The History of Isaiah

The Formation of the Book

and its Presentation of the Past

Edited by
Jacob Stromberg and J. Todd Hibbard

Mohr Siebeck

Digital copy - for author´s private use only - © Mohr Siebeck 2021
Jacob Stromberg, born 1974; D. Phil. Oxford; since 2011 Lecturer in Old Testament at Duke
University.
orcid.org/0000-0002-4002-4918
J. Todd Hibbard, born 1968; PhD University of Notre Dame; since 2011 Associate Professor
of Religious Studies, University of Detroit Mercy.
orcid.org/0000-0003-1010-9184

ISBN 978-3-16-156097-2 / eISBN 978-3-16-160805-6

DOI 10.1628/978-3-16-160805-6
ISSN 0940-4155 / eISSN 2568-8359 (Forschungen zum Alten Testament)
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 Table of Contents

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V

Part 1
Perspectives on Studying the History of Isaiah
Shawn Zelig Aster
The Contribution of Assyriology to the Study of Isaiah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

Stephen B. Chapman
Delitzsch’s Fourth Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

J. Blake Couey
Poetry and Composition in the Book of Isaiah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47

Christopher B. Hays
Linguistic Dating of Hebrew Prophetic Texts:
A Quantitative Approach with Special Attention to Isaiah 24–27 . . . . . . . . . . 69

Noam Mizrahi
Isaiah between Transmission and Reception:
Isaiah 58:13–14 according to 4QIsan (4Q67) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115

J. J. M. Roberts
Isaiah 14:24–27: Genuine Isaianic Expectations or Josianic Redaction?
A Critical Evaluation of the Theory of a Major Josianic Edition
of the Isaianic Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131

Christopher R. Seitz
The Presentation of History in the Book of Isaiah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145

Ronald L. Troxel
Textual Criticism and Diachronic Study of the Book of Isaiah . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

Archibald L. H. M. van Wieringen

A Tale of Two Worlds: A Synchronic Reading of Isaiah 7:1–17 and Its
Diachronic Consequences for the Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179

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 Table of Contents

Part 2
The Biblical Traditions and the History of Isaiah
Avigail Aravna
Sending Subtle Threads of Influence into the Past:
A Reexamination of the Relationship between Isaiah 24:6
and Jeremiah 23:10 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199

Ulrich Berges
“Sing to the LORD a New Song”:
The Tradents of the Book of Isaiah and the Psalter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213

Anja Klein
Praying Exodus: Biblical History in the Prayer of the Servants
(Isa 63:7–64:11) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239

Andreas Schüle
Remember Abraham – or not: Ancestral Traditions in the Book of Isaiah . . 255

Ethan Schwartz
Mirrors of Moses in Isaiah 1–12 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269

Jacob Stromberg
Hezekiah and the Oracles Against the Nations in Isaiah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297

Philip Yoo
Torah Yet to Come: Divine Activity in Isaiah 56–66 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341

Part 3
The Ancient Near East and the History of Isaiah
Peter Dubovský
Inverting Assyrian Propaganda in Isaiah’s Historiography:
Writing the Hezekiah-Sennacherib Conflict in the Light
of the Ashurbanipal-Teumman War . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365

Joachim Eck
Metamorphoses of a Tyrant: Isaiah 14:4b–21 Read in Its Wider Context . . . 407

Judith Gärtner
The Kabod of YHWH: A Key Isaianic Theme
from the Assyrian Empire to the Eschaton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 431

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 Table of Contents

J. Todd Hibbard
A Fortschreibung from the Assyrian Crisis of 701:
Isaiah 30:18–26 as an Update to Isaiah 30:8–17? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 447

Reinhard Müller
“Ashur Will Be Terror Stricken”:
Isaiah 30:27–33 as Inverted Political Prophecy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 461

Kim Lan Nguyen

Cyrus: A Righteousness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 475

Konrad Schmid
Theological Interpretation of Assyrian Propaganda in the Book of Isaiah . . 493

Daniel J. D. Stulac
Go-out from Babylon/There!:
A Canonical Approach to Departure in Isaiah 48:20 and 52:11 . . . . . . . . . . . . 503

Marvin A. Sweeney
Reading the Final Form of Isaiah as a Persian Period Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 527

