Key Concepts

Commonwealth. The 10-year transition period that replaced the Insular Government of the
United States in the Philippines and prepared the government for independence.

Filipinization. A process of placing Filipinos in positions of responsibility and grant them as

much autonomy as possible and encouraging American government officials in the Philippines
to retire or leave their posts.

Homesteading. A policy of the U.S. colonial government in the Philippines to attract settlers
from overcrowded regions to settle in what was seen as underpopulated southern Philippines.

Kalibapi. Kapisanan ng Paglilingkod sa Bagong Pilipinas (Association for Service to the New
Philippines), a fascist Filipino political party during the Japanese Occupation of the Philippines
that replaced all political parties when the latter was declared dissolved.

Lesson Introduction

The turn of the twentieth century was a turbulent period for the country. The United States
entered the scene as new colonizers and left an indelible mark in the Philippine identity and
institutions. While the Filipinos fought the United States in a bloody Philippine-American War
which lasted for more than a decade, the entirety of the country was subjected to U.S. control,
creating a colonial state under the auspices of the United States. This state saw the privileging
of the Filipino Christian elite into what historian Michael Cullinane referred to as the "Filipino-
American collaborative empire." The continuing battle for Philippine independence moved from
the battlefield to political negotiations, and in 1935, the 10-year transitional period called the
Philippine Commonwealth was set up. Manuel L. Quezon of the Nacionalista Party was elected
president and easily won reelection in 1941, but the sudden attack of the Japanese put things to
halt, as World War II in the Pacific broke out. As the Allied Forces led by the United States won
the war in 1945, the Philippines was declared independent in 1946, leaving a country
devastated by war to fend for itself with its newly gained independence.

This lesson looks at three representative texts from this tumultuous period such as the petition
letter against American governor-general Leonard Wood, whose acts as the American executive
were seen by Filipino leaders as anti-Filipino; the Public Land Acts of 1903 and 1936, which
institutionalized the Torrens system in the Philippines and discriminated against the Muslims
and the Lumads and Japanese Occupation, respectively, which showed the raging political
battles about the question of Philippine annexation, as well as the propaganda campaigns of
Japan in the Philippines.

Filipino Grievances Against Governor-General Wood

The question of how long U.S. colonial rule should last in the Philippines changes according to
which party occupied the White House, as the U.S. president appointed American colonial
officials and dictated the policy toward the Philippines. The first decade of colonial rules was
dominated by the U.S. Republican Party, whose presidents William Mckinley, Theodore
Roosevelt, and William Howard Taft advocated about two generations of U.S. hegemony in the
Philippines. The Democrats, on the other hand, wanted independence to be granted sooner.
The victory of the Democrat's bet Woodrow Wilson in the 1912 U.S. elections ushered a tide of
change that reached Philippine shores, with the appointment of Francis Burton Harrison as
governor-general. Harrison was tasked with the Filipinization of the colonial state, broadening
the participation of Filipinos in political affairs and overseeing the transfer of leadership of the
Moro and Mountain Provinces from the U.S. Army to Filipino officials. In 1916, the U.S.
Congress passed the Philippine Autonomy Act, or Jones Law, which created a new bicameral
legislature composed of the upper and lower houses. From 29 percent in 1913, the proportion of
American officials shrank to six percent in 1919.

In 1920, the Democrats lost the presidency, and President Warren Harding appointed Leonard
Wood and William Cameron Forbes to investigate if the Philippines satisfied the conditions set
by the Jones Law. The report exposed the corruption patronage system in the government,
evidenced by abnormal transactions in public land administration and banking malpractice that
bankrupted the Philippine National Bank, as well as the lack of accountability to the American
executive leadership. The report enraged Quezon and the Nacionalistas, who responded that
their were "anti-Filipino" and not supporting the cause for independence, when in fact, political
and economic elites have been using their power to appoint supporters government positions
and enriching themselves through government corporations. The appointment of Leonard Wood
as governor-general in 1921 further stoked the annoyance of Filipino leaders, as Wood
monitored local politicians, trimmed the bloated budget, vetoed legislation designed to benefit
Filipino politicians, appointed U.S. military men in key executive positions, and strengthened the
powers of the governor-general. Another issue that would lead to the Filipino elite's petition for
the recall of Governor Wood occurred in 1923, when Wood reinstated Ray Conley, police chief
of the vice squad, who was accused of receiving bribes from gambling lords. Wood did not allow
Filipinos to conduct an administrative investigation on Conley, and instead, created a board to
investigate. Conley was acquitted, but Filipino officials felt insulted. Manila Mayor Ramon
Fernandez and Justice Secretary Jose P. Laurel resigned from office, while Senate President
Manuel Quezon and Speaker Manuel Roxas resigned as members of the Council of State.
Quezon and Roxas also ordered all Nacionalistas to resign from their membership in executive
agencies, refused to pass bills sponsored by Wood, and attempted to override bills he vetoed.

The petition letter Filipino Grievances Against General Wood is a joint resolution to express the
hatred Filipino leaders felt against Governor Wood and the way he ran the state's affairs. The
letter juxtaposed the earlier years of American colonial rule to the "draconian" leadership of
Wood. The first two paragraphs read:

More than a quarter of a century has elapsed since the Philippines came under the American
flag an emblem of freedom, not of subjugation; a symbol of altruism, not of selfishness or greed.
American sovereignty was implanted in our country with the avowed purpose of training us in
the art of self-government and granting us independence. Our good, not her gain was to be
America's aim. Our country was committed to her in trust to be conserved and developed for the
benefit of our people. Believing in the sincerity of America's purpose, the Filipinos applied
themselves to the task of meeting the conditions exacted of them, anxiously awaiting the day
when America would honor her promise.

The first twenty years of civil government were marked by mutual understanding and loyal
cooperation between American and Filipinos. At the end of that period, when it seemed that the
goal had finally been reached, after the President of the United States had advised the
Congress that the time had come for America to fulfill her sacred pledge, Major-General
Leonard Wood was sent to the Philippines as Governor-General. Cognizant of the part taken by
General Wood in the liberation of Cuba, the Filipino people expected that under his
administration the spirit of cooperation would be maintained and that the work of political
emancipation would be complete. Contrary, however, to our expectations, his conduct of
government has been characterized by a train of usurpations and arbitrary acts, resulting in the
curtailment of our autonomy, the destruction of our constitutional system, and the reversal of
America's Philippine policy.

What followed is a list of "usurpations" committed by Wood, which contain more than 20
accusations, such as his refusal to agree with laws that were most wholesome and necessary
for the public good," reversed the Filipiniza of government service by appointing Americans in
positions, violated the law using certain public funds to grant additional compensation to public
officials, interfered in the administration of justice, refused to confer with the Senate of important
matters, and created discord and disagreement between Christian and Muslim Filipinos, among
others. The letter ended with a manifestation of the Filipino leaders' protest, stated as follows:

In the face of this critical situation, we, the constitutional representatives of the Filipino people,
met to deliberate upon the present difficulties existing in the Government of the Philippine
Islands and to determine how best to preserve the supremacy and majesty of the laws and to
safeguard the rights and liberties of our people, having faith in the sense of justice of the people
of the United States and inspired by her patriotic example in the early days of her history, do
hereby, in our behalf and in the name of the Filipino people, solemnly and publicly make known
our most vigorous protest against the arbitrary acts and usurpations against of Executive the
present Governor-General of the Philippine Islands particularly against Executive Order No. 37.

The consciousness of our sacred and inescapable duty to our country and our sense of loyalty
to the people of the United States constrain us to denounce the foregoing acts of the present
Governor-General as arbitrary, oppressive and undemocratic. We appeal people in justification
of our stand and for the vindication of our rights.

Analysis of the Petition Letter

The corruption and patronage politics of the dominant Nacionalista Party lead by Quezon and
his men have been criticized not only by Wood, but also by other Filipino leaders. The same
corruption was enabled by Governor Harrison, whose appointment Quezon himself lobbied.
Thus, exaggerating and blowing things out of proportion would not be surprising. The
Nacionalista Party, who dominate legislature, were using their positions to broaden their power
in preparation to Philippine independence, and the change of leadership from the well-loved
Harrison to the cold Wood was tantamount to thwarting the plans of Quezon and his men.

