outputs, as our primary interest is in explaining
and predicting the outcomes of person perception. We then move on to
processes and, finally, inputs. Given space limitations, our discussion of
person perception outcomes and inputs is cursory relative to processes.
We anticipate that in subsequent chapters of this book these variables will
be described in greater detail.
MAJOR THEMES
In reviewing the literature on person perception, we weave our discussion
around two higher order themes. The first theme characterizes the social
perceiver/decision maker as a “motivation tactician” (Fiske, 1992; Fiske,
1993; Fiske & Taylor, 1991). That is, he or she has goals for person
perception and these will guide the strategies he or she uses. The second
theme characterizes the social perceiver as a “coproducer” of person
perception. In other words, person perception involves interaction, and the
perceiver is an active participant in this interaction.
By emphasizing the coproductive nature of person perception, we
Person Perception 7
accomplish the second major goal for this chapter and that is to set the
analytic tone for the other chapters in this volume. Specifically, we adopt
two analytic approaches consistent with the theme of coproduction. First,
a dynamic and reciprocal approach is used to reflect the manner in which
person perception is played out over time in social and work settings.
Second, an embedded perspective is used to incorporate the idea that
various levels of description (i.e., social perceiver, target, relationship, and
context) affect person perception. Examples from the applied literature
illustrate these analytic approaches.
WHAT IS MEANT BY “PERSON

PERCEPTION PROCESSES”?
For the purposes of this chapter, we operationalize person perception
phenomena as including cognitive processes, motivational and affective
processes, and interpersonal and social factors. As we discuss in more
detail later, this operationalization stems from the growing recognition that
emotions and motivations interact with cognitive processes to influence
person perception and that both interpersonal and social dynamics also
play a part in the evaluation of others (see Forgas, 1995; Gollwitzer &
Moskowitz, 1996; Kruglanski, 1996; Kunda, 1999).
It is important to note that when we talk about person perception, we
are talking about the processes by which individuals form impressions and
make inferences about other people. These impressions and inferences can
be made in response to nonverbal, verbal, and interpersonal cues. As Fig.
1.2 illustrates, the behavioral cues of interest can stem from any one of a
number of interactions occurring within the social context in which person
perception takes place. These interactions include the target’s behavior
toward the perceiver (line 1), especially with regard to the perceiver’s
3
Target 4 Others
Perceiver
FIG. 1.2. Sources of behavioral cues from social interactions.
behavior toward the target (line 2), the target’s behavior toward others
(line 3), others’ behavior toward the target (line 4), the perceiver’s
behavior toward others (line 5), especially with regard to others’ behavior
toward the perceiver (line 6). It is easy to see from this illustration that
person perception and the interpersonal context are inextricably tied to
one another.
A reasonable question regarding the processes involved in person
perception is which are likely to lead to more accurate decisions and
which are not. Indeed, the issue of accuracy has received considerable
attention by researchers (for discussions see Funder, 1987; Kruglanski,
1989; Swann, 1984). As pointed out by Kruglanski (1989), however,
“…as of now, no compelling analysis exist concerning the general
process whereby accuracy is obtained” (p. 401). We agree that trying to
identify the conditions or processes that always result in more accurate
judgments is a somewhat futile endeavor. Furthermore, we think that
person perception phenomena may be unsuitable to characterize in terms
of accuracy, mainly because of the contingent and volatile nature of
what is being perceived. Stated more simply, as a result of the dynamic
and reciprocal nature of perception in social interaction, what may be
accurate at one moment, may not be at the next. Instead, we suggest
that the reader think of the inferences derived from person perception
in terms of appropriateness, usefulness, or both, given the demands
of the perceiver’s task (see Fiske, 1992; Swann, 1984 for more on this
perspective). Essentially, we are saying that applied judgements, like most
human endeavors where accuracy is concerned, are strongly influenced
by the motivation and capacity (skill) of the perceiver, as well as the
clarity of the situation. Throughout this chapter, we discuss these factors
and point out how they influence the processes and strategies used by
social perceivers. In keeping with one of the chapter’s major themes, we
pay particular attention to motivation, indicating how perceivers can be
motivated to worry about being more accurate.
OUTPUTS: APPLIED PROBLEMATICS IN

ORGANIZATIONAL SETTINGS
Ultimately, applied researchers and practitioners are interested in explaining
and predicting the outcomes of person perception. We characterize these
outputs as applied problems and decisions, which can be further thought
of as either formal or informal and as having consequences for either the
target or the perceiver.
Formal decisions include those applied problematics in human
Person Perception 9
resource management related to the selection, appraisal, and development

of employees, whereas informal decisions include those related to
interpersonal interactions in organizational contexts, including those
relevant to phenomena such as mentoring, negotiation, conflict resolution,
and multicultural relationships. Various combinations of these outcomes,
such as formal decisions to promote, select, or develop an employee or
informal assessments of leadership, impaired group social interaction, or a
negotiation opponent’s vantage point are addressed throughout the various
chapters in this volume.
Before discussing the potential consequences or outcomes for the social
perceiver/decision maker, it is important to identify this person. In most
applied settings, this individual is typically the human resource (HR)
practitioner or manager, or in some cases coworkers and teammates. In
this chapter, we refer to this individual generally as the social perceiver.
In future chapters, this person is identified more specifically.
The consequences for the social perceiver/decision maker are
generally thought of in terms of the impact of judgments, choices,
decisions, and evaluations. Also, outcomes for the perceiver can
include attitudes or behaviors. Thus a perception of trustworthiness
might imply less work for the manager when it comes to monitoring a
subordinate’s performance.
Consequences for the target can be classified in terms of formal
decisions and formal judgments. Formal decisions include those made for
hiring and promotion. Examples of formal judgments include those related
to (a) attributes, such as those made in assessment centers and employment
interviews; (b) intentions, such as those made in the service of employee
development and career management; (c) performance, such as those
relevant to performance assessment and appraisal; and (d) suitability, such
as those relevant to promotion or training. Clearly, most individuals are
strongly affected by decisions and judgments in the workplace that are
derived from perceptual processes.
PROCESSES: MOVING
BEYOND COGNITION
We have selected basic processes that are the most informative for
understanding how person perception in work-related situations takes
place. In addition, our selection was guided by the growing recognition that
motivation and affect can and do affect person perception by influencing
the concepts, beliefs, and rules used by perceivers in making social
judgments (Forgas, 1995; Gollwitzer & Moskowitz, 1996; Kruglanski,
1996; Kunda, 1990). Moreover, researchers now know that motivation and
affect influence the mode of processing information. That is, the extent to
which these processes are under the perceiver’s control depends in large
part on his or her goals and mood.
“Hot” Versus “Cold” Cognition

These discoveries have moved the field away from thinking about person
perception as rational, information-driven processes (referred to as “cold”
cognition), toward considering the influence of motivational and affective
processes or “hot” cognition (Zajonc, 1980). Indeed, it is now evident that
prescribed models of social judgment (e.g., Cooper, 1981; Lord, 1985)
are, at best, heuristics. But because researchers were guided by these
models for so long, they assumed more cognitive-based explanations for
the outcomes of person perception than warranted.
This growing recognition of the distinction between “hot” and
“cold” cognition in the social cognition literature has led us to include
motivational and affective processes in our review of person perception
phenomena relevant to understanding others in work-related contexts.
Thus, our view of social perception includes cognitive, motivational,
and affective processes. Because these processes are carried out in social
settings, and social dynamics affect and are affected by these processes,
we also consider social and interpersonal factors in our discussion.
Purposeful Person Perception

The notion that perceivers have a purpose (e.g., are motivated) reflects a
shift in thinking by social cognition and person perception researchers.
There is growing agreement that social perceivers select approaches to
social cognition that are good enough to accomplish their goals for the
setting, which for the most part involve trying to “make sense” out of
another person so that they can make better choices regarding their own
actions (Fiske, 1992, 1993).
Although pragmatic, person perception is still grounded in social
information processing and social judgment. Thus, before addressing
motivational and affective drivers, we discuss basic cognitive processes
involved in person perception. We then move on to some special issues or
considerations of person perception phenomena in applied contexts.
Person Perception 11
Social Information Processing