H. G. M. Williamson
Decoding Isaiah 13 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 539

Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 551

Index of Ancient Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 553

Index of Modern Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 583

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 Theological Interpretation of Assyrian Propaganda
in the Book of Isaiah

Konrad Schmid

Discussions of Assyrian influence on the book of Isaiah1 are ultimately indebted

to the approach of the history of religions school, which originated in the late
nineteenth century in Göttingen with scholars such as Hermann Gunkel, Wil-
helm Bousset, Hugo Gressmann, Bernhard Weiss, and others.2 This group was
fascinated by the archaeological finds in Egypt and Mesopotamia and concluded
that the Bible had to be interpreted in light of its corresponding religious-his-
torical context.
This naturally caused significant turmoil in both academia and the church.
Some feared the uniqueness of the Bible might be in danger, and there were
times when adherents of the history of religions school overstated their point.
A good example is the so-called Babel-Bibel-Streit, which arose after a lecture
on Jan. 13, 1902, by the Assyriologist Friedrich Delitzsch on the topic “Babel
and the Bible” in the presence of the Emperor Wilhelm II.3 Delitzsch suggested
that the Bible is not a text sui generis, but basically a copy of its Mesopotamian
literary precursors.
There is no doubt that Delitzsch exaggerated his point, especially in his
subsequent work and publications, and he was rightly criticized for falling into
a kind of pan-Babylonism. His approach even provoked public mockery: his
enthusiasm for Babylonia made its way into one of the most prominent satire
magazines of the time, the Simplicissimus.4
It is fair to say that current biblical scholarship entertains a quite balanced
approach to evaluating ancient Near Eastern sources with regard to its subject.
It is commonly accepted that it is not only possible, but even necessary to take
these texts into account if they provide analogies or parallels to biblical materials.

1 See particularly Matthijs J. de Jong, Isaiah among the Ancient Near Eastern Prophets:
A Comparative Study of the Earliest Stages of the Isaiah Tradition and the Neo-Assyrian Propecies,
VTSup 117 (Leiden: Brill, 2007). On the history of research in this respect, see Konrad Schmid,
“Jesaja als altorientalisches Buch: Aspekte der Forschungsgeschichte,” HeBAI 6 (2017): 7–25.
2 See Gerd Lüdemann and Alf Özen, “Religionsgeschichtliche Schule,” TRE 28 (1997):
618–24.
3 See Reinhard G. Lehmann, Friedrich Delitzsch und der Babel-Bibel-Streit, OBO 133
(Fribourg: Academic Press; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989).
4 Cf. Thomas Theodor Heine (1867–1948), Simplicissimus 7/52, March 24 (1903): 409.