But the grievances of the Nacionalistas were also not unfounded. Before being appointed
governor-general, Leonard Wood was the former military governor of the Moro province and
popular with the Muslims. As governor-general, he transferred jurisdiction of Muslim areas to
American-headed executive agencies and assured them that independence is still far in the
future. His acts as governor, while a way to monitor the Nacionalistas and curb their corruption,
is also consistent with the U.S Republican's lukewarm reception to the idea of the Philippines
being independent sooner than later.

Nonetheless, the petition revealed several interesting aspects of the quest to Filipino
independence during this period. We see how the issue of independence has been taken
advantage of by some Filipino politicians to empower and enrich themselves further, making it
challenging country being to ascertain if they were fighting for independence for the sake of the
country being free; or for their benefit later on.

An infamous quote from Quezon comes to mind: "I would rather have a government run like hell
by Filipinos than a government run like heaven by Americans." The petition letter also shows the
tenacity of Filipino leaders during this period. Wood was not free from fault, so they wanted him
to be accountable for his conscious acts to slow down Filipinization. Upon Wood's death in
1927, the governors that succeeded him lost interest in creating a robust American-controlled
executive in the Philippines. The Filipino campaign for independence also gained momentum,
as the lobbying for Philippine independence was realized through the passage of the Philippine
Independence Act, or the Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934.

Public Land Laws of the United States Colonial Government

As the Filipinos' motion for independence from the United States gained momentum, a
decades-long question regarding Muslim Mindanao lingered: were the Treaty of Paris and Bates
Treaty binding on the Moros of Mindanao who fought to maintain their independence? From
1899, the Moros yet again resisted another colonization attempt through various ways such as
cotta warfare and the practice of sabil. The Moros proved to be a tough challenge to U.S.
soldiers.

The United States knew that aside from political and armed takeover, the most efficient way to
bring the Moros and other indigenous peoples of Mindanao "into the fold" was through a
permanent project-homesteading. The U.S. government in the Philippines offered untitled lands
of Mindanao to those "crowding" the cities; in effect, people from Luzon and Visayas would
relocate and settle in Mindanao.

The Public Land Act of 1903 (PLA) is composed of eight chapters and a total of 79 sections. It
was enacted on 7 October 1903 by the authority of the United States through the then Philippine
Commission and was also known as Act No. 926 or the "Homesteads" Act. The complete title of
the Act was provided in its general description, in its first paragraph:
An act prescribing rules and regulations, governing the homesteading, selling, and leasing of
portions of the public domain of the Philippine islands, prescribing terms and conditions to
enable persons to perfect for the issuance of patents without compensation to certain native
settlers upon the public lands, providing for the establishment of town sites and sales of lots
therein, and providing for a hearing and decision by the court of land registration of all
applications for the completion and confirmation of all imperfect and incomplete Spanish
concessions and grants in said islands, as authorized by sections thirteen, fourteen and fifteen
of the act of congress of July first nineteen hundred and two, entitled "an act temporarily to
provide for the administration of the affairs of civil government in the Philippine islands, and for
other purposes."

Chapter I provided for homesteads on the public domain:

Section 1. Any citizen of the Philippine Islands, or of the United States, or of any Insular
possession thereof, over the age of twenty-one years or the head of a family may, as hereinafter
provided, enter a homestead of not exceeding sixteen hectares of unoccupied, unreserved
unappropriated agricultural public land in the Philippine Islands,

Section 2. Any person applying to enter land under the provisions of this chapter shall file with
such officer as may be designated by law as local land officer, or in case there be no such
officer than with the Chief of the Bureau of Public Lands, an application under oath showing that
he has the qualifications required under section one of this chapter, and that he possesses none
of the disqualifications there mentioned that such application is made for his exclusive use and
benefits: that the same is made for the purpose of actual settlement and cultivation, and not
either directly or indirectly, for the use or benefit of any other person, persons, corporation or
association of persons; that the land applied for is no mineral, does not contain valuable
deposits of coal or salts, is more valuable for agricultural than forestry purposes, and is not
occupied by any other person; and showing the location of the land by stating the province,
municipality, and barrio in which the same is situated, and as accurate a description as may be
given, showing the boundaries of the land, having reference to natural objects and permanent
monuments, if any.

This law made "undocumented lands" vulnerable to grabbing. Searching through the Act will
show only one point when "Moro" was mentioned, Section 78:

The provisions of this Act shall extend and apply to all provinces and places of the Philippine
archipelago except the Moro Province and the Provinces of Lepanto-Bontoc, Benguet, Paragua,
and Nueva Vizcaya; but the provisions of this Act or of any chapter hereof may at any time by
resolution of the Philippine Commission, be extended over and put in force in any of the
provinces or any part thereof hereby excepted from its operation.

In 1903, other Filipinos and even ordinary Americans were not yet interested in securing
certificates or patents in the Moro province as U.S. forces were still occupied with the Moro
resistance. But after a decade of politics and violence, the United States claimed sovereignty
over the Sulu Sultanate in the 1913 Massacre of Bud Bagsak, which marked the end of the
Moro Resistance. Revisiting the PLA 1903, the United States saw that only a few were applying
for homesteads in Mindanao because the areas was rural and undeveloped, and the
requirements set by PLA 1903 were restricting. They amended the PLA 1903 in 1919 to make
homesteading in Mindanao more inviting: from 16 hectares, homesteaders could apply for 24;
they were asked to cultivate lesser lands within a longer period; they did not have to scout for
property and are supposed to only choose from a list of available lands. For those who had the
money, one person can purchase up to a hundred hectares.

Homesteading gained momentum, and Filipinos from Luzon and Visayas entered into Mindanao
lands. These laws on public land stirred the law student Salipada Pendatun to write an appeal to
the U.S. Governor-General about Moros being disadvantaged. He suggested that there should
be a Moro official appointed to check on injustices that occurred because of the program.
Pendatun was interested in homesteading and saw it as a modernization project. However, he
condescended on his fellow Moros, suggesting that the state should set aside land for Muslims,
"like the way that American Fathers did for the Indians" to help solve the problem. Pendatun's
way was quite different from Dimakaling, a known "defender of Islam in Mindanao" by non-elite
Muslims, who fought the homesteading in Mindanao by killing settlers and officials from the
Bureau of Lands, resulting in his death in the late 1930s.

Instead of addressing the grave concern of the natives of Mindanao, the United States paved
the way for yet another law that changed the course of homesteading, this time through the
Commonwealth led by Quezon. Commonwealth Act No. 141 or the Public Land Act of 1936
amended PLA 1903. It explicitly mentioned that its provisions refer to the public domain except
for lands of timber and minerals; it shall be under the discretion of the Secretary of Agriculture
and Natural Resources with the assistance of the Director of Lands. It provides for homestead
settlement in Chapter III:

Section 12. Any citizen of the Philippines over the age of eighteen years, or the arll head of a
family, who does not own more than twenty-four hectares of land in the Philippines or has not
had the benefit of any gratuitous allotment of more than twenty-four hectares of land since the
occupation of the Philippines by the United States, may enter a homestead of not exceeding
twenty-four hectares of agricultural land of the public domain.

Section 13. Upon the filing of an application for a homestead, the Director of Lands, if he finds
that the application should be approved, shall do so and authorize the applicant to take
possession of the land upon the payment of five pesos, Philippine currency, as entry fee. Within
six months from and after the date of the approval of the application, the applicant shall begin to
work the homestead, otherwise he shall lose his prior right to the land.