In this section, we establish some basic nomenclature by examining the
social information processing involved in making social judgments and
inferences. It is important to note that what we describe are basic cognitive
phenomena (structures, processes, and strategies) that enable the social
perceiver to form impressions and make judgments of others. Throughout
our discussion of these phenomena, we point out their utility for the
motivated tactician in attempting to predict others’ behavior in the interest
of satisfying his or her own goals.
Cognitive Structures. The structures used most often by social perceivers

for everyday undertakings are schemas. Schemas are cognitive structures
that represent knowledge about a concept or type of stimulus including
its attributes and relations among those attributes. Schemas are used to
understand people especially in situations where the social perceiver is
confronted with incomplete or ambiguous information. Specifically, they
allow the perceiver to “fill in the gaps” in making inferences regarding
the knowledge, traits, disposition, and intentions of the target, as well as
the social category to which he or she belongs. In addition, they influence
other cognitive processes such as encoding, storage, and recall in a top-
down fashion (Schacter, 1999; Wyer & Srull, 1994).
The schemas people use in person perception are person, role, and event
(scripts) schemas. Person schemas are cognitive structures that organize
one’s knowledge about the traits and goals of individuals. Fiske (1993)
suggested that reliance on traits is consistent with a pragmatic perspective.
That is, social perceivers use traits because they enable them to make
predictions about others’ future behavior and to determine an appropriate
interaction approach. Moreover, because of their level of abstraction, traits
are more economical than behaviors. Thus, people are more likely to report
traits than behaviors in describing others.
Because both social and work contexts imply roles, social perceivers in
such contexts will also use role schemas in understanding others’ behavior.
A role schema is a cognitive structure that organizes one’s knowledge about
the behaviors expected of a person in a certain social position. Whereas
trait schemas are more informative than behaviors, role schemas are more
informative than traits (Fiske & Taylor, 1991). However, one’s person and
role structures are likely to interact such that trait processing occurs in-
and-round roles. Evidence of this with regard to applied judgments can be
found in Borman’s (1987) work on personal constructs, or “folk theories.”
Borman found that general dimensions such as maturity/responsibility,
organization, technical proficiency, and assertive leadership were among
the personal constructs included in raters’ theories of effectiveness in

managerial roles.
Finally, event schemas or scripts also influence social information
processing. Event schemas describe the predicted or appropriate sequence
of events that occur in specific situations (e.g., job interview). Because
they shape one’s normative expectations of behavior in social settings,
deviations from scripts will draw attention. People are likely to rely
heavily on such unexpected and/or inappropriate behavior when making
inferences and judgments regarding others. Such would be the case
when an interviewer makes an inference that a job applicant is not very
interested in the position because he or she is late to the interview or is
dressed too casually.
Inference (Attribution) Processes. As suggested before, cognitive

structures allow the social perceiver to make sense of the target
by aiding inferences about the target on the basis of the available
information. The basic process through which these inferences are made
can be generally referred to as attribution. More formally, attribution
is the process by which people seek to identify the causes of a target’s
behavior (Baron & Byrne, 2000). In so doing, individuals can gain
knowledge of the target—including stable traits and dispositions and
more transient intentions.
We highlight five types of inference processes that we believe to be
common for most applied inference and judgment tasks. These include
inferences regarding the knowledge, traits, disposition, intentions, and
social category membership of the target. Knowledge inferences are
made in situations where the perceiver needs to impute a social target’s
knowledge or understand what the target knows (see Nickerson, 1999,
for a recent discussion). Trait inferences are made by the perceiver when
trying to determine the target’s underlying traits or qualities on the basis of
the available information. Dispositional inferences are made in the service
of understanding the target’s probable patterns of behavior. Although
some traits have dispositional qualities (e.g., energetic, aggressive, lazy,
etc.), dispositions relate more to typical behavioral tendencies. In contrast,
intention inferences are made by the perceiver when attempting to
understand the target’s more proximal, or immediate goals. Finally, social
category inferences are made to identify and classify a target as a member
of a larger social grouping (e.g., good vs. poor performers). Together,
these inferences allow the pragmatic social perceiver to both make sense
out of and manage his or her social world. That is, they help the perceiver
to understand and predict others’ behavior as well as choose his or her own
behavior in an effort to facilitate interpersonal interaction.
Although people rely on the surface features (e.g., physical appearance)
and behavior of the target in making attributions regarding the target’s
behavior, earlier inferences can also inform later ones. Thus, these
inferences work together to aid the social perceiver in making sense out
of the target. For instance, traits can be used to infer other traits. Such is
the case when early trait inferences, called spontaneous trait inferences,
activate implicit personality theories (Schneider, 1973), or beliefs about
how a set of traits are interrelated, and thus produce an overall impression
of the target in terms of his or her traits. But, in addition to other traits,
knowledge and intentions can also assist in making trait inferences.
Indeed, research has found that social perceivers often rely on the target’s
goals or intentions to infer traits (Borkenau, 1990; Read, Jones, & Miller,
1990). A final example of the influence of earlier inferences on later ones
is when a social categorization is primed and relied on to infer levels
of knowledge. This occurs when inferences are made regarding what an
individual knows on the basis of an assessment of his or her race, gender,
or occupation.
It is important to note that in addition to aiding subsequent
inferences, earlier judgments may also interfere with them. An
example of this occurs when the social context may prime or trigger a
goal to categorize a target as “good” or “bad.” This general impression
then “engulfs” the traits associated with it, increasing their observed
correlations even when their true scores do not covary. Cooper (1981)
evoked such an explanation in accounting for the occurrence of halo
error in applied judgments.
Ultimately, which inference(s) people make and the amount of control
they exert over the inference process depend on their motives and goals in
the particular judgment situation. However, in the absence of any specific
information processing goals, social perceivers are likely to succumb
to categorization first because social categories are easily perceived
on the basis of available and obvious physical features (Brewer, 1988;
Fiske & Neuberg, 1990). Although these categorizations and subsequent
inferences do occur somewhat automatically (see Gilbert, Pelham, &
Krull, 1988; Uleman, Newman, & Moskewitz, 1996), they can be brought
under more conscious control by social perceivers (see Brewer, 1988;
Fiske & Neuberg, 1990). As discussed in greater detail in the following
section, the social perceiver’s motives (e.g., accuracy) play a large part in
determining whether the perceiver goes beyond immediate categorizations
and characterizations of the target.
Cognitive Heuristics. Thus far, we have described how the pragmatic

social perceiver uses cognitive structures and inference processes to
understand others. We now consider cognitive heuristics as an additional
cognitive tool that shapes the way social perceivers form impressions of
others. Heuristics are cognitive principles and strategies that allow people
to make social judgments quickly and with less effort. Social perceivers
develop and learn to use heuristics to make judgments efficiently, especially
under conditions that may not be best suited for accuracy and thoroughness.
More specifically, social perceivers rely on these “shortcuts” when they
lack the resources or motivation to engage in more effortful processing.
However, it is important to note that heuristics do not always lead to
accurate inferences, but they may be good enough for most undertakings.
For the most part, attention has been given in the general cognition
literature to intrapersonal heuristics, including the availability heuristic,
the representativeness heuristic, and anchoring and adjustment (see
Kahneman, Solvic, & Tversky, 1982). We review these and offer some
interpersonal heuristics that we believe perceivers also use in an attempt
to maintain the predictability of their social worlds.
Intrapersonal Heuristics. Social perceivers use the availability heuristic

