~

I
11
I
rr •• • 1

. <
,,
~. I
.

From Colonial to Liberation Psychology

trammg module was formally developed and tested with a group of

psychology teachers and researchers in December 1977 under the direction
of Ma. Angeles Guanzon of the University of the Philippines at Clark Air
Base. Guanzon subsequently utiliz ed th e p e rsp ec tive and training
;.r
experience at the Foreign Service Institute.
Training workshops on indigenous psychol.ogical testing and Filipino 4
values were developed specifically for the industrial sector. Seminars on
Philippine-oriented field methods were offered for res earch ers and Kapwa and the Struggle for Justice,
community organizers planning to undertake work in the uplands. Freedom, and Dignity

.;

he analysis of human interaction as observed in everyday life and as

T codified in the language of the p eople reveals a lot the people's social
psychology and worldview. Human interaction is a highly valued aspe c;;t
of life in the Philippines . For this reason, social interaction is a meaningful
focu s of investigation in the process of identifying and analyzing basic
co9 cepts o f Filipino pe[Sonality, social psychology, worldview, and social
ph.i losophy.

Levels of Interaction

The Filipino language provides a conceptual distinction in several

leveb and modes of social 'interaction. At least eight behaviorally
recognizable levels under two general -Categories in Filipino were identified
(Santiago and Enriquez 1976):

!bang-tao or"Outsider" Category

Levels: Pakikitungo (levels of amenities/ civility)
Pakikisa!amuha (level of "mixing")
Pakikilahok Oevel ofjoining/participating)
Pakikibagay (level of conforming)
Pakikisama (level of adjusting)

4S 49
. ~:
 From Colonial to Liberation Psychology Kapwa and the Struggle for Justice, Freedom, and Dignity

..," Hindi ibang-tao or "One-of-us" Category

~
;..::: Levels: Pakikipagpa/agayang-loob (level of mutual trust/rapport)
·o
~ Pakikisangkot (level of getting involved)
B Pakikiisa (level of fusion, oneness, and full trust)
"
"Cl

s"' The dis tinctions among these eight n~odes of interaction go beyond
".... the conceptnal and theoretical. The eight levels are more than just
[
"' interrelated modes of interpersonal relations . More importantly, they are
s levels of interaction which range from the relatively uninvolved civility in
~ pakikitungo to the total sense of identification in pakikiisa. The different
"'
;; levels of interpersonal relations do not just differ conceptually but
.0

"Cl" behaviorally as well . As an example, Santiago (1976) looked at the language

·~ of food, which is really the language of interpersonal relationships in
::l
OJ
food sharing among the Fj!ipino Bulacan middle class. One is a bisita (not
u
c: one-of-us) if sp ecial dishes are served on guest china. Fernandez (1986)
~ observed that the "dishes served to suc h a guest are not usu ally those of
~~ ·> '<. _,•Jat; . . . . . \:
~ !~ ·~:- . . :
:-a
I ·. ";;
... ;-:.. ·1
.· -
if~-::..
•. "'
. -~~ ~
... ""'
...... ·.........::-.
\~if . :,; -;;;0 the native cuisine (not paksiw and inihaw) but adapted from that of th e
1 ... : . ·,; ." ..1' ..:. td.J:t,·_ -~"'><h~.;r.: . .:::.'.,~~~~2t4,:,-.-. ~. ~
f ·'. coloniz-::rs" (puchero or salad) . If one "can share the sawsawan (sauce use for
:~

rj • • ..t • . .- ~.. ~~ .' } . t ~ .... ,~~trZ·""'~~ •

..u .. .. • ...... . • <):
.~H
~<:- ·~ ·~.:~~_::(~:~~~;:.·!:·~~~:~~~~~~~~:~~::~·~%~~~:-._.::. ,'.-{j~; :-.
a

le ~
" dipping/ relish) and whatever food there is with the family," and if"one's : ~:~

-d presence, expected or not, does not occasion a fuss but involves the use of
01
">.... the daily, perhaps plastic, tableware and customary fare (pritonx P,alunxxonP, ':ili
'i· ·
"
·P1

..0"0
~;
and xinisanP, ampalaya), then one is hindi ibang-tao (one-of-us)." According
to Fernandez (1986), what the Filipino eats, its source, and the way it is ~f
1: ..:~.1
"'....
~ prepared and served, indicate an intimate, as well as a practical, relationship
~.:t
<.>
c: between man and nature. The use of sawsawan, for instance, indicates a
c:
s"' "
u
c:
~
very relaxed, nonprescriptive rela1ionship between the cook and those
"'O
0 "C
.~ cooked for, where the cook does not impose what the flavor of the food
0-;;; should be, allowing the person actually consuming the food to participate
~·o
-;J
>
0
.~
in enhancing the flavors by using the sawsawan:
~ 0..

]~" ... food functions to keep this harmony operative. The mutual
... ;::l
~ ·~ sharing of functions between the cook and the cooked for and the
0 "Cl use of food as a social lubricant, as an infinitely flexible communicator
on c:
c: "'
;::l ~
in all kinds of relationships, proves this . Food is better than language, in
... OJ
. .... u a way, because it hardly ever offends, and yet its meaning is unmistakable
~ c:
~~,~--···- · - - - - ·· - ··· ' -·
~~ (Fernandez 1986) .

50 51

.'
 From Colonial to Liberatio11 Psychology Kap wa and the Struggle for Justice, Freedom , and Dignity

Moreover, food or eating is also a social necessity and a socially

ddined phenomenon of sharing which fosters goodwill and friendship.
When sharing food, the relationship can either involve the ibang-tao
(outsider) or hindi ibang-tao (one of us) category. It is interesting to note
that kapwa is the sole concept which embraces both categories.
The domain of interpersonal relations has proved to be theoretically
fertile and lexically , elaborate in Filipino. Ail these levels-whether
belonging to the ibang-tao or hindi ibang-tao categories-may be grouped
under the heading o~ pakikipap,kapwa. Thus, anyone looking for a core
concept that would 4elp explain Filipino interpersonal behavior cannot
help but be struck by the superordinate concept of kapwa . It is the only
co ncept which embraces both the categories of "outsider" (ibang-tao)
and "one of us" (hindi ibang-tao) .

The Shared Inner Self

Filipin~-E nglish dictionaries generally give the words " both" and Solidarity in the face of injustice
"fellow-being" as translation of kapwa (Panganiban 1972, Enriguez 1979, i,
de Guzman 1968, Calderon 1957). It should be noted, however, that when
asked for the closest English equivalent of kapwa , one word that comes ;.1,

to mind is the English word "t>thers." However, the Filipino word k;pwa
is very different from the English word "others." In Filipino, kapwa is the
unity of the "self," an<J "others." The English "others" is actually used in
opposition to the "self," and implies the recognition of the self as a separate
identity. In contrast, kapwa is a recognition of shared identity, an inner self ·
shared with others.
Unlike the construct of smooth interpersonal relations (SIR) (Lynch
1961) which is purportedly acquired and preserved principally by
pakikisama, euphemism,, and the use of a go-between, the concept of
shared inner self (SIS) is rooted in the deeper concept of kapwa and
dangal. Further, while SIR is often referred to as simply a means of avoiding
conflict, SIS goes further as it stems from collective values shared with the
whole of humanity and the deep respect for the dignity and inherent
worth of a fellow human being.
Pakikiisa or unity is the highest level of pakikipagkapwa .

52 53
 From Colonial to Liberation Psychology Kapwa and the Struggle for Justice, Freedom, and Dignity

The concept of kapwa as a shared inner self turns out to be very Perhaps all cultures have their share of ethnocentrism based on a
important, psychologically as well as philosophically. While pagtHfUnj!uhan distinction between the outsider and the insider, and yet there seems to
(dealing with/acting toward) is another term which can be used w refer be at least .one culture that does not fit this mold perfectly. Ethnocentrism
to all leveis of interaction, only the term pakikipagkapwa can be used for is not the concept to study in the Philippines, where even local papen
the same purpose and at the same time indicate an idea, value, or conviction advertise 'in their classified advertisement sections a preference for
which Filipinos consider most important. Besides, pagtutunguhan also foreigners. The social science researchers will go further with a study of
connotes the most "superficial" level of interaction: the level of amenities, xenocentrism instead.
while pakikipagkapwa rt!fers to "humanness at its highest level," as The idea of inclusion vs. exclusion or membership vs . non-
(Santiago and Enriquez. 1976) would put it. membership is not unknown to the Filipino. He just draws the line in a
A person starts having kapwa not so much because of a recognition most flexible manner. For the middle-class Filipino from the Philippine
of status given him by others· but more because of his awareness of shared province of Bulacan, the ibang-tao (outsider) and the hindi ibang-tao
identity. The ako (ego) and the iba-sa-akin (others) are one and the same (one of us) are both considered kapwa (the unity of the one-of-us and
in kapwa psychology: Hindi ako iba sa akinJ! kapiva (I am no different from the other). In another culture, the concept of membership could be a
others) . Once ako starts thinking· of himself as separate from kapwa, the matter of black and white., with no inte::mediate gray. The Filipino can
Filipino "self" gets to be individuated in the Western sense and, in effect, still accommodate a nonmember just as if he were a member. Admittedly
denies the status of kapwa to the other. By the same token, the status of not the best form of membership and an "ambiguous category" in the
kapwa is also denied to the self. language of the anthropologist Edmund Leach (1964), the salinJ?-pusa
Brislin (1977) noted that all cultures distinguished between the "in- (info::mal member) is allowed to break some rules expected to be strictly
group" and the "out-group," the "mernber" and the "nonn1en1ber," or the followed by members . The Fiiipino would even bend over backward and
"outsider" and the "insider." He surmised that this might be an example
of a "universal" or "etic" distinction. Hiroshi Wag;;tsuma (1982) andYusihiro
~ .
let the saling-pusa enjoy the privileges not particularly enjoyed by the
legitin1ate member. Concepts indigenous to Filipinos are not necessarily
': ~;