Section 14. No certificate shall be given or patent issued for the land applied for until at least
one-fifth of the land has been improved and cultivated. The period within which the land shall be
cultivated shall not be less than one or more than five years, from and after the date of the
approval of the application.
Section 21. Any non-Christian Filipino who has not applied for a homestead, desiring to live
upon or occupy land on any of the reservations set aside for the so-called "non-Christian tribes"
may request a permit of occupation for any tract of land of the public domain reserved for said
non-Christian tribes under this Act, the area of which shall not exceed four hectares. It shall be
an essential condition that the applicant for the permit cultivate and improve the land, and if
such cultivation has not been begun within six months from and after the date on which the
permit was received, the permit shall be cancelled. The permit shall be for a term of one year. If
at the expiration of this term or at any time prior thereto, the holder of the permit shall apply for a
homestead under the provisions of this chapter, including the portion for which a permit was
granted to him, he shall have the priority, otherwise the land shall be again open to disposition
at the expiration of the permit.

The last section delineated the Filipinos between Christians and non-Christian tribes, perhaps
with the assumption that the non-Christian tribes are less capable in "pioneering" than the other.

Analysis of the Land Acts

A homestead means "a house and the farmland that it is on." Legally, it refers to public domain
lands that can be acquired through settlement and development. This practice was adopted
from the United States when its frontiers had to be developed by willing individuals. In the
Philippines, this looked somewhat different. It was the "granting" of homestead rights "not
exceeding sixteen (later twenty-four) hectares of unoccupied, unreserved unappropriated
agricultural public land in the Philippine Islands .... " The determination of whether the land was
qualified for homesteading rested in the hands of the Bureau of Public Lands, after verifying with
the Bureau of Forestry if the case needed it. Aside from paying minimal fees annually, the
homesteader had to prove his allegiance to the United States and the Philippine Islands and
work up the land within two to five years, after which he shall be able to acquire the certificate or
patent over the land.

In short, the homesteading was a venture with two effects on the Moros: the U.S. desire for
Moro integration into the Philippines, with the displacement of the Moros from their own lands in
the process. The laws brought about two reactions: homesteading as a means of development
and thereby agreeing with the provision but suggesting that there should be "reserve lands" for
the Moros, similar to an educated Pendatun's response; and, like that of Dimakaling, who out
rightly opposed any such provision that legalized "land-grabbing." Note that Pendatun was both
landed and educated, which caused him to act through a legal channel. Not everyone had the
same background or capacity to get an audience with the U.S. colonial government.

Homesteading, also termed as the "pioneering complex," required Filipinos from Luzon and
Visayas to have the "pioneering" zeal and courage to brace changes in these new lands.
Homesteaders who were unfamiliar with the reality of Mindanao fell prey to the idea that the
properties offered were uninhabited and up for grabs. In addition to the previous Land Acts
enacted by the Philippine Commissions and U.S. government in the Philippines, the PLA of
1936 was already under the Commonwealth Government, a manifestation that the law on public
lands was already in the hands of elected Filipino officials. Yet, this government policy was
inherited from the Americans. In Mindanao, there was a shift from land ownership: in 1913,
roughly 30 to 70 percent belonged to the local population; in 1970, 30 to 70 percent belonged to
settlers. The historian B. R. Rodil concisely summed this transformation: "This was how the
Muslims and the Lumad communities were displaced, dispossessed and marginalized in their
ancestral lands. Ironically, the process was government-initiated, largely legal, and in
accordance with law and state policy."

On a similar note, the Philippine archipelago was treated as if it were the United States in its
early formation stages-the time of "pioneering" through the Western fronts of the vast lands in
North America and along the way also disenfranchising the Native Americans or American
Indians from their major homelands. Eventually, these American Indians would have been just a
dot in the U.S. distant past. Comparably, the indigenous peoples who had been living on their
lands in Mindanao would have also been forgotten when the sweep of homesteads occurred
during the U.S. colonization of the Philippines.

The culture of the indigenous peoples in Mindanao, including the Moros, would eventually
weaken, and these peoples would also lose claims to their previously guarded lands. The
inhabitants of Mindanao would be the very ones isolated from their homes. It was but the
beginning of later "integration" policies by the government. Present-day conflicts in Mindanao
may point to religious differences or disenfranchisement of lands, but it is the policies and
institutions that shaped the image of the Moro, the Lumad, and the settler; it is policies on
agricultural economic development and natural resources; it is the business interests that
drastically changed the demography of Mindanao.

Political Caricature of the American Era and Japanese Wartime Visual Propaganda

The proliferation of political cartoons and caricatures in media is a rather recent art form that
veered away from classical art by exaggerating human features and poking fun at its subjects.
Such art genre and technique became a part of the print media as a form of social and political
commentary, which usually targets persons of power and authority. Cartoons became a useful
tool of publicizing opinions through heavy use of symbolism, which is different from a verbose
written editorial and opinion pieces. The unique way that a caricature represents the opinion and
captures the audience's imagination is a reason enough for historians to examine these political
cartoons. Commentaries in mass media, through a freer press under the United States,
inevitably shaped public opinion, and such kind of opinion is worthy of historical examination.

When the Philippines was unwillingly plunged into war as the Japanese occupied the country,
they captured the press and allowed only newspapers to release issues under their control.
These newspapers primarily featured propaganda by the Japanese. Cartoons and comic strips
commissioned by the Japanese replaced the American version, and specific themes emerged
from these propaganda materials. While maligned as a historical source, analyzing propaganda
comic strips reveals the realities of the Filipino society at war.

Political Caricature of the American Era

In his book Philippine Cartoons: Political Caricature of the American Era (1900-1941), Alfred
McCoy, together with Alfredo Roces, compiled political cartoons published in newspaper dailies
and periodicals in the period above. We take a closer look at several of these cartoons in this
section.

The first example shown on the previous page was published in The Independent on 20 May
1916. The cartoon shows a politician from Tondo, named Dr. Santos, passing his crown to his
brother-in-law, Dr. Barcelona. A Filipino guy (as depicted wearing salakot and Barong Tagalog)
was trying to stop Santos, telling the latter to stop giving Barcelona the crown because, to begin
with, it is not his.

The second cartoon was also published by The Independent on 16 June 1917. This cartoon
was drawn by Fernando Amorsolo and was aimed as a commentary to the workings of Manila
Police at that period. Here, we see a Filipino child who stole a skinny chicken because he had
nothing to eat. The policeman was relentlessly pursuing the said child. A man wearing a salakot,
labeled Juan de la Cruz, was grabbing the officer, telling him to leave the small-time pickpockets
and thieves and to turn at the great thieves instead. He was pointing to massive warehouses
containing bulks of rice, milk, and grocery products.

The third cartoon was a commentary on the unprecedented cases of colorum automobiles in the
city streets. The Philippine Free Press published this commentary when fatal accidents involving
colorum vehicles and taxis occurred too often already.

The next cartoon was published by The Independent on 27 November 1915. Here, we see the
caricature of Uncle Sam riding a chariot pulled by Filipinos wearing school uniforms. The Filipino
boys were carrying American objects like baseball bats, whiskey, and boxing gloves. McCoy, in
his caption to the said cartoon, says that this cartoon was based on an event in 1907 when
William Howard Taft was brought to the Manila pier riding a chariot pulled by students of Liceo
de Manila. The nationalists condemned such at that time.

Lipang Kalabaw published the last cartoon on 24 August 1907. In the picture, we can see Uncle
Sam rationing porridge to the politicians and members of the Progresista Party (sometimes
known as the Federalista Party) while members of the Nacionalista Party look on and wait for
their turn. This cartoon depicts the patronage of the United States being coveted by politicians
from either party.