whenever they make a judgment on the basis of how easily specific types of
information come to mind. The use of this heuristic may explain the tendency
of perceivers/decision makers to make judgments and evaluations on the basis
of the target’s most recent behavior rather than his or her typical performance
(e.g., Farr, 1973; Highhouse & Gallo, 1997; Steiner & Rain, 1989).
The representativeness heuristic is used as a strategy when social
perceivers make judgments on the basis of the extent to which something
is similar to a typical case. An example of the use of this heuristic also
involves judgments of typical behavior. Specifically, the representativeness
heuristic may be used when perceivers/decision makers use a target’s
maximal job performance to make inferences regarding typical performance
(see Sackett, Zedeck, & Fogli, 1988).
Anchoring and adjustment involves using a number or value as a
starting point and then adjusting one’s judgment away from this anchor.
The use of this heuristic is ubiquitous because social behavior lacks an
objective yardstick. Thus, social perceivers often anchor their judgments
by relying on their own experiences, the behavior or attributes of others,
or the (relevant or irrelevant) details of the situation. This heuristic may
explain the presence of contrast effects in the interview and performance
appraisal, whereby decision makers evaluate targets relative to one another
rather than some standard (see Highhouse & Gallo, 1997). Anchoring and
adjustment also occurs when social perceivers use their own knowledge
to anchor their inferences of what the target knows and then rely on
information provided by the immediate context to make adjustments
(Nickerson, 1999).
Finally, social perceivers may also use priming as a cognitive heuristic
(Baron & Byrne, 2000). That is, in addition to being primed by the
situational characteristics, social perceivers may also generate their own
primes to assist in person perception. We already examined the notion that
earlier inferences can inform later inferences. Essentially, these earlier
inferences (e.g., spontaneous trait inferences and social categorization),
serve as primes and affect the social perceiver’s ratings of the target on
other (often related) dimensions (e.g., Moskowitz & Roman, 1992).
Interpersonal Heuristics. We propose that in addition to the intrapersonal

heuristics discussed in the previous section, pragmatic social perceivers also
rely on interpersonal heuristics to make inferences and to ensure a certain
level of predictability in their social interactions. Like the aforementioned
strategies, we believe that social perceivers use interpersonal heuristics
under conditions of high cognitive load with, generally, little to no
awareness. Under certain circumstances, however, the use of these
heuristics may get raised to a controlled level of processing. Such would
be the case when a newcomer to a team deliberately uses interpersonal
heuristics to understand and predict the other members’ behavior in the
most quick and efficient way as possible.
We believe that the interpersonal heuristics that operate in most social
judgment settings drift toward an assessment of similarities, differences, or
both. That is, when making inferences about the target, the social perceiver
uses as a strategy his or her assessment of how the target seems relative to
others. Also, in the absence of other social agents on which to base such
relative judgments, the perceiver assesses the degree to which the target
is similar to or different from him or herself. Moreover, it is quite likely
that, minus information to the contrary, the perceiver assumes similarity.
The literature on the false consensus effect (e.g., Marks & Miller, 1987)
and illusion of outgroup homogeneity (Linville, Fischer, & Salovey, 1989)
provides evidence for such a bias.
Assessments of similarity and dissimilarity truly have utility for
the pragmatic social perceiver. First, because of the transference
phenomenon (Andersen & Cole, 1990), social perceivers can more
easily make inferential leaps when encountering similar others (Fiske,
1993). Thus, assessments of similarity and dissimilarity can decrease

the cognitive and motivational resources required for inference making,
but they can also impact cognition and motivation more directly. As
discussed in greater detail in the next section on motivational processes,
such information provides cues to the social perceiver regarding the
amount of effort to allocate to the inference task. An assessment of
similarity would cue the perceiver that more systematic and effortful
processing is not required, whereas an assessment of dissimilarity would
indicate just the opposite.
The specific interpersonal heuristics we believe to be grounded in
assessments of similarity and dissimilarity include social categorization
and observance of the norm of reciprocity. We already discussed social
categorization as a key inference in the process of understanding others,
but a significant body of research also documents its heuristic utility (e.g.,
Bodenhausen, 1990, 1993; Macrae, Milne, & Bodenhausen, 1994). We
believe that social categorization serves as an interpersonal heuristic by
allowing the social perceiver to divide the social world into categories
on the basis of similarities or differences in readily detectable (e.g., age,
gender, and race) and less observable characteristics (e.g., occupation and
religion). Category membership, as discussed earlier, is then used by the
perceiver as the basis for making inferences and attributions regarding the
target (e.g., the target is the same as or different from the perceiver or the
target is the same as or different from others).
Reciprocity (i.e., the equal exchange of information or rewards) is a
common normative expectation to which most social agents subscribe in
the conduct of their social interactions. The norm of reciprocity requires
that people repay others’ behavior with a form of behavior that is similar.
Because this expectation is so commonplace, we believe that social
perceivers use its observance as an interpersonal heuristic in judging
similarity and dissimilarity. For instance, the return of an equally private
and personal self-disclosure by the target may be used by the perceiver
in an evaluation of similarity, and in turn, attributions of trust. Failure to
observe the norm of reciprocity, however, will lead to the opposite effect.
Are People Always Heuristical? Although there is evidence that the use
of schemas and heuristics is the default in social perception and judgment,
the pragmatic social perceiver abandons such effort-saving strategies
in favor of more systematic and controlled processing when cues from
the social environment indicate that it is necessary to do so. Models of
impression formation (e.g., Brewer, 1988; Fiske & Neuberg, 1990) suggest
that social perceivers use a continuum of processes in forming impressions
that range from more schematic to more individuating (data driven). If the
perceiver interprets the available data as supporting the schema, then he or
she allows it to drive inference processes. However, if a determination is
made that the data contradict the schema, then the perceiver relies less on
the schema and more on the data.
Motivation is also an important determinant of just how far down the
continuum of impression formation processes a social perceiver will
move. Otherwise stated, when a social perceiver is sufficiently motivated
to do so, he or she will engage in more individuating processing. We
now turn our attention to motivational processes and discuss the
role of motives and goals on the manner in which individuals carry out
person perception.
Motivational Processes
Given the pragmatic nature of person perception, the cognitive structures,
processes, and strategies used by the motivated tactician are thought to
depend on his or her motives in relationship to the situation. Two general
motivational states relevant to social perception in applied contexts
include those that deal with the costs of being indecisive (expectancy-
oriented motives) and those that deal with the costs of being wrong
(accuracy-oriented motives; see Fiske & Neuberg, 1990; Fiske & Taylor,
1991). Either of these stems from forces in the environment that motivate
perceivers to seek to make accurate or “quick and dirty” decisions.
Motives That Make Salient the Costs of Being Indecisive. In general, the
costs of indecision increase whenever resources are limited. Here people
will engage in more cursory, superficial processing in which “information
search is curtailed, inconsistencies are ignored or seen as affirming, and
snap judgments are justified” (Fiske, 1993, p. 175). According to Fiske,
these quick and dirty strategies enable people to be “good enough social
perceivers” and, surprisingly, allows arrival at judgments that are pretty
accurate, given cognitive constraints. A number of factors can cause
capacity limitations and the corresponding use of more simplified strategies
(see Fiske, 1993; Kunda, 1999 for reviews). Among these factors are
time pressures (Gollwitzer, 1990; Gollwitzer & Kinney, 1989), cognitive
busyness (i.e., the current engagement in another cognitively demanding
task; Gilbert, 1989; Gilbert & Hixon, 1991), anticipation of a social
interaction or one’s turn in this interaction (Gilbert et al., 1988; Osborne &
Gilbert, 1992; Stangor & Ford, 1992), and anticipation of communication
(Fiske & Taylor, 1991).
Basic research suggests that when the information processing

environment reaches a certain level of difficulty, social perceivers are
likely to rely on tools, such as stereotypes, in their “cognitive toolbox”
(Gilbert & Hixon, 1991; Macrae et al., 1994). Indeed, evidence for the
influence of cognitive busyness on the use of age-associated stereotypes in
the interview has been found by Perry and colleagues (Perry & Finkelstein,
1999; Perry, Kulik, & Bourhis, 1996). As another example of this effect in
applied settings, Zedeck (1986) posited that the requirement of assessors
to participate in role playing may interfere with their “ability to observe as
well as impact the selectivity of what is observed” (p. 275), and therefore
rely on automatic or heuristic processing of social information.
Motives That Make Salient the Costs of Being Wrong. When the costs
of being wrong are salient and it becomes necessary to be more accurate,
perceivers/decision makers tend to exert considerably more control over
social information processing. That is, when elicited, an accuracy motivate
can cause them to invest more effort in the judgment task and apply strategies
that are more detailed and complex (Kruglanski, 1980). Although the mere
instruction to be as accurate as possible has been shown to cause perceivers
to exert more effort toward and more control over information processing
(Neuberg, 1989, 1994; Pavelchack, 1989), an accuracy motive is more likely
to be elicited from cues from the social environment. In applied settings,
such things as prevailing norms and the social structure (e.g., cooperative
interdependence, status hierarchy, etc.) can increase the costs of being wrong
and thus elicit an accuracy motive. Although these conditions are elaborated
on in the next section on interpersonal and social processes, it is important
to note that a number of them stem from the perceiver’s lack of control in
his or her social environment. In this regard, the social perceiver is truly
pragmatic. As a result of this deprivation of control, the social perceiver will
be motivated to increase the accuracy of his or her judgments in the hopes
of improving the chances of satisfying personal goals (see Dépret & Fiske,
1993; Pittman & D’Agostino, 1989; Pittman & Heller, 1987).
Interaction of Motives and Goals. The foregoing might be thought