Sato (1988) investigated the distinction between soto (outside) and uchi peculiar to the Philippines only. However, they have mean.ings which are
(inside), the latter of'which is also the Japanese word for"family" and close to the Filipino experience. The Filipino concept of saling-pusa may
"home." Sometimes admired and at other times resented for their intense be "playful" in tone and may not be found in other cultures, but it is .
nationalism, the Japanese uchi-soto distinction can be used in nonetheless significant. It indicates the value attached to the feelings of
understanding the Japanese concept of a gaij'in or foreigner (usually an kapwa so that hypocrisy in social interact!on is avoided. For example, if a
American or European). In his work among the hoh1eless in the Sanya young girl was invited to an important gathering and discovers afterward
· district of Tokyo, Grimm (1988) noted a hostile aspect of the uchi-soto that she was only a second choice, she may be hurt, for it would appear
dichotomy. He claimed that "the uchi is, in fact, defined in terms of the that she was a panakip-butas (literally "filling a gap").
soto as rival. Without the outside, the inside has no meaning . . . For the This is not to say that the Filipino is imprecise about the insider vs.
Japanese to . stand shoulder-to-shoulder with Americans, Europeans, outsider distinction . In fact, the Filipino language has three pronouns ·for
Africans, and other Asians as equals would probably requi~e an invasion the English "we": a dual "we" (kita); an inclusive "we" (tayo); and an
from outer space." Grimm must have overstated his case: Humans do not inclusive "we" (kamt). Kita focuses on the listener in relation to the speaker;
need a face-to-face encounter with extraterrestrials to sincerely say ware- tayo includes the listener, while kami excludes him as a referent. The
ware ningen, or ''we are human beings."

54 55
 From Colonial to Liberation Psychology Kapwa and the Struggle for Justice, Freedom, and Dignity
,j

~
socio-psychological point to remember is a conceptual, behavioral, and The Value of Kagandahang-loob: Reciprocity or Nobility?
·~;
value-laden imperative which states that whether kita, kami, or tayo, the ,
Filipino is dealing with kapwa and he thinks and acts accordingly. The concept of kagandahang-loob (shared inner nobility), once
Pakikipagkapwa as a conviction emanating from the shared inner '1 again, displays the characteristic internality/ externality dimension of
-~

self does not simply imply either pakikitungo (amenities), pakikisama Filipino psychology that confuses so many Ame ri can-oriented social
(adjusting), or any of the other modes and levels of interaction . 1' .s cientists. The concept is manifested through an act of generosity or
kabutihan. Thus, one sees kagandahang-loob in the act of lending utensils
Pakikipagkapwa is much deeper and profound in its implications . to neighbors or graciously accommo dating a guest. But to qualify as
ft also means accepting and dealing with the other person as an equal. ~~, kagandahang-loob, such acts of generosity must spring spontaneously from
The company president and the office clerk may not have an equivalent the person's goodness of heart or kabaitan. A display of kagandahang-
role, status, or income but the Filipino way demands and implements
the idea that they treat one another as fellow human beings (kapwa-
~. loob must have no motive save that of kindness and inherent graciousness.
~
tao). This means a regard for the dignity and being of others. Karangalan: Beyond the Superficiality of Hiya
'"
Aside from the socio-psychological dimension, pakikipagkapwa
has a m oral and normative aspect as a valu e and conviction. Situations English-oriented social scientists that think Filipinos value hiya
change and relations vary according to environment. For example, (commonly translated as "shame" instead of "propriety") must be told
pakikipagbp wa is definitely inconsistent with exploi tative human
about dangal or karangalan. Puri, onor, and di.J!nidad are listed as synonym s
transa cti ons. Giving the Filipino a bad deal is a challenge to kapwa-tao
(Enriquez 1977). of karangalan (English 1986). The closest English word to karangalan is
"dignity" but that is only one aspect of the co ncept. The best way to
If only to correct the impression that pakikipagkapwa as a shared define the terms is to look at the two components of the concept-dangal
inner self is "other-oriented" just like the lower level of interactio~ in and puri. P uri or praise/ accolad~ is the external manifestation ofkarangalan.
pakikisama, one must be reminded that the Filipino does not always This is given to the person in recognition of a sterling quality or
· concede. He knows how to resist even when he seems utterly powerless. accomplishment. As such , it is a recognition that comes entirely from
· As demonstrated in the People's Power revolution of 1986, h e knows that without. The other aspect of karangalan is danga1 . In truth, the word is the
' pakikibaka uoining a struggle) is a valid aspect of pakikipagkapwa in the root of the concept. On one plane, this refers only to a person's "self-
face of injustice and adversity. dignity"-the worth of a person as ' apprec~ated by the person himself.
This self-evaluation may have no relation whatsoeve.- to society's view of
The complexity of interpersonal relations is recognized in the
him . Hence, a man may go through life in Philippine society puffed up
Tagalog proverb "Madali an,r: maxinx tao, mahirap anx maxpakatao" (It is easy
with self-importance, yet his neighbors and peers may see him as just a
to be born a tao (human]1 but it is not as easy to be one). The Pampangos
fool. Sometimes though, this self-evaluation an.d society's appreciation
deliver essentially the same idea with "Malaxua in,r: ma,r:uin,r: tao, masaquit
coincide. In those instances then, a person's dangal is recognized throug~
in,r: ma,r:pacatau.'.' The Tagalogs concur with "Kunx mahirap anx ma,r:inx tao,
rites of social approval referred to as parangal. But again, this aspect of
lalonx mahirap anx makipaxkapwa-tao" (If it is difficult to be a tao, it is even
dangal owes much to external recognition and thus may even be
more difficult to makipagkapwa-tao) (Eugenio 1967) .
characterized as another variant of puri. That is just one aspect of dangal.

56 57
 Kapwa and the Struggle for Justice, Freedom, and Dignity
From Colonial to Liberation Psychology

A more profound placement of dangal in Filipino psychology is entirely

internal-the intrinsic quality of a person or sector that allows him/them
to shine despite the grime of their appearance, environment, or status in ;~I
';"

life. In many instances, this aspect of dangal is referred to as "honor" and

even "self-respect." It is all these and more. It is the inner strength of a ~'
person that allows him to face the rich and the mighty with confidence :r,
~~II
and resolve.
;~

When a person stakes his dangal in defense of or in pursuit of a 'il~

}
principle or objective, he is staking no less than his paxkatao (personhood);
.(;
his commitment to that end is therefore total. l~:·

Kalayaa11: A Matter of Life and Death l•

1;
j
Kalayaan is often interpreted as the freedom and license to do as -~
.:l~
one pleases. This definition carries within itself its own limitation. The
)j
co ncept of freedom as license for a person or group to act in whichever ,\'1
r.
;ff_"

·,·
;;
·
Guarding the sanctity of the ballot
way they please so iong as the rights of others are not affected thereby ~t· r
may be adequate, in a sense, especially in the urbanized Philippine setting.
Fo r a resident of Metro Manila, for example, his. sense of kalayaan is
oftentimes measured within the parameters of existing rules and regulations,
of social norms or resources . ·For the greater portion of the popul<l"tion,
however, kalayaan means life itself. The freedom to commit a particular
act, or the lack of it, determines whether a person or a community sur·,1ives
or perishes. The Aetas of Zambales simply have no choice hut to move
their kain~in fields every so often despite forestry laws to the conhary.
The duck raisers of Laguna, in the same manner, must intrude into the
fish pens of the bay to gather shells for their flock; otherwise, their livelihood
will cease . In this context, then, the Filipino appreciation of kalayaan
extends beyond the confines of its Western equivalent. The capacity of a
person or group to co~mit an act is determined not by the parameters
afforded him . hy law but by necessity. In many instances then, kalayaan
carries life and death dimensions.