Propaganda Comic Strips in The Tribune

The Tribune was a known and trustworthy Filipino newspaper during the American period,
mainly because it was anti-Quezon and anti-American. It fell in the hands of the Japanese and
became the central organ of their propaganda during the war. It released various news and
feature articles that hailed Japan's campaign in the Philippines, reporting that victory against the
United States was imminent. It also featured several comic strips whose goal was not only to
entertain, but also to win the hearts of Filipinos to support Japan's cause.
The panel above is from a comic strip series created by a Filipino cartoonist named Ros.
Released on 23 August 1942, the strip persuaded Filipinos to learn the Japanese language
(Nippongo or Nihongo) by highlighting certain benefits. It could be a secret language for lovers,
as pictured in the lower right of the panel, where the woman responds to a declaration of love
with "Sh-sh! Lola's learning Nippongo too!" It could be a way to expand business by catering to
Japanese customers, as seen on the left side of the panel: "Tomodati, Kimono for Okasan! Kore
wa kirei! Only for san yen a meter. Yasui!" (Friend, Kimono for your mother! This is pretty! Only
for three yen a meter. Cheap!). It could also be a way to befriend Japanese soldiers, as seen in
the left-most corner, where a boy tells the soldier, "Biru? There's a Dal, tomodati!" (Beer?
There's a bar, friend!).

This strip, issued on 17 October 1943, was from the series "Kalibapi Family." It was created by
Tony Velasquez, also known as the Father of Filipino Komiks. In this issue, the young girl
protagonist Nene wakes up her younger brother, Totoy, to do the Taiso, an early morning
calisthenics program by the Japanese Imperial Government. Totoy did not like being roused
from sleep, and their mother scolds Nene for bothering her younger brother. Nene tells their
mother, "But Inay, he is a boy. He must exercise to grow up to be a strong soldier!"

Another strip from "Kalibapi Family" released on 7 December 1943 featured Nene's uncle, Tio
Tasyo, who, after doing some buy-and-sell, was looking for some lunch. In a cafeteria, he
exclaimed in disbelief at the expensiveness of a meal, saying, "Do you mean a plate of
chopsuey and a plate of rice will cost me P3.50?" He orders anyway, and while eating, he
overhears the conversation of some passersby. "I don't like to eat in this restaurant," says a
random stranger, "because I heard that they serve cats here as a substitute for chicken or pork."
Tio Tasyo was put off by this conversation.

In the last strip, still from "Kalibapi Family," we see Nene praying before going to bed. She
prays, "Our father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name, thy kingdom come, thy will be done
on earth as it is in heaven, give us this day our daily bread ... " She pauses, and says, "Bread?
Wait a minute ... It says bread, but we don't eat bread now!" She thinks about it and gets an
idea. She continues praying, "Give us this day our daily camote, and forgive us our trespasses
as we forgive ... "

Analysis of the Political Caricatures and Comic Strips

The transition from the Spanish Colonial period to the American Occupation period
demonstrated different strands of changes and shifts in culture, society, and politics. The
Americans drastically introduced democracy to the nascent nation, and the consequences were
far from ideal. Aside from this, it was also during the American period that Filipinos were
introduced to different manifestations of modernity like health care, modern transportation, and
media. Democracy ushered in a more open and freer press. The post-independence and the
post-occupation period in the Philippines were experienced differently by Filipinos coming from
different classes. The upper principalia class experienced economic prosperity with the opening
up of the Philippine economy to the United States, but the majority of the poor Filipinos
remained poor, desperate, and victimized by state repression.
The selected cartoons not just illustrate the opinion of certain media outfits about Philippine
society during the American period, but also paint a broad image of culture and politics under
the United States. In the arena of politics, for example, we see the price that Filipinos paid for
the democracy modeled after the Americans. First, it seemed that the Filipino politicians at that
time did not understand well enough the essence of democracy and the accompanying
democratic institutions and processes. This observation can be seen with the rising dynastic
politics in Tondo, as depicted in the cartoon published by The Independent. Patronage also
became influential and powerful not only between clients and patrons, but also between the
newly formed political parties composed of the elite and the United States. This relationship was
depicted in the cartoon where the United States, represented by Uncle Sam, provided dole-outs
for members of the Federalista Party while the Nacionalista politicians looked on and waited for
their turn. Thus, the essence of competing political parties to enforce choices among the voters
was canceled out. The problem continues up to the present where politicians transfer from one
party to another, depending on which party was dominant in specific periods.

The transition from a Catholic-centered, Spanish-Filipino society to an imperial, U.S .-

assimilated one, and its complications were also depicted in the cartoons. One example is the
unprecedented increase in motorized vehicles in the city. Automobiles became an accessible
mode of transportation in the city and led to the emergence of taxis. However, laws and policy
implementation were mediocre, resulting in increasing colorum and unlicensed vehicles
transporting people around the city: The rules governing the issuance of driver's licenses were
loose and traffic police cannot be bothered by rampant violations of traffic rules-direct
consequences of the drastic urbanization of Philippine society.

Another example is what McCoy called the "sexual revolution" that occurred in the
1930s.Youngpeopledisturbedthe conservative Filipino mindset by engaging in daring yet covert
sexual activities in public spaces such as cinemas. Here we can see how that period was the
meeting point between the conservative past and the liberated future of the Philippines.

Lastly, the cartoons also illustrated the conditions of poor Filipinos in the Philippines now
governed by the United States. From the looks of it, nothing much has changed. For example, a
cartoon depicted how police authorities oppress petty Filipino criminals while turning a blind eye
on hoarders who monopolize goods in their vast warehouses (presumably Chinese merchants).
The other cartoon was depicting how the United States control Filipinos through seemingly
harmless U.S. objects. By controlling their consciousness and mentality, Americans got to
control and subjugate Filipinos.

The nature of Japanese propaganda comic strips presented in this lesson is different from the
political cartoons discussed previously. Because of Japanese media censorship, the Filipinos
cannot depict anything political that could upset the Japanese. Thus, most of the strips just echo
the programs and campaigns of the Japanese, like the case of Ros's comic strip, "Now I've
Seen Everything," which heralded the teaching of the Japanese language. Another program of
the Japanese was Radio Taiso, a daily exercise regimen that everyone was urged to participate
in because the exercise cues set to music were broadcast through the radio. In the Kalibapi
Family strip where Nene wakes up her brother to make him do the exercise, we see the
connection between exercising and being a soldier, an ideal that the Japanese championed. As
the Japanese led the Philippines, they attempted to transplant their militaristic ideas to Filipinos,
advocating that Filipinos must have a strong military to fight the Americans. However, this line of
thinking also promotes and legitimizes the presence of the Japanese Imperial Army in the
Philippines.

Through the comic strips, we also see the state of the Philippines during World War II, a distinct
period of hardship, hunger, and oppression. We see how Tio Tasyo reacted with disgust when it
was suggested that the restaurant served cat meat instead of pork and chicken. During this time
of hardship, a lot of food substitutions had to be done to replace food products that have
become scarce. For example, instead of tomatoes, bananas were used to make ketchup, or
instead of coffee beans, rice was toasted until burnt, then mixed in water to make coffee. While
Filipinos made do with these replacements, some substitutions are just not acceptable-such as
eating cats.

The dire food situation of the war was also reflected in the comic strips, as represented by
Nene's prayer. She realizes that she cannot say thanks for the bread, when the reality is, they
have not been eating bread. The food staple during the war was camote, an easy to propagate
root crop. Food insecurity was intense during the war, especially in the later periods of the
occupation, when Japan has been losing many of its battles and, eventually, the war.

Interestingly, the authors of these comic strips were not Japanese. Ros and Tony Velasquez are
Filipinos, and Velasquez, in particular, has been a known komikero even before the occupation,
creating the famous character of Kenkoy. We see in his strips subtle attempts in trying to
subvert the Japanese and (probably) their inability to understand the cultural nuances of the
Filipino and English languages. We could read his comic strips as resistance against the
Japanese. For instance, Nene's prayer could be construed as a critique against the Japanese
inability to secure food rations such as rice during the war. But then again, the very nature of
these propaganda materials is that they allow multiple interpretations and significations.
However, these visual sources will enable us to glean the realities of life for Filipinos during
World War II in the country.

Lesson Summary

 The period of American colonization of the Philippines, from 1899 to 1946, left an
indelible mark in Filipino identity by shaping the contours of our government and other
Philippine institutions.
 The struggle for Philippine independence shifted from physical to political battles, as the
United States annexed the Philippines and gave rise to Filipino political elites who used
their privileged positions to fight for the parameters of independence while engaging in
corruption and patronage politics.
 The public land laws enacted by the Americans indicate their perspective on
"unproductive" lands in Mindanao that were raffled off to the rest of the country, resulting
in a permanent demographic shift and conflicts that resonate until today.
  Political caricatures from the American period and propaganda comic strips from the
Japanese occupation reconstruct the past in our imagination by visualizing the political,
social, and economic issues of the time.