of as “meta-motives” for judgments and evaluations in applied settings.
There are arguably other, more immediate goals that are operating. Such a
view is consistent with prevailing theoretical models of work motivation
in the industrial and organizational psychology literature in which both
proximal and distal goals exist for task performance in applied settings
(see Kanfer, 1990; Kanfer & Ackerman, 1989). Distal goals are involved
in initially deciding to allocate one’s effort and cognitive resources for a
particular task, but it is proximal goals that are more closely involved in
the allocation of these resources throughout task completion.
The importance of goals for social behavior was recently underscored
by Kenrick, Neuberg, and Cialdini (1999). As a result, these authors used
goals as an organizing device for their recent social psychology text. In our
view, the goals that have the greatest influence on most person perception
tasks overlap to a large degree with Kenrick et al.’s and include (a) getting
the task done (e.g., hiring someone), (b) preserving one’s self-esteem
(i.e., not looking foolish), and (c) maintaining relationships. Because of
cognitive limitations, focusing on some goals may reduce the capacity to
entertain others. Which of these proximal goals gain priority depends on
which goals are primed by the situation or are compatible with other goals.
However, some goals are chronically active because of frequent use or
survival value (e.g., to protect oneself).
Depending on the situation, these goals will influence the perceiver’s
motives, rather than be influenced by them. Thus, these goals may often
conflict with more distal, accuracy-oriented motives. This accounts for
many of the judgment and evaluation errors documented in the applied
literature. For instance, many rating errors in performance appraisal
may actually be the result of the perceiver’s consideration of the social
consequences and a goal to maintain interpersonal relationships (see
Longenecker, Sims, & Gioia, 1987; Wherry & Bartlett, 1982). That is,
being aware of a requirement to report impressions (evaluations), the
supervisor often appeared to “choose” between the benefits and social
risks of finding ways to document ratings that would be extreme (e.g., the
worker is very good or poor) or generating an appraisal that is somewhere
in the middle—or average (i.e., the central tendency “error”). In this
example, it is sometimes arguable as to just how aware the perceiver/rater
is of these tradeoffs.
Similarly, invalid ratings or rating errors found in interviews,
assessment centers, and performance appraisals may be accounted for by
a proximal goal to “get the job done.” In other words, the social perceiver
may succumb to the pressure of the evaluative requirement by formulating
an initial global judgment of suitability or effectiveness quickly, thus
stopping short of a fully engaged assessment of the target’s individual
characteristics and attributes. As detailed earlier in this chapter, these
global impressions frequently lead to the so-called halo error found in so
many ratings. They are also implicated in primacy effects, or the undue
influence of first impressions.
Motivation and Cognition. Goals have been shown to influence the

cognitive structures and beliefs (see Dunning, 1999), cognitive recall
(Sanitioso, Kunda, & Fong, 1990), inferential processes and heuristics
(Doosje, Spears, & Koomen, 1995; Pendry & Macrae, 1996; Vonk, 1999)
of social perceivers, as well as the amount of effort they invest in searching
for relevant beliefs and rules to apply (Ditto & Lopez, 1992; Kruglanski,
1980). In all, this research points to the conclusion that person perception
processes and judgments are colored by one’s motives.
Affective Processes
People’s judgments and decisions regarding others will also be “heated
up” by their emotions (Forgas, 1991; Kunda, 1999). That is, their
structures, strategies, and modes of processing can be colored by their
affective system, which consists of interpersonal evaluations, emotions,
and moods. As discussed by Fiske and Taylor (1991), interpersonal
evaluations and moods are affective states that are simple, long-term
positive or negative feelings. Their distinction lies in whether they have a
specific target: Interpersonal evaluations are in response to a specific target,
whereas moods are not. In contrast, emotions are complex, relatively brief
reactions involving physiological responses, subjective cognitive states,
and expressive behaviors (Fiske & Taylor, 1991; Forgas, 1994).
Although there is growing agreement that an interplay exists between
affect and cognition (e.g., Forgas, 1994; Isen & Baron, 1991), we limit
our comments in this section to a discussion of the influence of affect
on phenomena involved in person perception. In particular, we examine
the manner in which mood impacts social judgments in applied settings,
mainly because most of the applied research has focused in this area. In
doing so, we point out the utility of moods to the social perceiver. Contrary
to popular suggestions that affective states (moods and emotions) are
irrational and sources of human error, we take the view that, like motives,
moods have functional value (see also Kenrick et al., 1998; Zajonc, 1998).
Moods alert the perceiver to changes in the environment and the need to
alter current or adopt new information processing strategies (see Taylor,
1991). In this regard, we believe that moods work hand-in-hand with goals
in the service of the motivated tactician. Before elaborating on these ideas,
we first review some general findings of the impact of mood on people’s
judgments and behavior.
Mood-Congruent Social Judgment. A great deal of research has found

that a small mood manipulation (e.g., presentation of a small gift, exposure
to a pleasant piece of music, etc.), can influence the cognitive processes of
social perceivers (for reviews see Forgas, 1995; Schwarz & Clore, 1996).
In general, this research has found evidence of mood-congruent judgment,
or a match between mood and thoughts. Specifically, one’s judgments of
both self and others tend to be more positive when one is in a good mood
and more negative when one is in a bad mood.
Mood-congruent judgments are explained as a result of mood-
congruent memory (Bower, 1981, 1991). When a particular affective state
is activated, it triggers cognitive categories that are similar or related to the
affective state. Because this set of retrieved memories is congruent with
mood, judgments tend to be congruent also. We say more about mood-
congruent memory later when we discuss the mechanisms by which mood
(affect) influences judgments.
Support for the mood-congruent judgment effect is found in the literature
on performance appraisal and the employment interview. Whereas some
researchers have examined mood, specifically, others have investigated
the effects of liking as a more directed (i.e., focused on a specific person)
affective state. In either case, the results point to the same conclusion:
Positive moods and liking lead to more favorable evaluations of the target
(e.g., Baron, 1993; Dalessio & Imada, 1984; Dipboye, 1992; Judge &
Ferris, 1993; Robbins & DeNisi, 1994; Wayne & Ferris, 1990).
Mood and Cognitive Processes. Forgas’ (1995) affect infusion model

(AIM) provides insight into just how moods and emotions influence
social judgment and the manner in which people make such judgments.
Specifically, Forgas posited that affect influences cognitive processes
through two mechanisms. First, as illustrated by mood-congruent memory,
affect serves to prime (trigger) similar or related (positive or negative)
memories. Second, affect provides a heuristic cue to be cognitively
processed along with other information about the target. Under conditions
in which the social perceiver lacks the capability, motivation, or both, to
engage in more effortful processing, he or she will use affect-as-information
and look to his or her mood to inform social judgments.
Mood and the Motivated Tactician. As suggested earlier, affect may

interact with motives to help serve the purposes of the pragmatic social
perceiver. Fiske and Taylor (1991) elaborated most on this notion and
characterize moods and emotions as “managers of goals”. Specifically,
these authors suggest that emotions act as controls on cognition by alerting
social perceivers to important goals. That is, emotions function as “alarm
signals” that interrupt planned behavior and focus the perceiver’s attention
on other goals that have increased in priority (Simon, 1967, 1982). Thus,
emotions serve the adaptive purpose of prioritizing goals for social
perceivers, thereby allowing them to shift their goals with the changing
demands of the social environment.
Interpersonal and Social Factors