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494 Konrad Schmid

A particular boost in that regard has been provided by scholarship on the

book of Deuteronomy, especially by Moshe Weinfeld, Bernard M. Levinson,
Hans Ulrich Steymans, Eckart Otto, and others.5 They demonstrate how
Deuteronomy is shaped after the model of Neo-Assyrian vassal treaties while
simultaneously altering that model in a subversive manner.
As for the book of Isaiah, already Bernhard Duhm’s seminal commentary
from 1892 prominently includes the comparative perspective among the main
tasks of his analysis of the book.6 According to him, the three main objectives
of his commentary were: 1. ascertaining the text; 2. exploring what the authors
actually say and intended to say; and 3. a “conscious cultural- and religio-his-
torical critique of the book in order to protect it from the raids of dogmaticians
of all colors.”7
How to interpret such cross-cultural and cross-religious connections is, of
course, open to debate. First, one needs to assess the quality of a parallel. Is a
parallel to be understood in terms of a literal adoption or a tradition-historical
borrowing? Or are similarities due to various groups’ similar reactions to similar
historical experiences? All of these are possible, and conclusions should be drawn
on a case by case basis. Second, and this is even more important, one must ask:
What is the significance of such thematic connections in terms of content?
When discussing the book of Isaiah and its Neo-Assyrian affiliations in par-
ticular, a very basic observation regarding genre is in order: There are basically
two possible approaches for assessing Assyrian influences on the book of Isaiah.
One possibility is to consider the records of Neo-Assyrian prophecy made avail-
able by Manfred Weippert, Simo Parpola, Martti Nissinen and others,8 which
5 Cf. Moshe Weinfeld, “Traces of Assyrian Treaty Formulae in Deuteronomy,” Bib 46
(1965): 417–27; Hans-Ulrich Steymans, Deuteronomium 28 und die adê zur Thronfolge-
regelung Asarhaddons: Segen und Fluch im Alten Orient und in Israel, OBO 145 (Fribourg:
Academic Press; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995); idem, “Deuteronomy 28 and
Tell Tayinat,” Verbum et Ecclesia 34 (2013): 1–13; Bernard M. Levinson, Deuteronomy and
the Hermeneutics of Legal Innovation (New York: Oxford, 1997); Eckart Otto, Das Deutero-
nomium: Politische Theologie und Rechtsreform in Juda und Assyrien, BZAW 284 (Berlin: de
Gruyter, 1999); Bernard M. Levinson and Jeffrey Stackert, “Between the Covenant Code
and Esarhaddon’s Succession Treaty: Deuteronomy 13 and the Composition of Deuteronomy,”
JAJ 3 (2012): 123–40; differently Carly L. Crouch, Israel and the Assyrians: Deuteronomy, the
Succession Treaty of Esarhaddon, and the Nature of Subversion, ANEM 8 (Atlanta: Society of
Biblical Literature, 2014).
6 Bernhard Duhm, Das Buch Jesaja, HKAT III/11 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1892). On Duhm, see Henning Graf Reventlow, “Die Prophetie im Urteil Bernhard Duhms,”
ZTK 85 (1988): 259–74; Rudolf Smend, Deutsche Alttestamentler aus drei Jahrhunderten (Göt-
tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989), 114–28.
7 Duhm, Das Buch Jesaja, IV. Original text: “1. die Sicherung des Textes, 2. Heraus-
zustellen, ‘was die Autoren eigentlich sagen und sagen wollen’ und 3. das Achten auf ‘bewusste
kultur- und religionsgeschichtliche Kritik’, damit das Jesajabuch vor ‘Razzien der Dogmatiker
aller Farben’ gefeiht sei.”
8 Simo Parpola, Assyrian Prophecies, SAA 9 (Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1997);
Martti Nissinen, Prophets and Prophecy in the Ancient Near East, WAW 12 (Atlanta: Society

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 Theological Interpretation of Assyrian Propaganda in the Book of Isaiah 495

especially Matthijs de Jong’s dissertation has evaluated.9 The other possibility is

to survey the wider Neo-Assyrian text corpus beyond the genre of prophetic lit-
erature. What kind of contacts can one detect between these texts and the book
of Isaiah? Both approaches are legitimate. However, in my view the second one
is more promising because the book of Isaiah’s interaction with Neo-Assyrian
sources focused more on Neo-Assyrian ideology than on Neo-Assyrian proph-
ecy.
The relevance of Neo-Assyrian prophecy pertains mostly to aspects of pos-
sible forms of prophetic messages in the ancient Near East – how these messages
were written down, organized, structured, and used as written texts. With regard
to theological content, they are of rather minor importance due to the often
unremarkable message of Neo-Assyrian prophets. In most cases, they simply
function to support and legitimate royal policies. In addition, these Neo-Assyr-
ian prophecies were probably unknown in Judah.
The decidedly richer material outside the specifically prophetic texts from
Assyria are much more important for understanding the book of Isaiah than
the Neo-Assyrian prophecies. In the aftermath of Peter Machinist’s seminal
1983 essay, this kind of inquiry into Neo-Assyrian motifs in the book of Isai-
ah belongs to the indispensable repertoire of Isaiah scholarship.10 Machinist
primarily demonstrates the close proximity of certain texts of Isaiah to Assyrian
propaganda. Recent scholarship has pressed the question a bit further, attempt-
ing to understand the nature of this process of reception in more detail. Good
examples of such an investigation appear in the works of Friedhelm Hartenstein
and Reinhard Müller.11 Their insights concern the specific interpretation and
of Biblical Literature, 2003); Manfred Weippert, “Aspekte israelitischer Prophetie im Lichte
verwandter Erscheinungen des Alten Orients,” in Ad bene et fideliter seminandum: Festschrift
für Karlheiz Deller, ed. Gerlinde Mauer and Ursula Magen, AOAT 220 (Kevelaer: Butzon
& Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1988), 287–319; idem, Weippert, “As-
syrische Prophetien der Zeit Asarhaddons und Assurbanipals,” in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions:
New Horizons in Literary, Ideological and Historical Analysis, ed. Frederick M. Fales, OAC 17
(Rome: Istituo per l’Oriente, 1981), 71–115; idem, “Die Bildsprache der neuassyrischen Pro-
phetie,” in Beiträge zur prophetischen Bildsprache in Israel und Assyrien, ed. Helga Weippert
et al., OBO 64 (Fribourg: Academic Press; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1985), 55–93
(these articles are reprinted in Manfred Weippert, Götterwort in Menschenmund: Studien zur
Prophetie in Assyrien, Israel und Juda, FRLANT 252 [Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
2014]). Martti Nissinen, “Die Relevanz der neuassyrischen Prophetie für die alttestamentliche
Forschung,” in Mesopotamica – Ugaritica – Biblica: Festschrift für Kurt Bergerhof, ed. Manfried
Dietrich and Oswald Loretz, AOAT 232 (Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Neukirchener Verlag, 1993), 217–58; idem, References to Prophecy in Neo-Assyrian Sources, SAA
7 (Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1998); idem, Ancient Prophecy: Near Eastern, Biblical,
and Greek Perspectives (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018); Jonathan Stoekl, Prophecy
in the Ancient Near East: A Philological and Sociological Comparison, CHANE 56 (Leiden: Brill,
2012).
9 See n. 1.
10 Peter Machinist, “Assyria and Its Image in the First Isaiah,” JAOS 103 (1983): 719–37.
11 Friedhelm Hartenstein, Die Unzugänglichkeit Gottes im Heiligtum: Jesaja 6 und der