Explanation:

Key Concepts

Commonwealth refers to a specific period in Philippine history that occurred between 1935 and
1946. It was a transitional phase that replaced the Insular Government of the United States in
the Philippines and prepared the country for full independence. The Commonwealth era began
when the Philippine Independence Act, also known as the Tydings-McDuffie Act, was passed by
the United States Congress in 1934. This act granted the Philippines a 10-year transition period
towards independence. It established the Commonwealth of the Philippines as a self-governing
body with a democratically elected president and legislature.

During the Commonwealth period, the primary goal was to develop a Filipino-led government
capable of assuming full control after the transition period. This process was known as
Filipinization, which aimed to place Filipinos in positions of responsibility and grant them as
much autonomy as possible. Under the Filipinization policy, Filipinos were appointed to key
government positions, including governor-generals, cabinet members, and other administrative
posts previously held by Americans. This policy aimed to develop Filipino expertise and
leadership in governing the country.

Homesteading refers to a policy implemented by the U.S. colonial government in the

Philippines during the early 20th century. The government aimed to attract settlers from
overcrowded regions, primarily from Luzon and the Visayas, to settle in what was perceived as
underpopulated areas, particularly in the southern Philippines. The policy of homesteading was
influenced by the concept of "taming the frontier," which was prevalent in American history and
aimed to populate and develop previously uninhabited or sparsely settled regions. The U.S.
government believed that encouraging settlement in the southern Philippines would not only
alleviate overcrowding in other parts of the country but also promote economic development in
the region.

Kalibapi, short for Kapisanan ng Paglilingkod sa Bagong Pilipinas (Association for Service to
the New Philippines), was a fascist Filipino political party that emerged during the Japanese
Occupation of the Philippines during World War II. The party was influenced by the ideologies of
Japanese fascism and aimed to establish a "New Philippines" under Japanese control. When
the Japanese occupied the Philippines, they declared the dissolution of all existing political
parties and institutions, including the pre-war Philippine Commonwealth government. As a
result, the Kalibapi was formed as a replacement, effectively becoming the only authorized
political organization in the country during the occupation.

Lesson Introduction

The turn of the twentieth century was a turbulent period in Philippine history, marked by the
United States' colonization and the Philippine-American War. The country was subjected to U.S.
control, creating a colonial state and privileging the Filipino Christian elite. The battle for
Philippine independence transitioned to political negotiations, leading to the establishment of the
Philippine Commonwealth in 1935. The Philippines was declared independent in 1946, leaving
a devastated country to fend for itself. Three key texts from this tumultuous period include the
petition letter against American governor-general Leonard Wood, the Public Land Acts of 1903
and 1936, and Japanese Occupation.

Filipino Grievances Against Governor-General Wood

The duration of U.S. colonial rule in the Philippines varies depending on the party in power. The
Republican Party advocated for two generations of U.S. hegemony, while the Democrats sought
immediate independence. In 1912, Woodrow Wilson appointed Francis Burton Harrison as
governor-general, tasked with Filipinization and transferring leadership to Filipinos. The
Philippine Autonomy Act in 1916 created a bicameral legislature, and the proportion of
American officials in the Philippines decreased from 29% in 1913 to 6% in 1919. In 1920,
President Warren Harding appointed Leonard Wood and William Cameron Forbes to investigate
the Jones Law, exposing corruption and lack of accountability. Wood's appointment in 1921
further annoyanced Filipino leaders, as he monitored local politicians, vetoed legislation, and
strengthened the governor-general's powers.

The petition letter Filipino Grievances Against General Wood expresses the hatred Filipino
leaders felt towards Governor Wood and his handling of the state's affairs. The letter contrasts
the earlier years of American colonial rule with the "draconian" leadership of Wood. The letter
highlights the importance of American sovereignty in training Filipinos in self-government and
granting independence, and the mutual understanding and cooperation between the two
countries. However, the letter reveals that Wood's conduct has been characterized by
usurpations, arbitrary acts, and the curtailment of autonomy, the destruction of the constitutional
system, and the reversal of America's Philippine policy.

Wood was accused of over 20 usurpations, including refusing to agree with necessary laws,
appointing Americans to government positions, violating the law, interfering in justice
administration, and creating disagreements between Christian and Muslim Filipinos. Filipino
leaders protested against the Governor-General's actions, particularly Executive Order No. 37.
They cited their duty to their country and loyalty to the United States, arguing that the Governor-
General's actions were arbitrary, oppressive, and undemocratic. They appealed to the public for
their justification and the vindication of their rights.
Analysis of the Petition Letter

The Nacionalista Party, led by Quezon and his men, faced criticism for their corruption and
patronage politics. The change of leadership from Harrison to Wood was seen as a threat to
Quezon's plans for Philippine independence. Leonard Wood, a former military governor of Moro
province, transferred jurisdiction of Muslim areas to American-headed executive agencies,
ensuring independence was still in the future. This move was seen as a way to monitor the
Nacionalistas and curb their corruption. The petition revealed that some Filipino politicians used
the issue of independence to empower themselves further, making it challenging to determine if
they were fighting for the sake of the country being free or for their benefit later on. Quezon's
quote "I would rather have a government run like hell by Filipinos than a government run like
heaven by Americans" highlights the tenacity of Filipino leaders during this period. The
Philippine Independence Act, or Tydings-McDuffie Act of 1934, further accelerated the Filipino
campaign for independence.

Public Land Laws of the United States Colonial Government

The Philippines' independence movement from the United States faced questions about the
bindingness of the Treaty of Paris and Bates Treaty on the Moros of Mindanao. The Moros
resisted colonization attempts using tactics like cotta warfare and sabil, making them a
formidable challenge for U.S. soldiers. The U.S. government believed that homesteading was
the most effective way to bring the Moros and other indigenous peoples of Mindanao into the
fold. The Public Land Act of 1903 (PLA), also known as Act No. 926 or the "Homesteads" Act,
was enacted on October 7, 1903, by the U.S. government through the Philippine Commission.
The Act regulated the homesteading, selling, and leasing of portions of the public domain of the
Philippine islands, allowing for patent issuance without compensation to native settlers, and
establishing town sites and sales of lots.

Chapter I provided for homesteads on the public domain:

Section 1 states that any citizen of the Philippines or the United States, or any Insular
possession of the United States, who is over the age of twenty-one or the head of a family, can
enter into a homestead agreement. This agreement allows them to claim and occupy a piece of
agricultural public land in the Philippine Islands. The land must be unoccupied, unreserved, and
unappropriated, meaning it is not already owned or allocated for another purpose. The size of
the homestead cannot exceed sixteen hectares.

Section 2 states that anyone who wants to enter a piece of land according to the rules outlined
in this chapter must submit an application to the designated local land officer or the Chief of the
Bureau of Public Lands, if there is no local officer. The application must be made under oath
and should include information confirming that the applicant meets the qualifications mentioned
in section one of this chapter. Additionally, the application should state that the land is intended
for the exclusive use and benefit of the applicant. This section ensures that individuals who
meet the requirements and have no disqualifications can apply for the use of the land.
The Philippine Land Act 1903 made "undocumented lands" vulnerable to grabbing, with
provisions extending to all provinces except the Moro Province and the Provinces of Lepanto-
Bontoc, Benguet, Paragua, and Nueva Vizcaya. The US claimed sovereignty over the Sulu
Sultanate in the 1913 Massacre of Bud Bagsak, marking the end of the Moro Resistance. The
US amended the PLA 1903 in 1919 to make homesteading in Mindanao more inviting, allowing
homesteaders to apply for 24 hectares, cultivate lesser lands within a longer period, and
purchase up to a hundred hectares for those with the money.