Interpersonal and social realities affect many of the above cognitive,
motivational, and affective phenomena previously discussed. Specifically,
we expect that these interpersonal and social factors shape the motivational
and affective states of the social perceiver, and in turn, the types of
cognitive structures, processes, and strategies he or she uses to make
sense of others. Additionally, we posit that in a reciprocal fashion, the
inferences and judgments that are outcomes of these processes have further
consequences for the nature and quality of the perceiver’s interpersonal
and social relationships.
The interpersonal and social factors that we discuss in this section
can generally be classified in terms of the nature of the interpersonal
relationships and the structure of the social context. With regard to
interpersonal relationships, such things as the history of the relationship
and the similarity between the target and the perceiver are expected to
make a difference for person perception. The realities of the social context
that we anticipate will influence person perception processes include
(a) the degree of outcome dependence among the social agents, (b) the
status, power, and hierarchical structure among the agents, and (c) the
accountability of the social perceiver to other agents (see Fiske & Taylor,
1991 for a more detailed discussion of these factors.)
History and Quality of the Relationship. In general, the longer

the perceiver has known the target, the more automatic and accurate
social information processing and judgment become (see Fiske, 1993).
In the social cognition literature, the degree of involvement between
the perceiver and target is referred to as acquaintance. Under certain
conditions, acquaintance has been shown to improve consensus, or the
amount of agreement among a group of perceivers (see Kenny, 1991). It
also leads to judgments that are determined more by the target than by
the perceiver (Malloy & Albright, 1990). These findings can be explained
by the availability of a much larger sample of behavior on which to base
judgments and inferences. An example of this in the applied judgment
domain comes from the assessment center literature. In general, the
validity of assessors’ ratings increases with opportunities to observe
dimension (trait) relevant behavior (see Lievens & Klimoski, in press, for
a recent review). However, evidence from the zero-contact (i.e., having
zero acquaintance with the target) literature suggests that, even without
the benefit of social interaction, perceivers are fairly accurate at judging

others’ traits (see Zebrowitz & Collins, 1997 for a review).
The quality of the relationship also has implications for social judgment.
Research on ingroups versus outgroups suggests that a supervisor’s
evaluation of the performance of each of his or her subordinates is influenced
by the quality of their dyadic relationship. Specifically, evidence exists to
indicate that supervisors evaluate the performance of ingroup members
more favorably than it actually is (Vecchio & Gobdel, 1984), whereas
outgroup members typically receive more negative evaluations (Linville &
Jones, 1980). Also, as compared to subordinates belonging to the ingroup,
outgroup members often receive somewhat similar evaluations (Linville
& Jones, 1980). This effect is attributed to the use of stereotypes, and
thus suggests that supervisors are not as motivated to use more effortful,
systematic processing for outgroup members.
Similarity of Target and Perceiver. Similarity between the perceiver

and target in terms of demographic and other characteristics often leads to
perceived similarity in attitudes and values and to interpersonal attraction
(Graves, 1993). Such perceived similarity presents a potential source of
error in information processing. For example, perceived similarity results
in the “similar to me” bias documented in the context of the employment
interview (Dalessio & Imada, 1984; Graves & Powell, 1988). When
interviewers perceive the applicant to be similar to them in attitudes and other
characteristics, they are more likely to evaluate the applicant favorably.
However, similarity can also increase the accuracy of perceivers’
judgments. As discussed by Graves (1993), similarity can smooth
interaction between the target and perceiver, thus facilitating more accurate
information processing. In addition, because cognitive representations of
similar others are both complex (i.e., possess numerous dimensions) and
accessible, perceivers’ evaluations of similar others tend to be less extreme
(Linville & Jones, 1980).
Outcome Dependence. As discussed earlier, any time individuals are

stripped of control, they will be more motivated to put forth effort in
processing social information so that they can arrive at fairly accurate
judgments that enable them to understand or predict the person’s behavior
on whom they rely (see Depret & Fiske, 1993, 1999). Such is the case when
social perceivers are dependent on one another for achieving some mutual
goal or reward. Such outcome dependency can be found among work teams
that are structured to increase positive interdependence. In such situations,
team members will be more motivated to predict their teammates’ behavior
accurately, in an effort to control or at least predict their behavior.
Status, Power, and Hierarchy. Also because of control deprivation,

individuals of lower status or in a subordinate position will be more
diligent in their information processing. As evidence of this, Snodgrass
(1992) found that subordinates are more accurate in predicting how leaders
evaluate them than vice versa. In addition to followers, such imbalances
of status and power also have implications for low-power group members
(Tjosvold, 1978; Tjosvold & Sagaria, 1978).
Accountability. Finally, being accountable to a third party, or having

to justify a decision, also causes perceivers to process information more
carefully (see Tetlock, 1991). The basic mechanism here is the same:
Accountability also puts the social perceiver under someone else’s control.
The potential influence of accountability on individuals making a variety of
human resource decisions, including those decisions that are the outcomes of
interviews or performance appraisal, have been discussed in great detail by
Klimoski and colleagues (Frink & Klimoski, 1998; Klimoski & Inks, 1990).
Summary
In summarizing the basic person perception-linked phenomena, we have
attempted to emphasize their interrelationships, particularly highlighting
the impact of motivational and social factors on social inference and
judgment. Although this pragmatic approach is starting to “take hold” in
the applied judgment and evaluation literature (e.g., Murphy & Cleveland,
1995), we suggest to both researchers and practitioners that our knowledge
of applied judgments and decisions can be greatly increased by adopting
such a perspective.
INPUTS
We now move on to the input variables that influence the previously
discussed processes and phenomena, which in turn affect the outcomes of
person perception. We have identified three categories of input variables—
those related to (a) the individual differences of the perceiver, (b) the
individual differences of the target, and (c) the context.
Individual Differences of Perceivers

The characteristics of perceivers that are likely to make a difference
include those that affect the manner in which they carry out the cognitive,
affective, and motivational processes involved in social perception and
judgment. In our review of the literature, we have identified four major

categories of individual differences that serve as perceiver “inputs” into
person perception: (a) traits and other characteristics; (b) motives; (c)
abilities and skills; and (d) values, beliefs, and attitudes.
Both the basic and applied literature has given considerable attention to
the first three categories of perceiver inputs. First, research has identified
a number of traits that influence the way in which perceivers make social
judgments, including cognitive complexity (Borman, 1979; Borman &
Hallam, 1991; Schneier, 1977), personality (Borman, 1979; Graves, 1993),
and rating style (Borman & Hallam, 1991). We have already considered
the influence of motivation, but dispositions such as a high need to avoid
closure versus a need for closure have also been shown to shape the
processes and strategies used by perceivers to make judgments (e.g., Ford
& Kruglanski, 1995). Finally, in addition to traits and motives, the abilities
and skills of perceivers have also been shown to impact the quality of their
judgments (e.g., Borman & Hallam, 1991; Cardy & Kehoe, 1984; Sagie
& Magnezy, 1997).
Although less attention has been given to the impact of perceivers’ values,
beliefs, and attitudes, research on personal theories of performance (i.e.,
folk theories; see Borman, 1987; Zedeck, 1986) and implicit personality
theories (Lord & Foti, 1986; Lord, Foti, & DeVader, 1984) suggest that
because such beliefs influence the cognitive structures that perceivers
use, they too make a difference. This has also been supported in the basic
literature by studies that have found that perceivers’ cognitive processes
are biased by their own underlying personality traits (see Rusting, 1998).
In addition, these idiosyncratic theories may also impact judgments more
directly. Specifically, research has also found that perceivers were more
accurate in assessing traits that were relevant to them than traits that were
not (Britt & Shepperd, 1999; Wright & Dawson, 1988).
Individual Differences of the Target