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496 Konrad Schmid

transformation of the content of the Neo-Assyrian propaganda borrowed by the

Isaiah tradition, which is a significant step beyond the traditional evaluation of
Assyrian material in the book of Isaiah.
In what follows, this approach shall be presented through examples from the
core of the Isaiah tradition in Isa 6–8. One very significant piece by Hartenstein
discusses Isa 8:5–8 from this perspective.12 This textual unit addresses judg-
ment on Judah following the announcement of judgment upon Damascus and
Samaria in 8:1–4:13
And YHWH spoke to me again as follows:
Because this people has rejected the gently flowing waters of Shiloah,
and rejoice14 with Rezin and the son of Remaliah;
therefore, my Lord is bringing up against them
the powerful and mighty waters of the river,
the king of Assyria, and all his glory (‫;)את־מלך אׁשור ואת־כל־כבודו‬
and it will rise above all its channels
and it will go up over all its banks;
it will pass on into Judah flooding and overflowing,
it will reach up to the neck;
and its outspread wings (‫ )מטות כנפיו‬will fill the breadth of your land, O Immanuel.

This text is replete with allusions to Neo-Assyrian rhetoric and ideology. First,
the text uses the metaphor of a flood to illustrate the devastating power of As-
syria. Assyria is the strong and mighty waters of the river, i. e., the Euphrates that
the Lord is bringing upon Jerusalem. Verse 7 immediately explains the meaning
of this metaphor: the king of Assyria.
This water imagery is well known from Assyrian royal inscriptions. Esarhad-
don, for example, describes his military campaign as follows:
Wohnort JHWHs in der Jerusalemer Kulttradition, WMANT 75 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukir-
chener Verlag, 1997); idem, Das Archiv des verborgenen Gottes: Studien zur Unheilsprophetie
Jesajas und zur Zionstheologie der Psalmen in assyrischer Zeit, Biblisch-Theologische Studien 74
(Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2011); Reinhard Müller, Ausgebliebene Einsicht:
Jesajas ‘Verstockungsauftrag’ (Jes 6,9–11) und die judäische Politik am Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts,
Biblisch-Theologische Studien 124 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2012).
12 See on this in more detail Konrad Schmid, “The Origins of the Book of Isaiah,” in Sibyls,
Scriptures, and Scrolls: John Collins at Seventy, ed. J. Baden et al., JSJSup 175 (Leiden: Brill,
2017), 1166–185.
13 Nonetheless, it is not altogether clear to what 8:5–8 should be related. Menahem Haran,
“Isaiah as a Prophet to Samaria and His Memoirs,” in Genesis, Isaiah and Psalms, ed. Katherine
Dell et al., VTSup 135 (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 95–103, 100, paraphrases the text as follows: “In
the second stanza (5–10) God further says to Isaiah that, since ‘this people,’ which is Ephraim,
‘has spurned the gently flowing waters of Siloam’ that symbolize the Davidic dynasty, and
rejoices with the son of Remaliah, God will bring on Ephraim ‘the mighty, massive waters of
the Euphrates, the king of Assyria,’ that shall ‘flow over all its channels, and overflow and pass
[even] through Judah reaching up to the neck’ – reach only – and ‘his outspread wings will fill
the breadth of your land,’ but nothing is said of destroying Judah.”
14 See the textual discussion in J. J. M. Roberts, First Isaiah: A Commentary, Hermeneia
(Minneapolis: Fortress, 2015), 132.