Karangalan, the Filipino value of honesty and self-dignity

59
58
 Kapwa and the Struggle for Justi ce, Freedom, and Dignity
From Colonial to Liberation Psychology

dissonance between the letter of the law and what the people perceive as
Katarungan: In Unity and Beyond
right or wrong . Fortunately, the Filipinos seemed to have found a
Katarnngan (social justice) is now invo ked as an indispensable comfortable compromise for an unsettled situation. For as field data from
condition for p eace in Philippine society, in the same breath as food and farmers of Bulacan, the urban poor in Diliman, and duck raisers from
employment. The m ovement for ''justice, freedom , and sovereignty," which Laguna show, a balance has been produced between th e two systems
gained the limeli ght upon the assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr., resulting in a concept of justice which is a combination of the indigenous
!. \
underscored the importance of justice as the movement itself was named and the foreign (Enriquez 1987b).
JAJA, an acronym for "Justice for Aquino, Justice for .All." "Katarunt,an para As can be expected, the first element of the Filipino concept of
·. kay L ean" was prominently seen in placards as Filipino nationalists katarungan is an indictment that the "law is not always just" (Diokno
mourned the death of noted student leader Leandro PJejandro. Even the 1985). Moreover, the centrality oflaw to justice (Avila, Diaz, and Rodrigu ez
slogan "nation:il reconciliation" had to be qualified into "national 1987) is further diminished by the perception tbat the laudable intents of
reconciliation with justice" since the fallen dictator must face responsibility the statutes may be lost in their implementation; consequently, the oft-
for his excesses. The struggle for justice continues a> the life of Nemesio repeated lament "fVala sa batas, nasa pamamalakad nj! batas." Karapatan ,
Prudente, nationalist president of the Polytec h nic University of the katotohanan, and katwiran as eiements ofkatarungan flow from the principles
Philippines, has been twice endangered and human rights lawye rs have laid down by the Anglo-Saxon legal system. They pertain primarily to the
been murdered. But just as demand for justice has increased, the debate conditions necessary for the smooth running of the fo rmal court system .
o n the nature of justice has also grown. There are those w ho look beyoi!d Neve rtheless, these three fit well into the Filipino ethos.
the law and th e cou rts in the search for the constitu ents of th e co ncept of It is recognized that people everywhere have certain basic rights , or
justice. They equate the realization o f the concep t to an economic system karapatan, that must be respected and defended, the violation of which
that would work for the redistribution of the nation's wealth front the ;f
constitutes injustice. In any case, brought to the courts involving alleged
hands of the few to the many.'And, of course, there are those w ho would violations of karapatan, the considerations of fairness and promptness
ascribe the same to the domain of the Divine. must always be foremost in the minds of the judicial officials. It is also the
Writers o n the d evelop ment of law in Europe and in Anglo- perception that for justice to be done, the elements of katotohanan (truth)
American trad{tio n 5peak of law and justice as expressions of culturally and katwiran (reason) must always be present in all· phases of the court
!}
rooted values of the people .which evolved in the very fabric o f social life ac tion.
in th e course of their lo ng historical expe ri en ce. Thus, in those The last two elements , kapayapaan and paJ!kakaisa (peace and unity),
jurisdictions, the concept of what the law is, as a rule, parallels the concept perceived as making up the concept of justice, derive from the people's
of what is just, the two having come from the same source. The Filipinos, kapwa-centered value system. These oftentimes dom.inate the other
however, are not so forwnate ~ Law in the Philippine case is a foreign body considerations cited above and are reflected in the Filipino predisposition
in an indigenous social life. It was a wholesale grafting of norms
conceptualized in foreign communities, as exemplified in Philippine 1~
for seeking compromises to disputes rather than going through the fon:nal
court action. The element ofjustice as peace or kapayapaan is often invoked
private law which was patterned after the Spanish Civil Code and by the phrase "Diyos na lanx anx bahala sa kanya." The last element is, of
Philippine public law which was copied from the American Constitutional course, consensus or pagkakaisa. Justice is not what the law says it is but
framework. The Philippine system of laws did not grow from the people. l what the people say it should be. These last two elements have colored
Rather, the people were forced to grow into the law. This resulted in the

61
60
 From Colonial to Liberation Psyc/10/0,~y Kapwa and the Struggle for Justice, Freedom, and Dignity

the Filipino's perception ofjustice to such an extent that it may be described Table III
as "accommodative" rather than "confrontative," a uniquely Filipino way Kagandahang-Loob: Pakikipagkapwa as Pagkamakacao
of insuring minimal disturbance to the Filipino core value of kapwa. [Nobility, Benevolence, and Compassion i1' Kapwa Psycholcgy]

The Filipino worJ for law, batas, denotes command, order, or decree, KAPWA (shared iJcmicy) ( P;igkacao}
CORE VALUE
meanings different from the primary meanings ofkatarungan. The Filipino
Linking: Socio-Pc:rson;ll V;t!uc K1g.mdah;mg-Joob (slureJ humrnity) { P;i.gb.nnk;ttan}
. language seems to indicate that the law is not always just (Diokno 1981).
K;i.nng.1tu1 (Jignity) K:inmng..1.n Uu~tiu:) K;i.l;i.y:t:m (freedom)
There also seems to be a distinction between the code or the law itself Associaccd Soci<ll V;tlue

and the implementation of this code. It is in the implementation that .. Soci;i.I ;i.ccept:ince" "Soci;J equity" "Social mobility··
Reductionist Interpretation
justice can be compromised or even negated completely. This distinction
is congruent to common perceptions that the current system of
Beyond Pakikisama: Equity and Fairness
implementing laws does not provide justice for all; instead it provides
justice only for the rich and powerful. Precisely because of this observation, A fundamental component of the concept of katarungan is fairness,
one finds ic reasonable to argue that those who have "less in life should which means giving equal ,. treatment tu everyone, rich or poor, powerful
have more in law." or weak. Fairness is derived from the idea that kat:irungan includes the
Another dimensio11 of katarungan is the recognition of certain basic idea of "appropriateness." V/here power and privilege are concentrated
rights, or karapatan. There is a strong belief that there exist certain basic in the h:inds of a few, achieving justice implies the operation of fairness
rights, in particular the right to oneself and to one's own (e .g., physical and "appropriateness" (Diokno 1981, Silliman 1982).
being, possessions, personal affairs) and the right to one's means of In the settlement of disputes, access to justice should be quick and
livelihood with which others should not interfere (Silliman 1982). This inexpensive. However, only the rich can afford lengthy and costly
~ A
view is confirmed by Machado's (1979) and Silliman's (1982) finding that proceedings. The prevailing judicial syscem is partial to them.
most disputes are personal ra(her than public in nature.
The will of the majority is integral to the concept of fairness. Since
The significance· of this dimension of katarungan can be seen in the the poor comprise the majority, their interest should be represented.
root of the word karapatan which is dapat, meaning appropriate and correct. Although rich and poor should be treated equally, their interests are clearly
These meanings are also the root of the term katarungan, indicating the perceived as different. In case of cpnflict, the side of the poor should be
close relation of the two concepts in the Filipino value system. given more weight because they are the ll)ajority. If a system is to be fair,
The emphasis on personal rights indicates a personal notion of and therefore makatarunJlan Gust), the m~jority should be heeded instead
justice. That is, conflicts or situations of justice are perceived as being of the powerful minority.
against oneself; justice is obtained when personal redress has been made
to oneself or when or{e·s personal circumstances have been restored to Katotohanan and Katwiran: Truth and Reason
their previous condition (Silliman 1982, Machado 1979). A personal notion
Two concepts related to the value of katarungan are katotohanan
of justice, however, also applies to social situations in which classes of
(truth) and katwiran (reason). In the implementation of justice,
individuals are involved in the distribution of benefits or burdens and not
katotohanan shields one from false accusations. Take, for instance, a case
. only to individual cases (Silliman 1983) .
where a person is accused of a certain crime. A just decision on his case

62 63
 From Colonial to Liberation Psychology Kapwa and the Struggle for Justice , Freedom, :ind Dignity

l
would require that the truth be ascertained. Furthermore, fo r a situation
to b.e just, there should be absolutely no deception , fai sity, cover-up,
whitew ashing, or the like. For katarungan to be realized , there should be l:1
!
untarnish ed katapatan or h o nesty. Kato tohanan is at the co re of katapatan.
As it is used in different Philipine languages , the primary meaning
1E
of ka tarungan is reason, indicating the close relationship b etween ka twiran JI
and katarungan . Silliman (198 2) explains: " used in the co ntext o f explaining if
!W;
w hy someon e takes a complai nt to a village official, katarnngan implies
'right' Gust) reason or just cause with the impli catio n that the others sh ould
readily see the 'justness' of one's case."
~'II!
Pagkakaisa : Justice in Unity or Consensus

The Filipino concep t of katarunga n ope rates at th e highest level of

social interactio n, pagkakaisa (unity/ being w ith others). Pagkakaisa implies ·~.t
~
a co nsensus or an agreem ent am ong all parties involved in a situation . In
Kawalar:g-gala11g (disrespect) toward~ the environment: Illegal logging destroys the
the case of a disp ute, fo r ins tance, the fo rmal interventio n by the hands of
envi ronment and the material and economic bases of the culture of those depending
the law to settle w ha t is perceived to be an injustice is no t needed. Steps
on it.
are taken by the parties involved , like having a dialogue to clarify iss ues,
to reach a compro!T'jse to which all agree. This consensus i:; sufficient, or
at the very least necessary, to say that justice has been do n e. T his is similar
to what is referred to as an " amicable settlement of disptites." Dissent or
oppositio n, especially by the m ajority, would indicate that their se ntim ents
are not b eing considered. Th erefore there can be no agreem ent and there
can be no justi ce.
Pagkakaisa is also the highest level of interperso n al intera ction
possible. It can be said that being one with another is a full realization of
pakikipagkapwa . At this level of interaction , th ere is total tru st and
identifica tion among th~ parties involved. The " shared inner self" in kapwa
psychology h as a reflexive quality, such that what is good fo r one is shared
and is good ·for the other, what would be to the detriment of one is
accepted in fact as detrimental to the other. Being one w ith another, a
person will not act or decide in any wJ.y that would injure the dignity of
another person , precisely because he has complete appreciatio n of the
other person's being as if it were an extension of one's own self. Justice for all: not only for the rich and powerful

64 65
 From Colonia l to Liberation Psychology Kapwa and the Struggle for Justice, Freedom, and Dignity
l
~

j
w l!
In spirit, therefore, with pagkakaisa, no one can be better off than !~-

the other in any way. This is a precondition of katarungan, which seems

to be over an<l beyond the ordinary concept of fairness . Pagkakaisa, and
also katarungan, howeve:-, are viewed as normative conditions. The context
~
of Filipino society is perceived as inequitable; the wealthy md the powerful
are clearly better off, even with regard to access to justice. The current
judicial system is popularly perceived as providing justice only for the
rich and powerful.
Settlements, therefore, are not necessarily accepted as fair er just.
The so-called agreements are often determined by the comparative power ·}:!II~

of the disputants rather than by the demands of justice. The rich and i,~·

powerful w ill always have the edge. They will always have better bargaining
positio ns than o rdinary folk. A just or fair outcome ca:n be expected in
se ttlements only when the disputants are nearly equal in social statu s, i.e. ,
in money, power, and influ ence. Pagkakaisa then remains an ideal obj ective.
,.;
,m.!
I'"
Filipino psycho!ogy: From the Filipino, for the Filipino.

