Nur Jahan's Junta
Nur Jahan's Junta
Nur Jahan's Junta
CONTEMPORARY SOURCES
According to MUTAMAD KHAN, Nur Jahan’s father,
Itmaduddaula, and brother Asaf Khan had risen to such
prominence that they had control over practically all important
affairs of the Empire
In the Jahangirnama, however, the Emperor states that his
decision to promote Itmaduddaula and Asaf Khan was due to
their seniority in service and experience in the affairs of
government
BENI PRASAD
Put forward the theory of Nur Jahan’s Junta, consisting of
herself, her father, her brother and Prince Khurram
Argues that the Junta consolidated its power by filling most
vacancies in the imperial service with its own creatures to an
extent that its favour was the sole passport to honour and rank,
naturally rousing the jealousy and hostility of other nobles
In consequence, the court was split into two factions during
this period – adherents to the Junta and the rival party whose
candidate for the throne was Prince Khusrau
Also ascribes the rebellion of Khurram in 1622 and the break-
up of the Junta to Nur Jahan’s machinations
o Felt Khurram’s dominant personality would relegate her
to the background should he come to power
o She instead favoured Shahriyar, who was married to her
daughter from her first marriage, Ladli Begum
EUROPEAN SOURCES
Testimonies such as those of Sir Thomas Roe spoke of
Khurram’s alliance with Nur Jahan, and the existence of a
faction in court which controlled most of the power
However, these were based on the evidence of rumours and
hearsay in court
CRITIQUE
His theory of the Junta was severely criticized by other modern
scholars
NURUL HASAN
The main rise of Itmaduddaula and his family took place after
1616
Also, at this time, Nur Jahan’s family was not the only one to
rise to prominence as even families who were hostile to the so-
called Junta benefitted
Even nobles such as Mahabat Khan were favoured by the
Emperor, despite lack of support from the Junta
Thus, he argues that promotions were fairly well spread out
and it would not be correct to assume that the sole passport to
promotion was the favour of the Junta or Nur Jahan
SATISH CHANDRA
No contemporary sources present concrete evidence of such a
factional alliance between 1611 and 1620
Despite that, even European sources spoke of an estrangement
between Khurram and Nur Jahan
He argues that there was no coincidence of interests between
Nur Jahan and Khurram as Nur Jahan’s main interest was the
protection and preservation of Jahangir’s position while
Khurram had his eyes on the throne
Khurram’s own position was due to him proving himself in the
Mewar campaign and leading Mughal forces in the Deccan
He was granted unprecedented zat and sawar rank of 30,000,
accorded a chair in the durbar near the throne and was given
the jagir of Hisar-Firuza, considered the domain reserved for
the crown prince
NURUL HASAN
There were many factions among the nobles that intrigued
against each other, but no single group succeeded in ousting
the others from positions of power
IRFAN HABIB
Though relations of Nur Jahan held high positions throughout
the Empire, it did not mean that the entire Mughal nobility
came to be divided into two groups – the protégés and
supporters of Nur Jahan’s family and the older nobility
It has been suggested that the family of Nur Jahan formed the
core of the Persian (Khurasani) element in the Mughal nobility,
and that its rise represented the predominance of this section,
though there is little evidence to suggest that the Persians as a
class rallied together under the banner of Nur Jahan
ANSWER
Beni Prasad’s thesis has come under severe criticism from modern
historians, who do not find anything concrete in his conjecture.
Contemporary sources such as the Jahangirnama, for instance,
mention that the Emperor promoted Itimaduddaula and Asaf Khan
purely on merit. Nurul Hasan was vehement in his criticism of
Prasad’s theory, arguing that Itimaduddaula and his family began to
gain prominence after 1616, well into the rule of Jahangir.
Additionally, a survey of records reveals that his was not the only
noble family that rose. Even nobles like Mahabat Khan, who was not
on good terms with Nur Jahan and her alleged Junta, managed to
receive favour from the Emperor. Promotions were fairly well spread
out and it seemed unlikely that the sole passport to power lay with
Nur Jahan’s faction.
Satish Chandra argued against the idea that Nur Jahan and Prince
Khurram formed an alliance. He said that neither did any
contemporary sources record any such alliance, nor was there a
coincidence of interests between the two. Nur Jahan looked to
preserve the power of the throne of her husband, while Khurram had
his eyes firmly set on the throne. As for the records of Europeans,
Chandra states that this was based mainly on court gossip and
hearsay. Khurram’s rise, according to Chandra, was due to his success
in the campaigns against Mewar and in the Deccan. He was accorded
an unprecedented zat and sawar rank of 30,000 and given the jagir of
Hisar-Firuza, said to be reserved for the crown prince.
Irfan Habib, too, critiqued Beni Prasad’s view, arguing that though
there was much intrigue between noble factions in the Mughal court,
there is no evidence to suggest that these factions were those allied
with Nur Jahan and those against. His explanation was that Nur
Jahan’s family formed the core of the Persian (Khurasani) element in
the court, which was most powerful at the time. However, he states
that this did not mean that the Persian nobility rallied around Nur
Jahan.
Hence, it is clear that though Nur Jahan was certainly a more hands-
on queen than others, it is hardly conclusive that there existed a
group headed by her that was the actual power behind the throne.
Some credit must go to Jahangir in the achievements of the Mughals
in that period, and that Nur Jahan’s personality was such that it
elicited such conjecture.