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 Theological Interpretation of Assyrian Propaganda in the Book of Isaiah 497
“Like a raging eagle, with outspread wings, I went like the flood (abūbāniš) in front of my
army.”15

This passage is also relevant for the second metaphorical element of Isa 8:5–8
borrowed from Assyrian rhetoric, the outspread wings of an eagle. For the trans-
lation and interpretation of Isa 8:8 these “outspread wings” (‫ )מטות כנפיו‬have
long presented a problem: how does this fit with the imagery of the flood? Some
Bibles and commentaries therefore decided to translate (‫ )מטות כנפיו‬as “outer
margins” – linking them to the flood that will cover the breadth of the land.
However, the Neo-Assyrian parallel of the Esarhaddon text shows that the
images of the eagle and the flood go very well with one another and seem to
have been adopted here. The king of Assyria can appear as a flood and as an
eagle at the same time. But how should one interpret this reception of Assyrian
motifs? Notably, Isa 8:5–7 does not change the Assyrian rhetoric in the book of
Isaiah. When talking of the king of Assyria and his power, the book of Isaiah
consciously adapts the Assyrian ideology. The king of Assyria indeed comes up
against Judah as a flood and as an eagle.
The implicit theological argument behind that usage is as follows: God him-
self summons the Assyrian king and brings him and his army against Israel and
Judah. And because the Assyrian king is sent by God himself, his propaganda is
acceptable even from a Judean point of view.
A specific, even dramatic theological argument is provided by the wording
“the king of Assyria, and all his glory (‫ ”)את־מלך אׁשור ואת־כל־כבודו‬used in 8:7.
This expression looks like a gloss, and it even might be one because it goes
beyond the flood image and explains what the flood denotes: the king of Assyria.
Nevertheless, whether a gloss or not, the interpretation applied by the expres-
sion to the context is obviously correct.16 The important element is the mention
of the king’s “glory” (‫)כבוד‬. The king of Assyria’s “glory” is important because
it steers the perspective back to Isa 6:3, where the term “glory” also appears (in
addition to “fill” and “this people”). In Isa 6:3, the entire world is filled with the
“glory” of God or, to be more precise: the whole world is identified as God’s
glory. In Isa 8:7 the “glory” of the king of Assyria impresses Judah;‫ כבוד‬functions
here as the Hebrew equivalent for the Akkadian term melammu, “radiance.” “In-
stead of Yhwh’s ‘glory,’ Assyria’s ‘radiance’ appears – God himself having given
it space.”17

15 Nin. E II, 6–10, Rylke Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, König von Assyrien, AfO 9
(Osnabrück: Biblio Verl, 1967): 65.
16 The LXX has καὶ before the expression καὶ τὸ πολύ τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Ἀσσυρίων καὶ τὴν
δόξαν αὐτοῦ and thus connects this expression more smoothly into its context.
17 Hartenstein, Archiv, 11. Cf. H. G. M. Williamson, “‘From One Degree of Glory to
Another’: Themes and Theology in Isaiah,” in In Search of True Wisdom, ed. Edward Ball,
JSOTSup 300 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1999), 174–95; idem, Holy, Holy, Holy: The Story
of a Liturgical Formula, Julius-Wellhausen-Vorlesung 1 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2008), 32 n. 40.