The lowi:r levels of intera ctio n, pakikisama and pakikib2gay, become the , ~ f'
compromise norm. ,,~ ji
!~,..,
Kapayapaan (Peace): Consequence of Katarungan as Unity
."~I; ~~

The Filipino concept of katanmgan is accommodative, as indicated

by two significant characteristics of this concept. First is the value given to
kapayapaan along with katarungan, giving the latter a nonconfrontative
quality. This is most clearly reflected in situations when one is a victim of
injustice by another. The injustice is sometimes resolved with a "Diyos na
lang ang bahala sa kanila." The acceptance, as part of the social reality, of
the unwanted system of "palakasan," is a manifestation of this
nonconfrontative, and therefore accommodative, nature of the concept of -Kapayapaan (peace) as a consequence of justice
katarungan.
The pervasiveness of resorting to settlements or mediations of It should be noted, however, that settlements are not always accepted
disputes de.s pite the existence of a formal litigation system also underscores as just, and that kapayapaan is never equated with katarungan . Settle"ment
the significance ascribed to kapayapaan . Settlements, aside from being becomes an acceptance or a yielding to a greater power, to palakasan,
quicker and cheaper than court litigations, increase the likelihood of which is understood as unjust. Kapayapaan then is maintained at the surface
reestablishing amicable and cordial relationships between disputants. level. Ibang-tao (not one - of-us) interaction is held at rhe level of
pakikisama.

66 67
 From Colonial to Liberatio n Psychology

The second characteristic is that katarungan is graded, that is, there-

are different levels or gradations of justice. This characteristic seems to
have evolved from the preceding quality of n o nconfro ntativeness. The 'i
recognition and acceptance of prevailing unj ust sys tem s allow fo r a
co mpromise w ith justice, giving in to the powers- that- be to som e degree
to be able to attain some acceptable degree of justice. The people are, in
fact, nakikiba.J!ay with the unjust implem entation of the legal system. 5
The often-heard plea for " maski kauntinx kat.aru n.i?an laman;( (a little The Filipinization of Personality Theory
justice) is reflective of this graded justice. Thus, it is n ever the case that a :~,
situation is either "makatarungan" or " di-makatarunxan." These two exist as
extremes , the former b eing the ideal, the latter th e status quo. Between
these two are levels with w hich one h as to be sa tisfied as a comp ro mise,
having in mind som e other value---kapayapaan. ikolohiya ng Pilipino's strong commitment to the develo pment of

Care, however, must be taken n ot to generalize that this element is ''..! S national iden tity and consciousness inspired a renewed critical interest
in the scientific study of the Filipino personality. In fact, one important
equally p erceived by the differe nt subcultures in Philippin e society. T his
mea ning of sikolo hiyan g Pilipino is sikolo hiya ng m ga Pilipino o r Filipino
app reh ensio n is born e out by the fact that the respo nde nts promo ting
psyc hology and character. H oweve r, studies on natio nal charac ter h ave
such a co ncep t belong to lowland communities w hich are rela tively free
:j.: b ee n susp ec t b eca u se of m e tho d ologica l pro ble m s and th e risk o f
fro m the tension and strife evident in the other areas in the cou n tryside. ·~
-,1~: stereo typing a p eople.
Further inves tigation of this elem ent in areas w here militancy am o ng the
10The con cepts of nati~n-al character in general and Filipino p ersonality
populace is ex h i bited is .n c;.cessa ry to' de termin e co nclu sively if the ·<
~~:
perception o f kapayap aan as an element of justice is p re_sen t ac ross ethnic in particular are w rought with difficulties . B artolome (1 985) maintained
groups . that the very "idea of a Filipino personality .. . can work against or even
b e used against the Filipino themselves." H e was critical of the way the
Relati o n s of do minatio n and exploitation are ultimately respo nsible ..,• J'i. M arcos reg ime w as apparently endo rsing legitimate prid e in Filipino
for the perpetu atio n o f injustice in Philippin e society, p articularly am o ng ' [t national heritage and culture "by·-resurrecting barangays and o ther ancient
the poor and underprivileged . Justice, like edu ca tio n , h ealth care, and
law, is essentially a political and economic phenom eno n that cannot be ~~ co ncepts on the pretext that they are gr.eat or worthy examples of a great
·~~ p as t" but actu ally ex plo iting n ationali st sentiments with the aim of
divorced from its societal context. ~
':~ "obscuring the m o re compelling social realities" of the nation .
ijZ
'I ·! The Philippines after Marcos remained unmindful of Bartolome's
i~.[~ warning. In fact, "understanding the Filipino personality and character"
:[ took a sinister turn once more, this time in the familiar form of blaming

-·~ the victim for his sorry state by starting with the assumption that the worst
enemy of the Filipino is himself.

68 69
 •Ji
From Colonial to Liberation Psychology l~'
The Filipinization of Personality Theory
f~

A distinctio n should be m ade betwee n th e co ncep ts of" perso nality" to put forwa rd Wes tern behavior pa tterns as m odels fo r the Filipino. As
and pagkatao (Enriquez 1979) . Concern with the Filipin o character as if Law less (1 969) puts it, "in the case of Lynch's comparison, is it not b etter
the Filipin o w ere an object of analysis fro m the o utside by an o utsider, or to be frankly ho n est than socially ing ratiating? .And in Nurge's comparison,
alternatively by an obj ective insider, jibes very well w ith th e co ncept of is it no t be tte r to have a ' true' verbal description of reality than a deceptive
p ersonali ty w hich is roo ted in the co ncept C>f " p erso na"--a mask w hich o ne'" E ve n B ulatao's m et;:.: pho r of a "split-level" bungalow relega tes the
can be observe d from the outsid e. H owever, pagka tao is p e rhaps best Filipino to the b ase m ent and assigns the Ameri'can to the upper level. Be
rendered as "pe rsonho od ." Pa;;kataon;; Pilipirw, th erefore, asser ts the shared :b1 that as it m ay, the co ntinuing interest in identity and national consci o usness
~~
humanity and the kapwa psych ology of the Filipino. is n o t a m o no poly o f psychologists of the sikolo hiyang Pilipino p e rsuasion .
Bille d by m edia as an attempt to kn ow "what's wrong and w hat's What m ak es sik o lo hiya ng Pilipin o diffe re nt is its inten se pursuit of
~
right with th e Filipino," th e Philippin e Senate, o n Septem ber 18, 1987, develo ping the indigeno us natio nal cultu re and its program o f using the
approved R esolutio n N o. 10 , sp onso red by Se naton Le ticia R am os- indige no us language in its co nfe rences, research , teaching, and publica tions .
Shahani, Albe r to Romulo, and E rn esto M aceda. T he resolmio n directed 'il' The m assive influence of the United States of Am erica o n education,
'.liJ
"the committee o n education, arts, an d cul ture and the committee on ~,, religio n , comm e rce, politics, and the m ass m edia predisposes the Filipino
social j ustice, w elfa re, and developmen t to cond u ct a j oin t inq uiry in to to adop t the colonial v~ewpo i nt in stu dyi ng and ex plaining the Filipino
the strengths and weaknesses of th e character of the Filipin o w i th a view ~ p sych e. N ormally, the imp o rtatio n of an ali en p erspective p rovides a
~
to solving the social ills and streng thening th e natio n 's moral fiber." The .l';'
m easure of o bj ectivity to a research since the scho lar is not e nmesh ed and
result was a 68-page rep o rt in English by a tas k g ro up headed by Patricia bo und by the culture he is studying. The Philippine exp erien ce, h owever,
B . Licuanan of the Ateneo de M anila Unive rsity, sub mi tte d to Senator w as differe nt. M os t of the American-trained social scientists did n o t o nly
Shahani o n April 27, 1988. In spite of all the good intentio ns and the appraise the data that came in bu t also sto od in judgment o f their .w o r th
stated aim of coming up with a balanced picture, the colonial- resulting and impo rtance, using American catego ri es and standards. Th e supposedly
image reflecte d more of the c olonial instea d of the indigen o us identity of Filipino valu es or concep ts we re lifte d, as it were, fro m the cultural milieu
the Filipino. This is understandable because they relit;d· on a review of and exam ined according to inappropriate alien ca tegories , resulting in a
the English language literature on the Filipino charac ter as well as a token disto rted and erro neo us app raisal of indige no us psych ology.
fo c used-group discussion in "a d epressed, urban poo r resettle m e nt area
Siko lo hiyang Filipino is no t simply concerned with the image of
in Dasm ariiias, B agong Bayan, C avite."
the Filipino o r the motive behind invidious co mparisons. The evaluation
Indigenous Identity and the Colonial Image of the Filipino o f the Filipino vaiues and p atte~ns of ~eh avior was a question of national
interest:
A scientific and balanced look at p ersonality and cult ure studies in
Comparisons are usuall y resorted to in explaining the Filipino
the Philippine s was an imp o rtant co nc e rn for siko lohiya n g Pilipin o
way of life to strangers. The basis for comparison, the interpretative
precisely because of the need to correct the imbalance in a situation where
scheme, should be criticall y evaluated especially if the observations
the Filipin o i s primarily charact e rized from the judg mental and are made by the strangers themselves . The issue here is not simply thc:i
impressionistic point of view of the colo ni ze rs. In additio n, th e native nationality of the stranger observer or his length of exposure to the
Filipino invariably suffers from the comparison in n o t to o subtle attempts Filipino way oflife. The question, rather, is: from whose national interest
should Philippine culture be evaluated? (Samson 1980).