Homesteading gained momentum, and Filipinos from Luzon and Visayas entered into Mindanao
lands. Law student Salipada Pendatun appealed to the U.S. Governor-General about the
disadvantaged Moros and suggested a Moro official to check on injustices. Pendatun was
interested in homesteading and saw it as a modernization project, but condescendingly
suggested setting aside land for Muslims, similar to American Fathers' actions for Indians.

The United States, led by Quezon, introduced the Public Land Act of 1936, which altered
homesteading in Mindanao. This law, except for timber and minerals lands, was governed by
the Secretary of Agriculture and Natural Resources.

Section 12 states that any citizen of the Philippines who is over 18 years old or the head of a
family can enter a homestead, which is an agricultural land, as long as they meet certain
criteria. These criteria are that the person does not own more than 24 hectares of land in the
Philippines and has not received any free allocation of land exceeding 24 hectares since the
United States occupied the Philippines.

In simpler terms, this section allows Filipino citizens who are at least 18 years old or the head of
a family to claim an agricultural land of up to 24 hectares that belongs to the government.
However, they must not already own more than 24 hectares of land and should not have
received any additional land for free since the US occupation. This provision aims to provide
land opportunities for citizens who do not own significant amounts of land, enabling them to
engage in agriculture and improve their livelihoods.

Section 13 states that when someone applies for a homestead, the Director of Lands will
review the application. If the Director determines that the application is valid, they will approve it
and allow the applicant to take possession of the land. However, before the applicant can do so,
they are required to pay an entry fee of five pesos in Philippine currency.

Once the application is approved, the applicant has a period of six months to start working on
the homestead. This means they need to begin developing or cultivating the land. If they fail to
do so within this timeframe, they will lose their prior right to the land. This implies that someone
else may be allowed to apply for and obtain the homestead if the original applicant does not
fulfill their obligation of working the land.

Section 14 states that a certificate or patent for the applied land will not be issued until a certain
portion of the land has been improved and cultivated. Specifically, at least one-fifth of the land
must be developed and used for productive purposes before any legal documentation is
granted.
Furthermore, there is a specified timeframe within which the land must be cultivated. This period
cannot be less than one year and should not exceed five years. The duration is measured from
the date of approval of the initial application. The purpose of this provision is to ensure that the
land is actively and efficiently utilized for agricultural or other relevant purposes.

Section 21 was intended to regulate the occupation and cultivation of lands reserved for the
non-Christian tribes. The section allowed any non-Christian Filipino who had not applied for a
homestead to request a permit of occupation for a tract of land of up to four hectares, on the
condition that they would improve and cultivate the land within six months. The permit was valid
for one year, and the holder could apply for a homestead on the same land, with priority over
other applicants. If the holder did not apply for a homestead, the land would be available for
disposition again.

The section reflected the colonial policy of assimilating the non-Christian tribes into the
mainstream Filipino society, by encouraging them to adopt the agricultural practices and lifestyle
of the Christian Filipinos. It also aimed to prevent the exploitation and dispossession of the non-
Christian tribes by unscrupulous settlers and corporations, who were prohibited from acquiring
or owning lands of the public domain. However, the section also discriminated against the non-
Christian tribes, by limiting their access and rights to their ancestral lands, and by imposing
conditions and terms that were not favorable to their customary laws and traditions.

Analysis of the Land Acts

Homesteading refers to public domain lands acquired through settlement and development,
adopted from the United States. In the Philippines, homestead rights were granted to individuals
who occupied a certain amount of unoccupied, unreserved agricultural public land. The Bureau
of Public Lands determined if the land was qualified for homesteading, and homesteaders had
to prove their allegiance to the United States and the Philippine Islands. They worked up the
land within two to five years, obtaining a certificate or patent over the land.

Homesteading had two effects on the Moros: the U.S. desire for Moro integration into the
Philippines and the displacement of the Moros from their lands. The laws led to two reactions:
homesteading as a means of development and suggesting "reserve lands" for the Moros, similar
to educated Pendatun's response, and opposition to any provision that legalized "land-
grabbing."

Homesteading, also known as the "pioneering complex," required Filipinos from Luzon and
Visayas to have the courage to adapt to new lands. The PLA of 1936, already under the
Commonwealth Government, inherited the law on public lands from the Americans. This led to a
shift in land ownership in Mindanao, displacing Muslims and Lumad communities in their
ancestral lands.

The Philippine archipelago was initially treated as the United States, disenfranchising Native
Americans and American Indians from their homelands. The indigenous peoples in Mindanao,
including the Moros, eventually weakened their culture and lost claims to their lands. This
marked the beginning of later "integration" policies by the government. Current conflicts in
Mindanao may be attributed to religious differences or land disenfranchisement, but policies and
institutions shaped the image of the Moro, Lumad, and settler, as well as agricultural, economic,
and natural resource policies that drastically changed the demography of the region.

Political Caricature of the American Era and Japanese Wartime Visual Propaganda

Political cartoons and caricatures have become a popular form of social and political
commentary in print media, often targeting power and authority figures. These art forms use
symbolism to publicize opinions and capture the audience's imagination. Historians have
examined these cartoons to understand how they shaped public opinion during the United
States' freer press. In the Philippines, when the Japanese captured the press, they replaced
American newspapers with Japanese propaganda, leading to the emergence of specific themes
from these propaganda materials. Analyzing propaganda comic strips can reveal the realities of
Filipino society during war.

Political Caricature of the American Era

The book Philippine Cartoons: Political Caricature of the American Era (1900-1941) is a
collection of political cartoons that reflect the Filipino perspective on the American colonial rule
in the Philippines. The book covers four decades of Philippine history, from the beginning of the
American occupation in 1898 to the outbreak of World War II in 1941. The cartoons were drawn
by Filipino artists and published in various newspapers and magazines. The cartoons depict the
social, economic, and political issues that the Filipinos faced under the American regime. The
book also provides historical background and analysis of the cartoons, as well as a catalogue of
the cartoons with their sources and dates. The book aims to show how the Filipinos used
political caricature as a form of expression and resistance against the American colonialism.

The first cartoon portrays a symbolic act, where Dr. Santos is passing his crown to his brother-
in-law, Dr. Barcelona. The crown here represents a position of power or authority. However, a
Filipino man, depicted wearing traditional Filipino attire such as a salakot (traditional hat) and
Barong Tagalog (traditional shirt), intervenes and tries to prevent Santos from giving Barcelona
the crown. According to the Filipino man, Barcelona should not receive the crown in the first
place because it does not rightfully belong to him.

This cartoon can be seen as a satirical commentary on political nepotism and the misuse of
power. Dr. Santos, who may be a politician or a person in a position of authority, is depicted as
passing on his position to his brother-in-law, Dr. Barcelona, suggesting that familial connections
rather than qualifications or merit are determining the transfer of power. The Filipino man
signifies the voice of dissent, calling out the injustice of handing over power to someone who is
not worthy or deserving.

Overall, this cartoon highlights the issue of cronyism and raises questions about the fairness
and transparency of political processes, criticizing the practice of empowering individuals based
solely on personal relationships rather than capabilities.
The second cartoon drawn by Fernando Amorsolo was a social commentary on the workings
of the Manila Police during that time period. The cartoon depicted a Filipino child who had stolen
a skinny chicken out of desperation, as he had nothing else to eat. The child was being
relentlessly pursued by a police officer, indicating the unjust treatment of small-time criminals by
law enforcement.

In the cartoon, there was also a man wearing a traditional Filipino hat called "salakot," and he
was labeled as Juan de la Cruz, representing the common Filipino citizen. Juan de la Cruz can
be seen grabbing the police officer, trying to intervene and stop him from pursuing the child.
This action symbolizes the frustration and anger of the Filipino people towards the biased
priorities of the police force.

Moreover, Juan de la Cruz points towards massive warehouses in the background of the
cartoon. By pointing to these warehouses, Juan de la Cruz emphasizes that the real criminals
are those who hoard essential commodities, exacerbating the problem of poverty and hunger in
the community. The cartoon highlights the irony of the police officer chasing down a child
stealing a mere chicken, while turning a blind eye to the systemic corruption and exploitation by
the powerful elite.