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498 Konrad Schmid

Isa 6:3: And one called to another and said: Isa 8:7: Therefore, my Lord
“Holy, holy, holy is bringing up against them
is YHWH Sabaoth; the powerful and mighty waters of the river,
the fullness of the whole earth the king of Assyria,
is his glory (‫)כבודו‬.” and all his glory (‫)כבודו‬.

To highlight this as clearly as possible: The correspondence between Isa 6:3

and 8:7 argues that God’s cosmic and universal glory temporarily recedes with
regard to Judah in favor of the glory of the king of Assyria.
In terms of its logical structure, this statement is not completely unprecedent-
ed in the theological evaluation of political events in the Levant. In the Mesha
Stela, the king of Moab states:
Omri was king of Israel and oppressed Moab over many days because Chemosh was angry
with his land.

The theological reason for Moab’s oppression is similar to the argumentation in

Isa 6–8: Chemosh is angry with his own land of Moab, and only for this reason
is Israel, guided by its own god Yahweh, able to oppress Moab severely.18
A remarkable difference takes place, however, in Isa 6:3 and 8:7. These verses
do not operate within the concept of Yhwh’s anger, but with his glory, which he
temporarily withdraws. “Anger” is, so to speak, a divine emotion. God’s “glory,”
however, is the substance of God’s earthly presence itself. God changes the over-
all nature of his presence to the cosmos: his yielding to the Assyrians is a cosmic
phenomenon.
Another element stemming from Assyrian propaganda appears in Isa 6:11, as
Reinhard Müller has shown:
‫ואמר ﬠד־מתי אדני ויאמר ﬠד אׁשר אם־ׁשאו ﬠרים מאין יוׁשב ובתים מאין אדם והאדמה תׁשאה ׁשממה׃‬
And I said, “How long, O Lord?” And he said: “Until cities lie waste without inhabitant,
and houses without people, and the land is utterly desolate.”

Scholars have often claimed that 6:11 postdates the catastrophe of 587 BCE be-
cause of the emphasis on the motif of the “devastated land.” However, as Müller
has convincingly argued, this motif fits very well into the Neo-Assyrian rhetoric
used in vassal treaties from the seventh century, which also announce the dev-
astation of the land for not complying with a treaty. Isaiah 6:11 may even be
aware of such punishments by the Neo-Assyrian army of disloyal vassals, such
as Matʾiel from Arpad in 740 BCE. What kind of prophetic hermeneutics are be-
hind these receptions and adaptations of Neo-Assyrian propaganda in the book
of Isaiah? What can one learn about the self-understanding of the prophetic

18 See Reinhard G. Kratz, “Chemosh’s Wrath and Yahweh’s No: Ideas of Divine Wrath in
Moab and Israel,” in Divine Wrath and Divine Mercy in the World of Antiquity, ed. Reinhard
G. Kratz and Hermann Spieckermann, FAT II/33 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008), 92–121.

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 Theological Interpretation of Assyrian Propaganda in the Book of Isaiah 499

authors of the book of Isaiah from their adaptations of Neo-Assyrian material,

in which they – to put it bluntly – accept and integrate the enemy’s propaganda
into their own theological argumentation?
Two points shall be discussed here, though others can probably be made as
well. One concerns the pragmatics of Isa 6–8, the other the theology of this cross-
cultural reception. First, for the pragmatics of Isa 6–8, it is crucial to see that
neither Isa 6 nor Isa 8 are meant to be proclaimed to those it actually concerns,
that is the Jerusalemites or Judah. Isaiah 6 and 8 are divine messages addressed
and revealed solely and exclusively to the prophet Isaiah.19
But of course, God’s message for Isaiah is now made available to the readers
of his book. How is this astonishing feature of Isa 6 and 8 to be interpreted? Why
does the book not claim that Isaiah should forward this message to his people?
That is generally the basic task of a prophet: they are messengers.
The answer seems to be the following: These texts in Isa 6 and 8 do not serve
the purpose of informing the public; they serve as theological legitimation of
the prophet’s message of doom for the reader. This clearly is also the rationale
behind the famous divine command to Isaiah in Isa 6:9–10 to prevent the people
from understanding his message. Such a command apparently presupposes the
failure of his prophetic activity and reflects upon it. Isaiah 6 and 8 inform the
reader of two things with regard to Isaiah: Isaiah’s prophecy against Judah was
not his own invention, and the failure of this prophecy was part of the plan from
the very beginning.
And this leads to the second point. The implicit theological arguments
presented above apparently serve the same task of legitimizing the prophet,
particularly in the eyes of the reader of his book. They provide a theological
argument for why God, whose glory is all over the cosmos, can allow the success
of Assyria’s military campaigns and its plans to destroy Judah. According to Isa 6
and 8, Assyria is a divine tool.20
Of course, this idea is not limited to Isa 6 and 8 but also appears elsewhere in
the book of Isaiah, most prominently, for instance in Isa 10:21
‫הוי אׁשור ׁשבט אפי ומטה־הוא בידם זﬠמי׃‬
‫בגוי חנף אׁשלחנו וﬠל־ﬠם ﬠברתי אצונו לׁשלל ׁשלל ולבז בז ולׂשימו מרמס כחמר חוצות׃‬