70 71
 .-

Fran z Calonial to Liberation Psychology ~ The Filipinization of Personality Theory

'
1
4s

The colonial character of the Philippine social science, developed lj the Filipino culture puzzle. The continued denial of the proper role of
l:
and written in the English language, is particularly and painfully evident the indigenous language in social science research and its diminution as a
in studies of Filipino "national character" and values. Th e majority of m ere source of co nve nient labels and as a fa p de for Filipinization and
these studies rely uncritically on a borrowe d lan g uage, inapplicable
JI respec tab ility only results, at best, in an unstruc tu red co ll_ec tion of
categories of analysis, and a token use of the iocal lan gu age and culture. indigenous terms affixed to supposedly Filipin o valu es. Thus, a listing of
Designations for supposedly indigenous values and patterns of behavior ::t:'' Filipino values is now conveniently available for sc h o lars and tourists
include term.sand expressions from English (e.g., "Filipin o time "), Spanish ·~ alike who somehow feel that they have a better unde rstanding of the
(e .g., delicadeza, amor propio), and a curious mix ture of English and Spanish 'ti!_
Fiiipino perso nality on the basis of their readings of such exo tica as amor
i
(e.g., maiiana habit) . If ever Philippine terms are used at all, they simply propio, bahala na, and pakikisama:
function as m ere labels, more often than no t, w ith very little resea rch and
unde rstandin g of their d ee per significance a nd co nt e nt . Moreover, The toke n use of Filipino concepts and the local language has
indigenous terms most often found in American-oriented English led to the identification of some supposedly Filipino national val ues.
Among the frequently mentioned values are hiya (shame), pakikisama
language researches were drawn primarily from the Tagalog lang uage of
if;]-• •
(yielding to the leader or the majority), utang na loob (gratitude), amor
Central Lu zon (e.g. , bahala na, ninJtas ku;:on, etc.) . A sm attering of co ncepts
propio (sensitivity to personal affro nt) , and bayanihan (togetherness in
was occasionally plucked from different regions o f the country (e.g., mahay ·;~, conunon effort). Som e reg10nal values which have been recognized
and Jtaba from Cebuano) but as a whole, the analysis and interpre tatio n of include marata/Jat (a complex combination of pride, honor, and shame),
Filipino values is substantially keyed to a foreign language and p erspec tive. ~ balatu (sharing of one's for tune), ilus (sharing surplus food), kakugi
·~-· (meticulousness and attention to details) , patugsilirzg (compassion) , kalulu
The risks involved in this widespread practice are many. These studies
usually conclude by id~ ntifying supposed Philippine values aJ.J.d patterns (empathy), hatag gusto (generosity), paghiliupod (faithfulness in need or
;.i:
plenty) , and pagsinabtanay {fidelity with one's prom..ises) (Elequin 197 4) .
of behavior. More often tjian n•.)t, howeve r, the studies fail to see the
values in terms of the Filipino world view, experience, and milieu . The Apparently, then, the emphasis in this kind of research is the search
organization and logic of the values as it is viewed fro m the indigenous
for th e English equivalent of the indigenous te rm. The label is fitted,
perspective is ignored.
sque ezed, and pushed into th e mindset co n co mitant to the foreign
The distorted view of Filipino values becomes even worse when equivalent. The term 's real significance in th e Philippine contex t· is
the English-oriented researcher, in affixing a label to a supposed value, diminishe d, if not entirely lost: More sinister still, by lifting the indigenous
simply scans the list of indigenous terms which presumably refer to the term from its milieu and slapping it -o n a supposed value, the researcher
same and plucks out the one which seems to describe that value b est. can attach whatever significance he may assign to the latter. In the hands
Without prior study and respect for the language involved, the researcher of a Western-oriented researcher whose m o tivatio n in doing the research
may be dealing with' a list that is both inappropriate and inadequate. The may concededly be academic, such privilege may, unwittingly, still be
resulting labeling, therefore, may be incorrect, as is often the case. supportive of oppressive ends. Th.e inappropriateness of this dangerous
Language has its own logic; hence, we cannot afford to ignore such approach to the study of Filipino values can best be seen in the concepts
a rich resource. The use of the language of the masses in the writing and most often treated and highlighted in researches of this .i lk: hiya, utang na
dissemination of scientific reports makes socio-political sense. However, loo b, and pakikisama. Many social scientists have studied them as separate
it is more important to recognize that in the language lie many pieces of values and in isolation from all others. M o reover, popular writers, taking

72 73
 it
From Colonial to Liberation Psychology The Filipinization of Personality Theory

their cue from these studies, often situate these values at th e very seat of many Filipinos. In addition, these th ree are recogni zed as a triad w h ose
the Filipino's personality, the absence of which th ey deem fatal to the legs emanate from a single trunk, the actual core value of the Filipino
farmer's ethni city. personality. This core value has been identified as kapwa. Surface valu es
therefore are n o t frees tanding valu es which anyo ne can assume at will.
The fun ction ali st value studies p op ulari zed b y th e In stitute of
The core valu e must be cultivated and und erstood first b efore the full
Philippine Culture and referred to by R obert Law less ( 1969) as th e
m ea ning o f the surface values can becom e apparent and appreciated .
"Ateneo appro ac h" was controversial, to say the least. Dissa tified with
"perso n alize d accounts of behavior with o nl y an ecd o tal sup p ortin g ~ M o reover, the use of the indigen ous language led to the ide ntification
materials," Lawless warned against the " repli cati o n of uni for mity" and Ii., of an un de rl yin g preconditio n for th e existen ce of the su rface values , that
the selectio n of "whatever data fit exp ec tati o ns ," making it diffi cult to is to say, the co ncept and valu e of pakiram dam. The fun ctio n of this valu e
correct "early misimpressions." is to ac t as the pro cessor, or pivo t, w hich spins off th e surface valu es from
th e co re valu.e of kap wa. A perso n witho ut pakiramdam ca nno t p ossibly
Even in g ranting "authenticity" to " common Asi an and feud al-
agricultural valu es," Andrew B. Gonzales (1982) saw w ha t "see m ed to b e have pak.i kisam a an<l utang na loob. Similarly, one can not expect hiya
labeling activ ities " in the earlier attempts by Ly nch and H o llnstein er. fro m so meo ne w ho has no pa kira rndam .
Bennagen (1 985) was forthright in his criticism of w hat h e called " ve rbal Perh aps thi s valu e syste m can b e bes t illu strate d in th e p opular
Filipinizatio n, that is, the search for Filipino words w hile using an essentially Filipino co n cepti o n o f th e masa manP, tao (b ad or evil p erso n) . Th e
structural-functionalist perspective." Jn a call fo r the full use o f Filipino in masa mang tao can b e characterized as o ne w h o does not exhib it th e
the social sci en ces, verbal Filipinization was ch aracteri zed as rnala-p ustisonP, acco mmodative values of hi ya, utang na loob, and pakikisama. The denial ·
P,amit nx wika or "token use of the Filipino language " (Enriqu ez 1981). o r abse nce of each of these accommodative valu es is lab eled: 1) the walanj!
The token use of indigenous vocabulary should no t b e confu sed with the pakisama {o ne in ept at the level of :idjustrn.ent) ; 2) the walanP, hiya (one
forming of appropriate theory. w ho lacks a se nse of karangalan or ho nor/ propriery); and 3) the walanP,
utan/ na lo ob (one w ho lacks adeptn ess in respecting a sh ared dignity,
The functionalist appro.ach is not without defenders. Convin ced
karan galan, and kagandah ang-loob).
that the surface values of hiya, pakikisama, and utang n3 lo ob "certainly
play strong fun ctional roles in Filipino daily life , notwithstanding the fact The p erso·n characterized as wahmP, pa.leiramdam is, of course, wo rse
that kapwa plays a 'superior' conceptual role," Tenant (1987) insisted that off than any of the three " evil" characters mentioned above. It is definitely
"as halting and faltering as the process may be, people still communicate unfortunate, to put it mildly, to b,e aflli cted with such an inadequacy. This
face to face , not core to core." However, he did not deny th:it p articularly sad state is captured in on,e Filipino word: rn anhid (numb /
communicati o n and social interaction should be interpreted on the basis absence of feeling) .
of core meanings . However, such a character pales in comparison beside one who is
walan;: kapwa:
In Search of Core Meanings: The Role of Language
One argument for the greater importance of kapwa in Filipino
If one must communicate, language definitely helps . U sing the thought and behavior is the shock or disbelief that the Filipino registers
Filipino language, ones sees hiya, utang na loob, and pakikisama merely when confronted with one who is supposedly walang kapwa (-tao). If
as surface values, readily apparent attributes appreciated and exhibited by one is walang pakisama , others might still say, "He would eventually