What information is used by social perceivers to understand and predict
a target’s behavior? As discussed and illustrated in Fig. 1.1, visual and
vocal nonverbal, verbal, and interpersonal cues stemming from the various
interactions occurring within the social context provide the “fodder” for
person perception. Important visual nonverbal cues include the observable
physical characteristics of targets, including their age, race, and gender
(Fiske, 1993). Evidence exists that these are the core categories used in
classifying others (e.g., Brewer & Lui, 1989; Hoffman & Hurst, 1990). The
specific characteristics on which perceivers focus tend to be those that are
most uncommon or distinctive within the social context (e.g., physically

handicapped or ethnic minority; Nelson & Klutas, 2000). The role of the
social context in providing another source of information regarding targets
is discussed later.
Along with physical characteristics, other visual nonverbal cues
(e.g., physical attractiveness, eye contact, body orientation, smiling, and
gestures) and vocal nonverbal cues (e.g., pitch, speech rate, pauses, and
amplitude) may be used by social perceivers to make inferences. A recent
study by DeGroot and Motowidlo (1999) suggests that personal reactions
toward interviewees, such as liking, trust, and attributed credibility, are
the primary mechanisms by which these characteristics influence applied
judgments, including interview and performance evaluations.
As noted earlier, traits are “default” target inputs, and certain traits
seem to have special importance (i.e., potency) in person perception (see
Osgood, Saci, & Tannenbaum, 1957). Supporting this notion is the finding
that some highly observable traits, including extraversion and warmth,
facilitate consensus among perceivers (e.g., Berry 1991; Kenny, Horner,
Kashy, & Chu, 1992). In all, this suggests that particular traits represent
central dimensions in person schema (Fiske & Taylor, 1991). Indeed, it
has been argued that the “Big Five” personality dimensions may reflect the
basic trait structure used to perceive and describe others (Fiske, 1993).
Another important target characteristic in applied contexts is
performance, as manifested in the target’s acts (e.g., work products,
accomplishments, etc.) and actions (behavior). In work settings, a supervisor
has the opportunity to observe the target’s performance over time, so
variations in performance level provide another potential behavioral cue
to be processed. In general, it has been found that perceivers’ judgments of
current performance are influenced by past performance (e.g., Buda, 1984
cited in Sumer & Knight, 1996; Murphy, Balzer, Lockhart, & Eisenman,
1985; Smither, Reilly, & Buda, 1988; Sumer & Knight, 1996). Moreover,
the sequencing and patterning of performance also seem to make a
difference (Sumer & Knight, 1996).
Contextual Features (Variables)

Features of the situation also provide input for person perception. Thus, it
is especially important to consider these variables when studying person
perception in work settings. Unfortunately, however, these variables often
receive less attention in the literature on applied judgments (Murphy &
Cleveland, 1995). Here we review contextual variables that we believe
influence downstream person perception processes and outcomes.
Task Demands. We have already discussed the effects of opportunity

to observe and cognitive busyness on the ability of social perceivers to
effectively carry out person perception processes. In addition to these
factors, the purpose of the evaluation (Dobbins, Cardy, & Truxillo,
1988; Williams, DeNisi, Blencoe, & Cafferty, 1985; Zedeck & Cascio,
1982), cost of making a poor decision (Dipboye, 1992), and pressure
to make quick decisions (Dipboye, 1992), also affect social perceivers’
decision processes and effectiveness. Specifically, these demands impact
motivation and the amount of control social perceivers are likely to exert
over information processing. For example, interviewers under pressure
to make a quick decision are more likely to use heuristic processing by
seeking to confirm their initial impressions about applicants (Dipboye,
1992). As an example of the opposite effect of motivation, supervisors
differentiate more among ratees when ratings are gathered to develop
and improve employees rather than to determine merit raises or to decide
which employees to retain (Zedeck & Cascio, 1982).
Group Characteristics. In group settings, there is opportunity for

other group members to influence the judgments of a target by providing
perceivers with information for comparative judgments (Ilgen & Feldman,
1983). However, comparative information can also have a biasing
influence. As discussed earlier, if a target is uncommon or distinctive from
the rest of the group, then he or she may be characterized in stereotypic
ways by the perceiver (e.g., Nelson & Klutas, 2000).
In addition, comparative judgments by social perceivers brought on by
variation in target performance may lead to contrast effects. Specifically,
in groups in which there is performance variability among members, the
evaluations of poor performers tend to be higher than they should be, and
the evaluations of good performers are lower than warranted (Mitchell &
Liden, 1982). However, these effects may not necessarily lead to inaccurate
ratings. Gaugler and Rudolph (1992) found that ratings of low performing
assessees were more accurate when they were evaluated in a group of
dissimilar, higher performers than when they were evaluated in a group of
similar, lower performers.
Systems Features. Although the positive influence of motivation on

person perception processes and outcomes has been established, few
studies have directly investigated the effects of organizational rewards or
punishments on applied judgments and decisions. The research that has
been conducted has shown greater incentives (e.g., obtaining rewards for
subordinates, avoiding interpersonal tension, etc.) for inflated evaluations
than negative consequences for inaccurate evaluations (Longenecker et
al., 1987). However, research by Salvemini, Reilly, and Smither (1993)

provided evidence that perceivers/decision makers can adopt more
accuracy-oriented approaches when offered valued rewards. Specifically,
these researchers found that raters who received monetary incentives were
less likely to produce biased and inaccurate ratings resulting from their
knowledge of the ratees’ prior performance levels.
Other aspects of applied judgment and evaluation systems may also
enable social perceiver/decision makers to carry out person perception
processes more effectively. Standardized procedures (Dipboye & Gaugler,
1993), observation and rating tools (DeNisi & Peters, 1996; Reilly,
Henry, & Smither, 1990), and training (Dipboye & Gaugler, 1993;
Schleicher, Day, Mayes, & Riggio, 1999; Woehr & Huffcutt, 1994) all
have been shown to positively influence social perceivers’ judgment
processes and effectiveness.
TOWARD AN EMBEDDED
SYSTEMS APPROACH
Up to this point, we have chosen to characterize the nature of person
perception by using an organizing framework that implies a certain “flow”
or even a causal sequence. Thus inputs are thought to have consequences
for cognitive, affective, motivational, and interpersonal processes, and
these in turn have an impact on decisions, choices, and even relationships.
However, it also should be clear by now that person perception-linked
phenomena rarely unfold in such a neat, even linear fashion. The capacity
to model social perception is actually quite limited precisely because of
its dynamic and contingent nature. In truth, the IPO approach is just a
convenient way to organize material. It would need to be modified in
substantial ways if we were to make it more than a heuristic and more like
a model. Specifically, we would need to consider the role of reciprocal
causation (feedback and feed forward) and the impact of social and
normative forces.
The Arbitrary Distinction of “Cause” and “Effect”

In many contexts involving social cognition, the perceiver is in a position to
interact with others, indeed it may be the reason for being together. In such
contexts, the real or anticipated interaction with another individual is quite
likely to have an effect on perceptions and behavior. Such things as the
following affect social cognition in the context of interpersonal interaction:
(a) the importance of the interaction, (b) the clarity of expectations held
for that context, (c) the behavior relative to these expectations, and (d) the
nature of future interaction anticipated.
For example, most interactions of interest to the readers of this book
typically involve social perception in high stakes interpersonal contexts, as
in the selection interview. In such contexts, deviations from expectations
take on real significance for both the applicant and the HR professional.
The behavior of the applicant has great bearing on what the interviewer is
perceiving and thinking and will, in turn, determine the way that the latter
behaves toward the applicant. Similarly, both the applicant’s own initial
behavior and the impact it has on the interviewer provide feedback and
shape the next bit of social exchange. When the interaction between the
two is going poorly, the applicant as perceiver has to use whatever cues
he or she can to diagnose just what aspect of the situation is causing the
apparent difficulty—aspects of the applicant’s behavior, the interviewer’s
interpretation, or the social dynamics between the two. In this regard, the
actual and anticipated behavior of the interviewer become the stimuli for
social cognition on the part of the applicant. The management of affect on a
“real-time” basis in high stakes situations creates still other difficulties for
the perceiver (Parkinson, 1997). That is, the perceiver’s own attributions
for difficulty in the interview, such as self-blame versus a conclusion that
the interviewer is just “having a bad day,” will present different challenges
for the management of emotions.
As noted earlier, one special case where the consequences of social
interaction can have major implications for person perception dynamics
occurs when the individuals anticipate that they will have to work
together in the future. In this case, not only would the perceiver seek to
make a favorable impression, he or she, in all likelihood, would choose
to interact in a way that sets up the normative expectations preferred for
their interaction in the future (e.g., Heneman, Greenberger, & Anonyuo,
1989; Liden, Wayne, & Stilwell, 1993). All and all, managing this
collection of motives and goals presents a formidable challenge for valid
information processing.
In a related manner, the behavior linked to the perceiver’s sense of the
situation, can itself, transform the situation. In its classic form, this can
occur because the perceiver’s actions elicit the very behaviors he or she
expects. This dynamic is often referred to as the “self-fulfilling prophecy”
(Merton, 1948). By word or deed the perceiver makes come true (activates
or encourages) those behaviors that are anticipated or expected. Such a self-
fulfilling prophecy may explain why interviewees who either accurately
or inaccurately expect to be unqualified may, in fact, perform less well.
Specifically, for such interviewees it has been found that the interviewers
ask less favorable questions, conduct shorter sessions, and “leak” negative
nonverbal behaviors (Dipboye, 1982; Neuberg, 1989). Indeed, most person
perception involves the coproduction of social information.
Social Forces Influencing