19 Cf. Odil Hannes Steck, “Beiträge zum Verstehen von Jes 7,10–14 und 8,4,” in Wahr-
nehmungen Gottes im Alten Testament, TB 70 (Munich: Kaiser, 1982), 187–203, esp. 200 n. 50.
20 See Konrad Schmid, “Zeit und Geschichte als Determinanten biblischer Theologie: Un-
tersuchungen zum Wandel des Geschichtsverständnisses im Alten Testament,” in Schriftgelehrte
Traditionsliteratur: Fallstudien zur innerbiblischen Schriftauslegung im Alten Testament, FAT 77
(Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011), 299–321.
21 See on this Peter Machinist, “‘A h Assyria …’ (Isaiah 10:5ff ): Isaiah’s Assyrian Polemic
Revisited,” in Not Only History: Proceedings of the Conference in Honor of Mario Liverani Held
in Sapienza-Università die Roma, Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, 20–21 April 2009 (Wi-
nona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2016), 183–217, for the ambiguities in 10:5–6 see 188–90.

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500 Konrad Schmid

Ah, Assyria, the rod of my anger, the club in their hands is my fury! Against a godless
nation I send him, and against the people of my wrath I command him to plunder (its)
plunder and to take (its) booty, and to tread them down like the mire of the streets.
(Isa 10:5–6)

It is easy to see that Isa 10 seems to be earlier than Isa 6–8, as Isa 6–8 synthesizes
the concept of Isa 10 in a more fundamental way by integrating it into the inter-
play between God’s and Assyria’s ‫כבוד‬. Note further that Isa 10 still calls upon
the concept of God’s anger, so its argument is considerably more traditional than
Isa 6–8, quite similar to the Mesha Stela. Furthermore, Isa 10 probably provides
the source for ‫ מהר ׁשלל חׁש בז‬in Isa 8:1, which also suggests the historical priority
of Isa 10 over Isa 6–8.
The notion of God’s glory belongs to the core elements of the traditional
Jerusalemite theology of the first temple, as many texts especially from the
Psalms suggest. Isaiah 6 and 8 activate this concept by means of an intercultural
and interreligious argument: God’s glory is of cosmic dimension and prevalent.
But there are also competing glories in the world, such as the one of the king of
Assyria. These competing glories, however, can only be effective and successful,
if God provides space for them. Isaiah 6 and 8 thus attempt to reconcile the theo-
logical notion of God’s universal glory with the empirical notion of the king of
Assyria’s glory in a way allowing God to limit his glory.
If the observation is correct that Isa 6 and 8 draw upon the notion of God’s
anger in Isa 10, then one can recognize the theological development from Isa 10
to Isa 6 and Isa 8 as a systematization and rationalization of how to understand
God and his actions in the world. Isaiah 6 and 8 balance their notion of God
between the historical experience of Assyria’s military success and the acknowl-
edgment of the theological legitimacy of Assyria’s power. By adopting the Assyr-
ian concept of melammu as the counterpart of the meaning of ‫ כבוד‬in Hebrew,22
Isa 6 and 8 take a decisive step towards that inclusive notion of monotheism that
has become so important in the history of biblical literature.

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22 See Thomas Wagner, Gottes Herrlichkeit: Bedeutung und Verwendung des Begriffs
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