74 75
 ..
The Filipin.ization of Personality Theory
From Colonial to Liberation Psychology

learn" or "Let him be: chat's his prerogative." If one is walang hi ya, She sees circumspection in pakiramdam:
others say, "His parents should t~ach him a thing or two." If one is
... hiya demand(s) that one conducts oneself in a circumspect
walang utang na loob others might advise, "Avoid him." But if one is
manner, e.g., with pakikiramdam. Kahihiyan could be avoided by sizing
w:ilang kapwa-tao, people say, "He must have reached rock bottom.
up the situation first and watching how others react. In being
Napakasmna na niya. He is the worst," (Emiquez 1978).
considerate and behaving as kapwa, one tries not to cause kahihiyan
The surface values can vary cross-culturally. Even the relative to others; in saving face and preserving amor propio, one tries not to
bring kahihiyan upon oneself. In all this, pakikinmdam may be seen as
importance attached to the pivotal value of pakikiramdam is determined
some kind of golden rule.
by cultural imperatives. Not so vvith kapwa. In the Philippine value system,
kapwa is at the very foundation of human values. This core value then Without pakiramdam, there is no sense of time and kalooban. Thus,
determines not only the person's personality but more so his personhood utang na loob is not only reduced to reciprocity but also vanishes
or pagkatao. Without kapwa, one ceases to be a Filipino. One also ceases
completely:
to be human .
It is with one's loob (being) that one feels. One could have a debt
Pahildramdam: The Pivotal Aspect of Kapwa and pay it back in business-like fashion without utang na loob. On
the other hand, the emotional component is at a maximum in utang
Pakikiramdam is the pivotal value of shared inner perception. It na loob reciprocity ... Voluntary initiation of th e action is also
refers to heightened awareness and sensitivity. Mataragnon (1987) extremely important, for the spirit in which a service is rendered, the
characterized pakikiramdam as "feeling for another," a kind of emotional giving of self that is involved, knds an emotional content to the
a priori. Pakikiramdam is an active process involving great care and relationship that is, lacking in contractual and quasi-contractual
1:
deliberation manifested in .~'hesitation to react, attention to subtle cues, reciprocity (Lynch 1973).Without pakikiramdam, one cannot acquire
3 sense of utang na loob; neither can one know when and how to
and nonverbal behavior in mental role-playing (If I were in the other's
situation, how would I foe!?)" (Mataragnon 1987).
··,"i': express this sense of gratitude.

Using pakikiramdam, a person seeks to clarify an ambiguous and The improvisatory character of pak.ikiramd.a m is operative in bahala
therefore critical situation to arrive at an appropriate response. It is a na :
:~
legitimate move leading to pakikiisa (being one with others); later, to
being able to identify with another's being; and ultimately, to being able Bahala m strikes a curious relationship with pakik.iramdam. At
to share complete trust. first sight, it appears that bahala na is reckless and fatalistic while
pakikiramdam is careful and humanistic ... Lagmay mentions the
Pakikiramdam , is necessarily tied to the operation of all Filipino "improvisatory personality" of the Filipino which allows him to be
surface values. comfortable with unstructured, indefinite, and unpredictable situations.
Regarding pakikisama, Mataragnon (1987) writes, "A person who It is this same "improvisatory personality" that is at work in pakikiramdalh
knows how to get along well with others is one who is 'ma,1?alin,1? (Mataragnon 1987).
makiramdam' (good in sensing cues)."

77
76
 The Filipinization of Perso nality Theory
From Colonial to Liberation Psycholo<i;y

Tab le IV
The Centrality of Pakiramdam in Behavioral and Interpersonal
Domains Pakira mda m: Pakikipagbpwa as Pagkatao
[Shared Inner Perception, Self, an<l Identi ty in Kapwa Psyc hology]
The recognition of a parallelism between the triad of accommodative KJ,PWA (P:>gbtao}
CORE VALUE
surface values and the behavioral-phenomenological domain of biro- (shared idcni: ity)
:~
lambinx-tampo (tease/joke-sweetness/ caress-resent/ disappoint) generates PakirJ.mdam { Pakikipa gkapw;i.- tao }
Pivot;i.I li1tcrpcrsonal V'Jluc
(shared inn er percept ion)
a number of fascinating hypotheses. Biro Goke/ tease) is most relevant to
the domain of the surface value of hiya. The initial tension attributed to Lit:rng na loob Pakikisama
HiyA
Colonial/ Accom mod;ltive Surface (compani onship /
(propriety/ di gnity) (gratitude/ so lidarity)
hiya during interperso nal encounters, which is most likely to occur at V;i.lu c -:ste em )

levels of interac tions below pakikipagpalagayang-loob can be neutralized T;i.mpo

Biro !joke) Lambin g (sweet ness)
by a biro. Even the expression "Napahiya ka ano?" can actually be a biro Associ:t.ted Dehavi o r P;i.ttem (:iffective
dis~p poinrment)
disguised as chastisement. Biro and hiya are actually correlated, though
not ordinarily recognized as such. In a culture which uses teasing as a C011 fromati vc Surface Val ue D:1ha!a r. a s~m;.t/ Llb.s r.g loob Pakik ibaka
(rcse nt1ncnt / guts) (resista nc e)
form of socialization or -even as a strategy for establishillg rapport, this (detenni n:ai o n)

<Iii
relationship· is easier to apprehend.
Even less intimately related, and ofren thought of as unrelated, are
The second would be ramdarn, a variation of damdam which m eans to feel.
the surface values of pakikisama and the behavioral pattern of lambing
Although damdam and dama would both m ean "to feel," this English ·
(sweetness/ underlying fondness) . Lambing behavior is more likely to be
equivalent does not consi der the externality-internality dimensions of
observed in situations where pakikisama is operative. There are situational ~
feeling. Stricdy speaking, dama is external in quality; that is, having a
constraints to the manifestation oflambing. For example, it is supposed to
social dirnension , concerning one's interaction with other people.
be absent in pakikisama amofig male barkada (indigenous peer group).
However, it can be argued that lambing is simply manifested in different
Pakidarna would, therefore, be external in character. On the other
hand , damdam is internal in nature; that is, it involves o ne's "loob;' the
ways depending upon sex, status, age, nature of relationship, and the like.
Similarly, tampo is the behavioral pattern and phenomenological fe eling recognition of a person's individuality.
most frequentl y associated with perceived disregard for utang na loob.
Again, the two are not normally thought of as related, and yet tampo is Portrait of the Compliant Filipind
the first thing felt and / or manifested in the face of a supposedly
Readily observable surface value s are often mi staken for
unrecognized or unreciprocated utang na loob. Basic to all these is the
distinguishing attributes of the Filipinos as opposed to other nationalities.
value of pakiramdam. Table 4 summarizes the relationship among the
That may cause a bit of co nfusion as was mentioned earlier, as these values
values.
may vary among the different ethnic groupings of the archipelago. Moreover,
the misconception that the triad of hiya , utang na loob, and pakikisama
The Internality-Externality Dimension in Pakikiramdam
constitutes the entirety of surface values is fostered by colonial social
Dissecting the term pakikiramdam yields two related concepts. The science. One researcher even went as far as identifying a surface value as a
first would be paki- which is an aflixation indicating a request or a plea. Filipino "goal, purpose, and objective." While bordering on the absurd,

79
78
 -
•;i: The Filipinization of Personality Theory
Fro m Co/011ial to Liberation Psychology
j
"%

.~~
the idea is perpetuated in English social science textbooks (e.g., Hunt, ,, the Unive rsi1:y of Chicago. He went to the Philippine island of Panay and
-~
Quisumbing, Espiritu, Costelo, and Lacar 1987). The hiya-ulan;z na loob- studied huya (which is equivalent to hiya amo ng the Tagalogs , accordin g
pakikisama triad forms only one ca tego r y, th e accommo d ative surface to his study) . Sibley came to the conclusion that hiya is "social" in character.
'~
valu es. Its co unterpart g roupin g maybe refe rred to as the confro ntative H e fa iled to appreciate the m o ral dimensio n of the co n cept precisely
' because he did not pay attenti o n to a m :ij or characte ristic o f the indigeno us
surfa ce valu es.
As ca n b e gathe re d from th e adj ective , acc ommo dative values language: the system of affixatio n.
fun ctio n primarily to m aintain the status qu o either o n an individual or The syste m o f affixation is a very important aspect of the Filipin o
gro up basis. Over the years, Ame ri ca1'-oriented researc he rs h ave seize d ianguage w hich sh o uld not be glossed over by root wo rd-o rie nted analys ts
on this category to such an extent that aU other values have been pushed of Philippine values. This distinctio n can be illustrated by citing an attemp t
to the sidelin es. B ecause of the sh ee r visibili ty o f studies m ade o n the by Sibley to b o lster his claim wi th a Tagalog salawikain (saying) w hich
subject, translation labels for each of the m have seep ed into po puiar usage was reportedly use d to refer to a wo m an w ho committed suicide to escape
and have bee n take n as appropriate. hiya: N ahiya sa tao; sa D iyos ay liindi .
H iya go t b andi ed about as "sham e" or embar rass m ent." Utang na His transla tio n was er ro neo us. O ne sh o uld not confuse nahiya w ith
~