Overall, Amorsolo's second cartoon serves as a scathing critique of the Manila Police's
misplaced priorities and their failure to protect and serve the citizens. It sheds light on the
socioeconomic issues faced by the Filipino people during that period and calls for a shift in
focus towards addressing the root causes of poverty and inequality rather than targeting small-
time criminals.

The third cartoon was a commentary on the prevailing issue of colorum automobiles in the city
streets during that time. Colorum vehicles were unregistered or unauthorized public
transportation vehicles, typically operating without proper permits or licenses. These vehicles
were often poorly maintained and had unqualified drivers, posing a significant risk to public
safety.

The cartoon was published in the Philippine Free Press, which sought to draw attention to the
escalating problem of fatal accidents involving colorum vehicles and taxis. The cartoon aimed to
raise awareness about the dire consequences of allowing these unauthorized vehicles to
operate unchecked.

Overall, the third cartoon served as a critical commentary on the rampant presence of colorum
automobiles and the associated danger they posed to the community. Its publication in the
Philippine Free Press played a crucial role in informing the public and promoting a collective
response to address the widespread issue.

In the next cartoon, the artist depicts a caricature of Uncle Sam, a personification of the United
States, riding a chariot. What makes this image striking is that the chariot is being pulled by
Filipino boys who are wearing school uniforms. These boys are depicted carrying American
objects like baseball bats, whiskey, and boxing gloves.
To fully understand the meaning behind this cartoon, it is important to look at the historical
context and the background information provided. The cartoon is based on an event that took
place in 1907 when William Howard Taft, who was then the Governor-General of the
Philippines, arrived at the Manila pier. He was brought to the pier in a chariot, which was pulled
by students from the Liceo de Manila, a prominent Filipino school.

At that time, the Philippines was under American colonization, and a strong nationalist
movement was emerging. The nationalists viewed the act of Filipinos pulling Taft's chariot as a
symbol of subservience and humiliation. The nationalists condemned this event, considering it
an insult to the Filipino people.

By depicting Uncle Sam, a symbol of American power, being transported by Filipino boys, the
cartoon highlights the power dynamic between the United States and the Philippines during that
period. The inclusion of American objects being carried by the Filipino boys serves to
emphasize the influence and control that the United States exerted over the Philippines.

The cartoon aims to portray the nationalist sentiment and criticism towards the event and the
overall American occupation of the Philippines. It signifies the resistance of Filipinos against the
perceived subjugation and unequal treatment by their colonial rulers. Overall, this cartoon
serves as a critique of the American presence in the Philippines, highlighting the tensions and
opposition faced by the nationalist movement during the early 20th century.

The cartoon published by Lipang Kalabaw on August 24, 1907, is a political satire that
portrays an important aspect of the Philippine political landscape during that period. In the
image, we see Uncle Sam, once again representing the United States, distributing porridge to
politicians and members of the Progresista Party. Meanwhile, members of the Nacionalista
Party wait in anticipation for their turn.

The cartoon uses symbolism to convey its message. Porridge, in this context, represents the
patronage and favors offered by the United States. The politicians depicted are from the
Progresista Party, also known as the Federalista Party, suggesting that they enjoy the benefits
and privileges provided by the United States.

Interestingly, the members of the Nacionalista Party are shown observing and waiting for their
turn. This suggests that they too desire to be recipients of Uncle Sam's patronage like their
counterparts from the Progresista Party.

The cartoon captures a prevalent phenomenon during that time - the desire of Filipino politicians
to gain favor and support from the United States. The United States, as the colonizing power,
wielded significant influence over Philippine politics. Politicians from both the Progresista and
Nacionalista Parties sought to curry favor with the American authorities in order to secure their
interests.
The cartoon serves as a commentary on the political dynamics of the era, highlighting how the
United States played a key role in shaping the political landscape of the Philippines. The desire
for patronage was seen as a means to attain power and influence, sometimes at the expense of
nationalist ideals.

Overall, this cartoon by Lipang Kalabaw depicts the coveting of American patronage by Filipino
politicians, emphasizing the role that the United States played in shaping Philippine politics
during the early 20th century. It illustrates the complexities and compromises faced by Filipino
political leaders in their quest for power and influence under American colonial rule.

Propaganda Comic Strips in The Tribune

The Tribune, a trusted Filipino newspaper during the American period, was largely anti-Quezon
and anti-American. It became a central propaganda organ for the Japanese during the war,
releasing news, feature articles, and comic strips to support Japan's campaign in the Philippines
and win the hearts of Filipinos.

The comic strip series, created by Filipino cartoonist Ros, persuaded Filipinos to learn the
Japanese language (Nippongo or Nihongo) in 1942. The panel highlights the benefits of
learning Nippongo, such as being a secret language for lovers, expanding business by catering
to Japanese customers, and befriending Japanese soldiers. The strip also serves as a way to
expand business and promote friendship with Japanese soldiers. The panel is a reminder of the
importance of learning Japanese.

One of the highlighted benefits of learning Nippongo in the comic strip panel was the idea that it
could be a secret language for lovers. This notion appealed to Filipinos who wanted to
communicate discreetly and maintain their privacy in a time when suspicion and surveillance
were rampant. By learning Japanese, individuals could encode their conversations, effectively
creating a barrier against prying ears.

Additionally, the comic strip emphasized the potential economic advantages of speaking
Japanese. It suggested that by learning the language, Filipinos could cater to Japanese
customers and expand their businesses. This message aimed to make individuals realize the
importance of tapping into the new consumer base created by the Japanese presence in the
country. Learning Nippongo was positioned as a means to gain a competitive edge and
increase profits in this wartime era.

Furthermore, the strip emphasized the importance of befriending Japanese soldiers. By learning
their language, Filipinos could establish a rapport with the occupying forces, potentially leading
to better treatment, favors, or even improved living conditions. This aspect had a psychological
impact, making Filipinos feel a sense of proactive engagement rather than passively enduring
the occupation.

In addition to these practical benefits, the comic strip series served as a way to promote
business and promote friendship with the Japanese soldiers. By aligning the learning of
Nippongo with these positive outcomes, Ros aimed to create a sense of enthusiasm and
motivation among the Filipino population, encouraging them to see the language acquisition as
an essential skill.

"Kalibapi Family" was a comic strip series created by Tony Velasquez, widely known as the
"Father of Filipino Komiks." In one particular issue, the storyline revolves around the young girl
protagonist, Nene, who wakes up her younger brother, Totoy, to participate in the Taiso
exercise program mandated by the Japanese Imperial Government in the Philippines during the
period of Japanese occupation.

The Taiso program was a daily morning calisthenics routine introduced by the Japanese forces
as a means of enforcing discipline and physical fitness among the Filipino population. In this
issue, Nene, being aware of the importance of the program, takes it upon herself to wake Totoy
and encourage him to participate.

However, Totoy is not enthusiastic about being roused from sleep and resents the interruption.
Nene's intentions are good, but she inadvertently causes a disturbance and faces a scolding
from their mother, who chides her for bothering her younger brother.

The exchange between Nene, Totoy, and their mother in this comic strip panel serves as a
representation of the complex dynamics and influences present during the time of Japanese
occupation in the Philippines. It highlights the propaganda message being disseminated by the
Japanese authorities, where physical fitness was seen as vital for the Filipino population,
especially for young boys, as they were expected to eventually serve the Japanese military in
some capacity.

Moreover, this panel also demonstrates the contrasting perspectives and reactions of the
characters. Nene, influenced by the Japanese propaganda, sees the Taiso exercise as a way to
prepare her brother for a potential military role, while Totoy, no doubt feeling the fatigue of daily
disruptions, resents the early morning wake-up call. Their mother acts as a more neutral
character, scolding Nene for disrupting Totoy's sleep but perhaps also recognizing the power
dynamics at play.