Person Perception
The examples just discussed were designed to highlight the manner by
which person perception dynamics are affected by the interaction with
another individual. However, in most applied settings there are still other
social forces operating.
As described earlier in this chapter, the context makes a great deal
of difference relative to such things as motivation, attention, social
information-processing dynamics, and memory. It also makes a big impact
on the quality or validity of conclusions or decisions that flow from such
phenomena. One important aspect of context yet to be detailed, however,
is the actual or considered presence of others.
Social Comparison Processes. Both normative and social forces will

influence the perceiver in the context of other social perceivers. One well-
researched dynamic derives from what Festinger (1954) called “social
comparison processes.” In its classic form, the perceiver, in an important
but ambiguous situation, tries to understand what is going on around him
or her by referring to the cues being emitted by others in the same situation.
In some circumstances, this is done quite automatically and quickly, as in
the case of what might be considered “behavioral contagion” (Polansky,
Lippitt, & Redl, 1950; Wheeler, 1966). This occurs when the perceiver
senses from others a deep fear or anxiety or when the perceiver lets such
fears turn into panic behavior. The presence of other social perceivers
may thus affect the perceptual processes through affect and emotional
states (e.g., mood).
At a more controlled level, the social perceiver looks to others in the
same situation for guidance at “sense making” or “social proof” for accurate
social information processing (Cialdini, 1993). For example, as a member
of a panel interview, the perceiver frequently looks around to colleagues
to ascertain their reactions to a candidate and calibrates assessments and
behavior accordingly. Indeed, in work situations where such panel members
know one another well, subtle cues such as those found in their demeanor
or word choice would serve as indicators of opinion or evaluations of the
candidate and affect the perceiver’s own impressions accordingly.
Group Decision Making. A particular setting for such social influence

is in the context of group decision making. As individuals come together
to solve problems or make decisions, they are usually both the source of
and the recipient of influence attempts. Certainly, such things as the issues
under review and the level of motivation and knowledge of team members
will govern much of what transpires in such sessions. Moreover, in the
business setting, local norms will exist regarding the nature and amount
of conflict that is expressed as well. Some firms are more tolerant of both
cognitive (ideational) and interpersonal conflict (Jehn, 1997). All this
said, it would be reasonable to expect that the perceiver would be strongly
affected by social processes. Indeed, this has been amply demonstrated in
research on the phenomenon of group polarization. Over many studies, it
has been shown that group discussions can serve to influence members’
views in either a risky or a conservative direction (see Lamm & Myers,
1978; Myers & Lamm, 1976).
It seems clear that in a discussion of any substance, the individual
comes to see and interpret things differently. At times, this stems from
the amount and nature of the information that gets shared (informational
influence). But more often, the new way of perceiving people, actions, and
so on, comes about as a result of insight regarding how others think about
the topic being addressed (normative information). Thus, a person who
holds a moderately unfavorable perception of a client, competitor, etcetera
comes to learn in the session that others share this perspective. This would
be expected to bring about a post-discussion view that is more extreme
(even more negative in this example) than at the outset. In like manner, we
postulate that both dynamics would operate to shape social perception.
Accountability as Social Influence

As discussed earlier, accountability forces cause the perceiver to exert
greater mental (and physical) effort in the task domain of interest to a
third party, commonly referred to as the “principal.” However, both the
timing of the knowledge of the reporting requirement and the perceiver’s
(agent’s) view of the principal’s position on issues become very important
to this theory in predicting just what the perceiver does. At the risk of over-
simplification, to the extent that the principal is powerful but has taken no
public position on the issue at hand, research has found a tendency toward
more effortful and complete information processing (Tetlock, 1983). By
extension, this theory causes us to predict that under such circumstances,
the perceiver would not rely on automatic processing of social information
nor rely on heuristics. Instead, one would expect great diligence. In contrast,
if the powerful principal has a point of view on a person or on the decision
or issue to be resolved, then such care in the processing of information is

less likely. In fact, the perceiver would often find it expedient to conform.
Stated simply, contrary to popular views, accountability need not result in
better decisions.
It seems that accountability theory would be useful in helping to model
person perception and social cognitive processes in work contexts where
there exist social obligations and where there is more than a communication
requirement operating.
Dynamic and Embedded Approach

Throughout this chapter, we have attempted to build on and learn from the
basic literature on person perception and social cognition. In doing so, we
have also tried to be sensitive to the fact that the findings we have identified
are often derived from studies where the context is not considered all that
important. Not surprisingly then, given the goal of this book to guide
HR management practices in work settings, we have regularly tried to
speculate on the way that the forces in the work place could operate to
affect the processes of interest. In this section, we seek to further elaborate
our views of the importance of the work context.
Recent advances in both multilevel theory (Frink & Klimoski, 1998;
Morgeson & Hofman, 1999) and methods (Chan, 1998; Klein & Kozlowski,
2000; Law & Wong, 1999) have made it possible for those involved in
organizational studies to envision more completely what we are calling
an “embedded systems” approach to modeling workplace phenomena.
However, it might be useful for us to contrast (albeit briefly) traditional
views to develop this point.
Historically, if researchers attempt to describe cognitive (i.e., person
perception) processes in work settings, they might logically focus on
looking to the individual as the unit of description and analysis. As pointed
out already, much has been learned about such things as the impact of
individual personality, needs and goals, and experience on such processes.
Alternatively, one can look to the work team or group for explanation and
causal forces. Accordingly, the role of such things as work flow among
group members, group composition, and social and interpersonal dynamics
in groups have also been found to have profound implications for cognitive
(perceptual) processes, generally, and person perception and social
judgments, in particular. Finally, there are arguments that organizational
level processes (e.g., policies in action, leadership, climate, and culture)
have the power to inform us also. For example, organizational climate has
been frequently conceptualized as “shared perceptions” (James & James,
1989). Thus it seems that each of these levels of description and analysis
have some claims to make.
Contemporary thinking, however, implies that such “cuts” at explanation
and model building are flawed. It’s not that researchers haven’t been able
to model and predict important phenomena. They can indeed do so. Yet
the achievements have been modest at best when one considers the order
of magnitude of effect sizes and the amount of variance accounted for.
But we see important limitations to the research record for another reason.
This relates to the fact that organizational researchers should be building
models that have greater ecological validity.
In our use of the term, ecological validity means more than
generalizability. There is enough reason to feel that many of our theories
and findings do indeed generalize. Certainly the recent work on meta-
analysis (Schmidt & Hunter, 1998) and programmatic efforts on the part
of researchers who go from the field, to the lab, and back to the field (see
Campbell, 1986; Driskell & Salas, 1992; Ilgen, 1986) are encouraging.
But we feel this evidence is merely a harbinger of what is truly possible if
researchers were to take an embedded systems approach. This is what we
are advocating to those who wish to study person perception and social
cognition processes that are truly relevant to the workplace.
Thus, in our view, an embedded systems approach should be used to
guide research in the field. Whether in the form of field experiments or
in the analysis of causal models (e.g., path analysis, structural equations
modeling, etc.), the investigator would recognize and consciously include
in their investigations those contextual variables at multiple levels that
are theorized to affect social information processing and social judgments
relevant to their applied setting or to the applied problems of interest
(e.g., quality of assessment center ratings). Such research would consider
and attempt to model the simultaneous effects of intraindividual, dyad,
and (at least) work group or social network level forces as these impinge
on person perception phenomena (e.g., Emrich, 1999; Moore, Smith,
& Gonzalez, 1997). Moreover, here, we are thinking of more than just
the need to account for one-way or linear dynamics. Thus an embedded
systems approach would also require the study of perceptual processes
as they become as much a cause as the consequence of contextual forces
(Law & Wong, 1999). And this would, more often than not, have to
involve longitudinal designs (Dansereau, Yammarino, & Kohles, 1999).
Admittedly, this is no easy mandate to follow, but it is the path to more
powerful and useful models.
Although an embedded perspective is difficult to describe verbally, it
is perhaps even more challenging to portray in a diagram. In this regard,
we are fortunate to have an example offered by Katz and Kahn (1978) in