loob go t to be know n as " reciprocity." But no o ne really got car ried away
111
~ naka.~ahiya. W h en o ne says "Nakakah iya sa tao; sa Diyos hindi," one is
ff
except w hen p akikisa m a was elevated to the status of a value and passed co ncerned w ith the social, instead of the m o ral, aspect of the b ehavio r. A
off as a Filipino "goal, purpose, and obj ective." 1; loose but idiom atic translation of this wo uld b e " It's a shameful sin ag;ii nst ·
Unlike the seemi ng institutio nalizatio n of accomm odative valu es, .,., society but not agai nst G o d." O bvio usly, this canno t b e said of suicide.
~
~ H owever, th e saying "Nahiya sa tao, sa Diyos hindi" is iro ni c; it precisely
the confrontative values w ere eithe r ignored o r misinterpreted o utright.
The p op ulari zation of b ahala na as fa talism is a case in point since the "
·i.''
m eans " Dapat ay nahiyo. din sa D iyus" o r " sh e sho uld no t have sin ned
basic co nfro ntative m eaning •o f the con cept was n o t dul y recognizc:d . j against God either." This is clearly a moral inj u ctio n missed by Sibley. The
Another n o nco nfro ntative value, lakas nR loob, never cam e to the fore as ' affix na- says so m ething very differe nt fro m w hat nakaka- implies . " N ahiya
-~
sa tao; sa D iyos ay hindi" implies "Dapat ay mahiya sa Diyos ,'' the reby
did utang na loo b, another loo b-related valu e found in the o ther category.
attaching a socio-mo ral signifi.cat1ce to the co ncept. of hiya . Sibley missed
This oversig ht seems linked to the observatio n that utang na loob •; the point alto ge the r by asc rihin g to the wo rd nahi ya th e m ea ning
happe ns to be consistent with subservience and servility. The sam e is the ,,
'f

.? appropriate to nakakahiya .
case with pakikibaka, the las t of the triad of confrontative valu es. This "4 In fa ct, the slang "dyahe" came up in the '70s to communicate: the
concept was p aid only scant attention, perhaps by being " out of place" in
a socie ty w idely presented as " se rvile," " fun-loving;" and "hos pitable."
·' purely social asp ect of the concept of "hiya ." " D yahe " is ac tually the
Increasingly, h owever, this triad of co nfro ntative values is n ow beginning inve rsion of the syllables of ya-hi, coupled with a change in the initial
to get the atten tio n and' appreciation due them . sound fro m "h" to "dy" . Wearin g bell botto m trousers w h en everyone
else is sporting a semi-baston (slightly tight-fitting pants) is dyahe . The
The Moral Dimension of Hiya sanction is social. The moral question is not involved at all. Sibley got the
m eaning of dyahe but missed out on hiya altogether. To think that it w as
One of the earliest studies done on hiya (propriety/ dignity) was by
Sibley (1965), an anthropologist with the Philippine Studies Program at
il >!
just a m atter of distinguishing the affix na- from nakaka-. What m o re if h e
were to encounter the nominal form of hiya in kahihiyan?
'.1

·_:1;
80 81
 From Colonial to Liberation Psychology
l
.

1
'

The Filipinization of Personality Theory

Armando Bonifacio (1976) was right when he called attention to The problems with the token use of the Filipin o psychological
the fact that "napahiya" is not "nakakahiya" and certainly not "ikinahihiya." concepts in the context of a Western analysis that relies on the English
Aside from na- and nakaka-, we have r.apa- and ihna-, n o t to mention ka- language and English categories of analysis are many. It no doubt can
an. Salazar's (1981) ground-breaking study of affixation and hiya supported lead to the distortion of Philippine social reality and furtherance of
once more the importan ce of the externality-internality dimension in the miseduc:ation of the Filipinos. It is not coincidence that Kaut
(196 1) hit up on utang ua loob (debt of "gratitude'') as a key co ncept
the analysis of Filipino psychology. He identified the two aspects of hiya,

I
for the analysis of Tagalog interpersonal relati ons, considering that
namely, the labas (external/i nterpersonal) and the loo b (internal/being) .
ura11g na loob is just one among many psycho-social concepts that
The labas aspect of hiya is the natural do main of behavioral psycho logy,
relate to the theoretically fertil e concept of loob. ' Xie have sam;i. ng
as in hiyain, ikahiya, :md man;:hiya. E arlier studies on hiya captured the loob ("resentment") , kusang loob ("initiative") , lakas ng Joob ("guts"),
external aspect of th e concept and c haracteristically ignore d the m o re and 1nany others. Samonte (1973) needed no less than three pages just
important internal or lo ob asp ect. to list down such. concepts. In addition, Kaut admitted that "debt of
On the other hand, th e loob aspect of hiya is related to qu:ilities gratitude" is not altogether unknown in Washingto n , DC. Even
and the foundation or terminal valu e of karangalan as in mahiyain, kahiya- Americans recognize utang na loob, they just happen to prefer kaliwaan
or immediate payoffs whenever possible.To argue that utang na loob is
lriya, and hiyan;: -hiya. Th e !a has -related meanings also ha ve a social
a Filipino value is th ~ refo re misleading to say the least, and dangero us
dimension, pertainin g to soc ial int e rac tions, su c h as pakikitungo ,
pakikisalamuha , p akikibagay, and pakikisama. The loob-related meanings,
~ at best. Utang na loob wo uld be co nve nient in perpetuating the colonial
status of the Filipino mind (Enriquez t 977).
on the other ha!1d, have an emotional dimension, pertaining to the intensity ,
;u
of one's feeling of hiya . Furthermore, the labas-ori ented affix, aside from fl Perhaps it is not a coincidence that out of a lo ng list of lo ob-related
its social dimension, alsc denotes that hiya can be a voluntary, conscious -~~ co ncepts, utang n a loob was singled out and perpetuated as an important
act (sinasadya), or involuntary, beyond one's voliti o n (di-sin asadya) . aspects of the Filipino national self-image . In additi o n , the English-
.
The Filipino Self-image and the "Blessings" of Utang na Loob
language interpretation · of utang na loob as reciprocity happens to be
useful in promoting the image of the colonizer as benefa cto r.

Another surface value given inordinate attention in the Western- Kaut's 1961 study was misused and overdraw n without du e regard
oriented studies of Philippine values is utang na loob (g ratitude/ solidarity). to the dangers of reductionism when the interpretatio n of utang na loob,
Charles Kaut (1961) admitted that utang na loob is not uniquely Filipino; in terms of direct exchange of goods and fav0 rs, b ecam e the interpretatio n
it can also be found in Washington, DC, except that Americans value of utang na loob. Since utang na lo ob is definitely not so gross and scheming
kaliwaan (direct exchange) more. Concepts such as lakas ng loob and kusan~­ as the pragmatic "you scratch my back.and I'll scratch yours," it is inaccurate
loob were summarily ignored because of the minimal appreciation given and misle:iding to focus on the gift, the acceptance, the repayment, and
to the Filipino language and the lack of appreciation of the meaning and the elements of need and surplus .
significance of the theoretically fertile concept of loob. One can state in Although Kaut also had occasion to translate utang na loob into
detail all the reasons why "American aid" is a form of imperialism (Hayter "debt of gratitude," still the rnercantilist interpretation of the concept
1971); if utang na lo ob is a paramount value to an extent where lakas ng persisted until it got tagged as "reciprocity." Hollnsteiner, (1966) another
loob, kusang-loob, sama n;: loob, and other loob-related concepts are social scientist, pushed the erroneous interpre tation even further by
ignored, then the Filipino should be grateful indeed. claiming that the interaction emanating from utang na loob is "contractual."

82 83
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From Colonial to Liberation Psychology The Filipinization of Personality Theory

\Vhi.le recognizing the significant role of "emotions" (her closest gloss to

loob), she claims that the recipient is compelled "to show his gratitude
I:'.•••
The construct of "smooth interpersonal relations" as proposed by
Lynch (1964) is supposed to be acquired and perceived through pakikisama,

I
properly by returning the favor with interest (Italics hers)." using euphemism in the language utilizing a go-between. He was successful
De Mesa's (1987) analysis of utang na loob as a co mmitme nt to .
. in penetrating the highest level of interpersonal relations in the ibang-tao
"human solidarity" is closer to the logic of Filipino behavior and Philippine category, leading him to believe that pakikisama is a value. However, he

·:~.
I
language use: did not take cognizance of the importance of the other levels of
interpersonal relations beyond pakikisama, making his observation valid
.,
(Utang na loob fun ctions) prior to any reception of favor. It is on ly to a cer tain point, and therefore inadequate . Lynch unwittingly
used as a plea prior to any favor because utang na loob, the debt owed [ reduced kapwa from the deep solidarity found in a shared inner self to
)j
to another person who shares a conm1on humanity (loob), exists just superfici::il "smoo th interpersonal relations ." The inordinate attention given
because we are fellow human beings. '.~
to pakikisama aggravates the unintended bigger problem identified by
The absurdity of the mercantile interpretation of utang na loob is the historian , Renato Constantino (1970), in Dissent and Counter-
embarrassingly humorous in a woman's "bargaining leverage" when m Cortsciourn ess as the mis educa tion of the Filipino. He showed th e
dire need of protection from physical abuse: academician as th e "recipient of miseducation can very well be th e
Philippine society 's miseducator in st ead of professing the new
When that protection is neither forthcoming nor possible, she consci ousness.' '

~
uses the only bargaining leverage she has left: a plea in the narne of Social scientists who un.wittingly single out the co ncept of pakikisama
common humanity, a humanity that needs to be respected. She prefaces from pakikitungo, pakikibagay, pakikipagpalagayang-loob, and pakikiisa,
her requ est with "Utang na loob! Please, in the name of the humanity
we share and the respect that you owe my humanity ... " (de Mesa
,j and then elevate it to the statt,is of a value is at the same time reinforcing
1987).
I -:(intentio nally or unintentionally) skills and talents ... sold to the highest

~·
bidder-usually the elite and vested interest groups. Without question,
Utang na loob is therefore a valu e which moves to recogni ze, respect, 11! they reward docility, conformity, and western orientation. The logical
promote, and, at times, defend the basic dignity of each person .