Overall, this particular issue of "Kalibapi Family" provides insight into the societal and cultural
complexities of the Japanese occupation era in the Philippines. It highlights the influence of
Japanese propaganda, the expectations placed on young Filipino boys, and the daily struggles
faced by families attempting to navigate and adapt to the changing circumstances of the
occupation.

In another strip of "Kalibapi Family," the focus shifts to Nene's uncle, Tio Tasyo. This
particular strip highlights the social and economic challenges faced by ordinary Filipino citizens
during the Japanese occupation. Tio Tasyo's shock at the high price of his meal reflects the
increasing cost of living and the inflationary pressures that often accompanied times of wartime
occupation. The dialogue is indicative of the struggles and financial burdens experienced by
individuals who had limited resources.
Furthermore, the mention of the rumors about the use of cats as a substitute for poultry or pork
reveals the impact of food shortages and the spread of misinformation during wartime. These
rumors and concerns about food quality and safety were not uncommon during periods of
occupation and scarcity when resources were scarce, and the usual food supply chain was
disrupted or controlled by occupying forces.

Tio Tasyo's reaction to the conversation emphasizes the revulsion and unease generated by
such rumors, ultimately influencing his perception of the restaurant. This element of the strip
reflects the psychological toll and skepticism experienced by the Filipino population due to the
challenging circumstances of the occupation.

Overall, this particular strip of "Kalibapi Family" delves into the economic constraints and rumors
surrounding food during the Japanese occupation, portraying the impact on daily life and the
cautiousness in food choices by Filipinos. It presents a snapshot of the difficulties faced by
ordinary citizens as they navigated the challenges of an occupied society.

In the last strip of "Kalibapi Family," Nene is depicted praying before going to bed. She starts
her prayer by reciting the well-known phrase from the Lord's Prayer, which begins with "Our
father who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name..." However, as she mentions the line "give us
this day our daily bread," Nene realizes that it doesn't fit their current situation.

Nene acknowledges that bread is not a common part of their diet anymore, likely due to
financial constraints or food availability. This prompts her to pause and reconsider her words.
She wants to adjust the prayer to reflect their current circumstances, so she comes up with an
idea.

Nene modifies the prayer and proceeds by saying, "Give us this day our daily camote." Camote
refers to sweet potato, which is a more affordable and accessible staple food for her family. By
substituting bread with camote in her prayer, Nene is seeking for their basic nutritional needs to
be met. She then proceeds with the rest of the Lord's Prayer, asking for forgiveness for their
wrongdoings and expressing their willingness to forgive others.

Analysis of the Political Caricatures and Comic Strips

The transition from the Spanish Colonial period to the American Occupation period in the
Philippines was marked by significant changes in culture, society, and politics. The Americans
introduced democracy, modernity, and modernity to the nation, including healthcare,
transportation, and media. However, the post-independence and post-occupation periods in the
Philippines were experienced differently by different classes. The upper principalia class
experienced economic prosperity, while the majority of the poor Filipinos remained poor,
desperate, and victimized by state repression. Cartoons from the American period depict
Philippine society and politics under the United States. Filipino politicians at that time did not
fully understand the essence of democracy and its institutions. Patronage became influential
between clients and patrons, and the newly formed political parties between the elite and the
United States. This led to the cancellation of the essence of competing political parties, and
politicians now transfer between parties depending on their dominant positions.
The transition from a Catholic-centered, Spanish-Filipino society to an imperial, U.S.-assimilated
one in the Philippines was depicted in cartoons, highlighting the challenges and complications.
The urbanization led to an increase in motorized vehicles, but laws and policy implementation
were mediocre, resulting in unlicensed vehicles and traffic violations. The "sexual revolution" in
the 1930s saw young people distancing the conservative Filipino mindset by engaging in covert
sexual activities in public spaces. The poor Filipinos in the Philippines now governed by the U.S.
were depicted as oppressing criminals and allowing the U.S. to control and subjugate them
through seemingly harmless U.S. objects.

Japanese propaganda comic strips, unlike political cartoons, echo programs and campaigns of
the Japanese, such as Ros's "Now I've Seen Everything" and Radio Taiso, which encouraged
daily exercise and the connection between exercising and being a soldier. The Japanese
attempted to transplant their militaristic ideas to Filipinos, advocating for a strong military to fight
the Americans, but also promoted and legitimized the presence of the Japanese Imperial Army
in the Philippines.

Comic strips depict the Philippines during World War II, a period of hardship, hunger, and
oppression. Filipinos made substitutions for scarce food products, such as using bananas for
ketchup and rice for coffee. However, some substitutions were unacceptable, such as eating
cats. The food situation was dire, with camote being the staple during the war. The authors of
these strips, Ros and Tony Velasquez, were Filipinos, with Velasquez being a known komikero.
His strips suggest attempts to subvert the Japanese and their inability to understand the cultural
nuances of Filipino and English languages. Nene's prayer could be seen as a critique against
the Japanese inability to secure food rations like rice. These propaganda materials allow
multiple interpretations and significations, but they provide a glimpse into the realities of life for
Filipinos during World War II.

Lesson Summary

 The period of American colonization of the Philippines, from 1899 to 1946, left an
indelible mark in Filipino identity by shaping the contours of our government and other
Philippine institutions.
 The struggle for Philippine independence shifted from physical to political battles, as the
United States annexed the Philippines and gave rise to Filipino political elites who used
their privileged positions to fight for the parameters of independence while engaging in
corruption and patronage politics.
 The public land laws enacted by the Americans indicate their perspective on
"unproductive" lands in Mindanao that were raffled off to the rest of the country, resulting
in a permanent demographic shift and conflicts that resonate until today.
 Political caricatures from the American period and propaganda comic strips from the
Japanese occupation reconstruct the past in our imagination by visualizing the political,
social, and economic issues of the time.
1. What is the Commonwealth period in Philippine history?

- The 10-year transition period that replaced the Insular Government of the United States in the
Philippines and prepared the government for independence.

2. Who was elected president during the establishment of the Philippine Commonwealth in
1935?

- Manuel L. Quezon of the Nacionalista Party was elected president.

3. What was the purpose of the petition letter Filipino Grievances Against General Wood?

- The petition letter Filipino Grievances Against General Wood is a joint resolution to express
the hatred Filipino leaders felt against Governor Wood and the way he ran the state's affairs.

4. What is homesteading during the American colonization period?

- Homesteading is a policy of the U.S. colonial government in the Philippines to attract settlers
from overcrowded regions to settle in what was seen as underpopulated southern Philippines.

5. What is the structure and content of the Public Land Act of 1903?

- The Public Land Act of 1903 (PLA) is composed of eight chapters and a total of 79 sections.

6. How did the public land laws enacted by the Americans lead to a demographic shift and
ongoing conflicts in Mindanao?

- The public land laws enacted by the Americans indicate their perspective on "unproductive"
lands in Mindanao that were raffled off to the rest of the country, resulting in a permanent
demographic shift and conflicts that resonate until today.

7. How did political caricatures contribute to shaping public opinion during the American colonial
period in the Philippines?

- Political caricatures were used during the American colonization period to shape public opinion
by satirically criticizing and mocking politicians and highlighting political issues. They played a
vital role in creating awareness and fostering dissent among the public.

8. What was the known and trustworthy Filipino newspaper during the American period, mainly
because it was anti-Quezon and anti-American?

- The Tribune

9. What were propaganda comic strips, and how did they influence public perception during the
Japanese occupation of the Philippines?
- Propaganda Comic Strips were a form of media used during the Japanese occupation to
influence public perception and spread propaganda. These strips were used to reinforce
Japanese ideologies, portray the Filipino resistance as rebels, and promote loyalty towards the
Japanese regime.

10. How did the struggle for Philippine independence shift from physical battles to political
battles during the United States' occupation of the Philippines?

- The struggle for Philippine independence shifted from physical to political battles, as the
United States annexed the Philippines and gave rise to Filipino political elites who used their
privileged positions to fight for the parameters of independence while engaging in corruption
and patronage politics.