their treatment of role theory and role taking-making processes. Figure 1.3
reflects our adaptation of these ideas used in the service of illustrating the
embedded perspective we are advocating.
In the interest of space, we do not endeavor to detail the linkages in
this figure. Besides, in light of our treatment in this chapter of person
perception phenomena and of the importance of the social context, the
implications of each are all too obvious. However, it is worth noting the
way that this figure attempts to capture the dynamic and reciprocal nature
of forces affecting social perception. To this end, we again refer the reader
to the social interactions that provide behavioral cues for social judgments
and inferences as illustrated in Fig. 1.1. These various interactions are
embedded within Fig. 1.3. Specifically, the linkages preceded by 1
represent the cues used by the perceiver in understanding the target,
including the target’s attributes (1 A; e.g., surface features, traits, etc.), the
target’s relationship with the perceiver (1B; e.g., similarity, in-group vs.
out-group status), and the target’s behavioral responses to the perceiver’s
initial judgments, behavior, or both (1C).
All linkages preceded by 2 represent the behavior of the perceiver in
response to the target, including the perceiver’s inferences made directly
on the basis of the target’s attributes (2A), the perceiver’s inferences made
indirectly through his or her interactions with the target (2B), and the
perceiver’s expectations resulting from earlier iterations of the inference
process (2C). Furthermore linkage 2B shows that the surface features or
initial behavior of the target may elicit reactions on the part of the perceiver,
which in turn, bring about subsequent target behavior that provides
additional cues to the perceiver on which to base target inferences.
Linkages 3 through 6 illustrate how other social agents also provide
behavioral cues on which inferences can be based. Specifically, both
the target’s behavior toward other social agents (3) and their behavior
toward the target (4) provide such information. Also, cues are given by
the perceiver’s behavior toward other social agents (5), and their behavior
toward the perceiver (6) (i.e., “social proof”).
We recommend that Fig. 1.3 (or something like it) be used as a template
for those interested in modeling the social perception component embedded
in applied problematics in work organizations. Alternatively, if the reader
is the one responsible for dealing with such applied problems as featured
in this book, then the diagram could easily serve as a diagnostic tool,
serving to guide inquiry and analysis and, ultimately, inform the design of
an intervention or the management of change.
Characteristics
of Perceiver ................
2A
1/
Interpersonal IC
Perceiver
Task Perceiver Target Perceiver
Judgments and 2B
Expectations Behavior Inferences
Behavior
and Social
Context 2C
5 3/ 1#
/ /
t ~ ,,, ,
6 \. • Other
,,: / 4
, /
Social Agents' /
'. Judgments and
Behavior
IB . . . .\
.
.................... "'..................
35
FIG. 1.3. Embedded perspective of person perception in applied context. Adapted from Katz & Kahn (1978). Reprinted by
permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
CONCLUSIONS
The scientific literature dealing with person perception and social cognition
that we have reviewed in this chapter presents a dynamic and complex
picture of such processes. Although some of what has been uncovered
recently may reinforce popular views and prevailing practices, most of
what we have highlighted calls for substantial rethinking of how person
perception operates to affect decisions and behavior. Most significantly,
as we have pointed out, anyone interested in this area must now come to
appreciate the importance of affect, motives, and goals as these influence
social judgments. Although people may sometimes be dispassionate in
their observations and assessments of others, it is far more likely that they
will be ego involved because there are personal consequences that follow
as social judgments translate to decisions or actions. Thus, we have tried
to give weight to the interplay of motives with heuristical and diligent
information processing. Moreover, in this chapter we have stressed the
role and impact of the context for person perception, especially as the
context influences the quality and nature of inferences about others. In this
regard, we feel that the field is finally ready to acknowledge that person
perception is as much a social as it is an individual phenomenon.
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HOW PEOPLE EVALUATE OTHERS

Gregory Bedny and David Meister

Michael T.Brannick, Eduardo Salas, and Carolyn Prince

Jeanette N.Cleveland, Margaret Stockdale, and Kevin R.Murphy

James E.Driskell and Eduardo Salas

Sidney A.Fine and Steven F.Cronshaw

Sidney A.Fine and Maury Getkate

J.Kevin Ford, Steve W.J.Kozlowski, Kurt Kraiger, Eduardo Salas,

Uwe E.Kleinbeck, Hans-Henning Quast, Henk Thierry, and

Martin I.Kurke and Ellen M.Scrivner

Robert F.Morrison and Jerome Adams

Michael D.Mumford, Garnett Stokes, and William A.Owens

Kevin R.Murphy and Frank E.Saal

Heinz Schuler, James L.Farr, and Mike Smith

John W.Senders and Neville P.Moray

LAWRENCE ERLBAUM ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS

Copyright © 2001 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc

Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers

Cover design by Kathryn Houghtaling Lacey

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

How people evaluate others in organizations/edited by Manuel London.

HF5548.8 .H65 2001

ISBN 1-4106-0060-2 Master e-book ISBN

I SOCIAL COGNITION AND PERSON PERCEPTION

1 Person Perception in Organizations: An Overview of the Field 5

2 Causes and Consequences of Stereotypes in Organizations 45

3 Person Perception in Employment Interviews 67

4 Executive Promotion and Selection 91

5 The Role of Dimensions and Exercises in Assessment

6 Performance Appraisal: Person Perception Processes and Challenges 135

7 Multisource Feedback Ratings: What Do They Really Measure? 155

8 Leadership and Perceiver Cognition: Moving Beyond First

9 Training Effectiveness: Assessing Training Needs, Motivation,

10 Coaching in Organizations 221

11 Understanding, Assessing, and Intervening with

12 Cultural Frames and Values Affecting Employment Practices 279

13 Frame Attribution and Positional Framing in Negotiation 295

14 Group Dynamics and Shared Mental Model Development 309

15 Virtual Teams: Implications for E-Leadership and

16 Toward a Comprehensive Understanding of Person Perception

There is a compelling need for innovative approaches to the solution of

judgment, and situational conditions. The book then builds on these

An important part of human resource management and industrial and

I am indebted to the contributors to this volume for agreeing to participate

Herman Aguinis is Associate Professor of Management and Director

Bruce J.Avolio is Professor and Director of the Center for Leadership

Janet L.Barnes-Farrell is Associate Professor of Industrial and

Talya N.Bauer, Ph.D., Purdue University, is Associate Professor of

Douglas J.Brown is Assistant Professor of Industrial and Organizational

Janis A.Cannon-Bowers is Senior Research Psychologist in the Science

Jeff T.Casey is Associate Professor of Management and Policy at the

Lisa M.Donahue is currently a doctoral candidate in industrial and

Rex Dumdum is an Adjunct Professor of Management Information

Stephen M.Fiore is a Ph.D. candidate in cognitive psychology at the

Susan T.Fiske, Professor of Psychology, Princeton University, previously

Surinder Kahai is Associate Professor of Management Information

Richard J.Klimoski is Professor of Industrial and Organizational