Elevating the Status of Pakikisama

i
• 1
I
Z.= ·
,v;-
,1.
consequence is that they shrink away from social protest (Navarro 1974) .
Pakikipagkapwa, not pakikisama, is what Filipinos val ue the · m ost:

·~
More accurately, it is not paJ<ikisama as a value which is important
Of the three surface values, pakikisama (companionship/esteem) If
,, but pakikipagkapwa as a Filipino paninindigan. Take the supposed
has received the most extensive treatment in the Western-oriented social social value of pakikisama . It is not even clear if one should accept or
science literature in. the Philippines. [t was used by Lynch (1961, 1973) as .,,
-~!

identify pakikisama as a Filipino value. !fit is truly a value, how do we

a primary basis for the construction of "smooth interpersonal relations" explain the fact that many insist in their pagka tao ("dignity") and
"'h karapatan ("right")-"ayaw kong makisama" ("I don't want to conform")?
or SIR. Again the analysis suffered from the lack of attention to related
concepts in Filipino. Pakikisama happens to be only one of the many Supposing one does not want to be part of corruption, he is identified
~
as hi11di maru11ong makisama. Ifhe does not care for docility, conformity,
ievels of interpersonal relations in Filipino. [n fact, the most valued form
and the Western orientation, he is walang pakikisarna. What kind of
of relationship in the Philippines goes beyond pakikisama.
value is that? What self-image does that create for the Filipino should

84 85
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From Colonial to Liberation Psychology The Filipinization of PersonalityThcory

I
social scientists perpetuate such an idea? It is probably understandable
for a Westerner interested in Philippine society to jump to the conclusion
that pakikisama is a Filipino value. After all, he is not immersed in the
culture, his interests and goals are di£ferent, a:1d he does not eveu
understand the languagd However, the Filipino should marshal his
knowledge as a culture bearer and as a speaker of the language to
heighten his awareness of Philippine social reality .. . The barkada
("peer group") would not he happy with the walang pakisama but
Philippine society at large cannot accept the walang kapwa-tao.
Pakikipagkapwa is both a paninindigan (conviction) and a value. It
includes all the other mentioned modes and levels of interaction.
Pakikisama is a form of pakikipagkapwa but not the other way around.
In fact, pakikisalamuha is even closer than p~kikisama in meaning to
pakikipagkapwa (Enriquez 1977) .

'W'hile pak.ik.isama is a comparatively high level of relatiomhip, it is

only so at the category of ibang-tao (not one of us). Pakik.isa ma is only a
building block :imong ·many in the development of ;i hig her level of
relationship . The other blocks include such concepts as
pakikipagpalagayang-loob (level of mutual trust) , and pakik.iisa (fu sion,
oneness, and full trust) . If all these building blocks are present, then the
relationship can be said to have moved to its highest plane, the category of
hindi ibang-tao (one of us). •

The Confrontative Filipino

~·
;1

The Filipino has be{:n perceived in contradic:tory terms . Notable

examples are debates on whether Filipinos are "basically gentle" or
"violent" as a people. In Hawaii, Filipinos are characterized with both
stereotypes (Ponce 1980). Sim.ilarly, the Filipino is reportedly an "introvert"
in one study but an "extrovert" in another. The concept offrame of reference
should be given due ~ttention as was done by \Vatanabe (1988) in his
study of the Japanese way of perceiving Filipino characteristics in The picture reflects the common interpretation of bahala na . However, research
interpersonal relations . jf (Lagmay 1976) shows the following characteristics of bahala na: (1) it stimulates ·
J'
action; (2) it is not used in order to avoid or forget problems; (3) it implies perseverance
and hardwork; (4) it gives a person lakas ng loob (courage) to see himself through
hard times; and (5) it stimulates creativity.
!Ii

86 87
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·~

From Colonial to Liberation Psychology l The Filipinization of Personality Theory

II
· Btthala Na: Determination in the Face of Uncertainty ·1 in his own capacity to change the present probiematic condition. He is

Among the first studies leading to the inculcation of bahala na as I being required to be resourceful and, most importantly, creative to make
his situation b e tter. Instead of the passive, expectant motivation often
one of the Filipino's most imponant cuitural values wa s that done by j
ascribed to the operation of bahala na, it is clear that bahala na operates to
Lynn Bostrom (1986). Bostrom compared the Filipino bahala na with I raise one 's co urage and determination.
American fatalism. She, wittingly or unwittingly, wrote that knowing the
Lagmay sees bahala na as arising from a social structure that spurs
deeper possible meanings of bahala na is "not so significant as the fact that
one to use his inherent abilitie$ to bring about needed change, and that
it is definitely an expression of fatalism." Fatalism here is being understood
as a passive acceptance of the turns in the patterns of life, indiCJted by a
dislike for planning and taking responsibility for one's 2ctions.
I bahala na is a signal to be persistent in spite of the uncertainty of things.
Furthermore, La gmay states that bahala na reflects the improvisatory
personality of th e Filipin o, allowing him to cope and be comfortable
Bostrom further asserted that bahala na "permeates the people's even in indefinite, unpredictable, and stressful situati.ons.
daily existence and influences their habitual 2ctivities. One's resignation
to his fate is expected by other members of society." Bostrom again Lahas ng Loob: Inner Resource for Change
speculates that bahala na is an escapist value which "serves as a reliever of
tension and reaction against social structure," and that it is "more strongly Coincident with the perpetuation of the accommodative and servile
supported by society in the Philippines" and "may well be related to the image of the Filipino, as portrayed by the supposed values- of hiya, utang
fact that m o re of the country is rural" and lacking in (Western) education. na loob, and pakikisama, is the rash judgment that Filipinos lack lakas rtg
It was Osias (1940) who earlier expressed th e more balanced view loob. If Filipinos don't fare as well as other nationalities in business, it is
that bahala na is a combination of fatalism and determinism. He wrote, "It definitely not because oflack of lakas ng loob. It is unreasonable to assume
is expressive of courage and fortitude, a willingness to face difficulty, and th.~ absence of guts and cbring among a people who staged the first revolution

a willingness to accept the c~::isequences ... " against colonial denomination in Asia . After all, Lapu-Lapu fought and
defeated Ferdinand Magellan in spite of Magellan's superior arms.
Lagmay (1976) has corrected some of the misco~ceptions about
bahala na which gave the value, and to some degree the Filipino, a bad Lakas ng loob is among the seven most highly valued characteristics
name. Firstly, Lagmay found that bahala n a operates in a situation which is of the Filipinos found in a nationwide psychometric study of Filipino
full of uncertainty and lack of information. The striking finding was that personality using the Panukat tt)? UJ?ali at Pa)?katao (Enriquez and Guanzon
despite the uncertainty of the situation, very few would avoid or run away 1983). With the Maranaos on ro·p, the respondents from twelve
from the predicament. A person would instead utter "bahala na" and ethnolinguistic groups scored high on lakas ng loob together with
confront the situation. Therefore, contrary to the connotation of passive pa)?karnatulunxin (helpfulness), pa;<kamapaJ?kumbaba (humility), and
fatalism and escapism ,.;uggested by Bostrom, bahala na would be a pa)?kamatiya)?a (perseverance).
confrontative attitude. It is risktaking in the face of the proverbial cloud of Lakas ng loob is a key ingredient in the realization of pa)?babaxonx-
uncertainty arid the possibility of failure. danxal, enabling one to face difficulty, even death, to vindicate the dangal
It is also an indication of an acceptance of the nature of things, (dignity/honor/ good) in one's being (de Mesa 1987). Lakas ng loob is a
including the inherent limitations of one 's self. However, it i.1 an acceptance damdamin (internal feel/attribute/trait) necessary for actualizing the good
which is not passive. It is as if one were being forced by the situation to act not only in one's self but also in one's fellow man (kapwa), in one's loob,
and in facilitating the "social good" in kapwa .

88 89
!
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 From Colonial to Libera tion Psychology The Filipinization of Personality Theory

The People's Power revolution illustrates kapwa and lakas ng loob

as the businessmen and professionals from Makati joined ranks with the
urban poor and protesting laborers fro m Tondo. The voice and lakas ng
loob from Mendiola and E. de los Santos Avenue (ED SA) in a united
m ove to bring about p:i.gbabagong-dangal. Instead of the overd rawn and
misused concept of utang na loob, the Filipino lakas ng loob, suppo rted
by his conviction and the social psychology of kap wa, was affi r m ed . The
motivation to dislodge a dictator in the light of the val ues o f kata run gan,
kalayaan, and ultimately, karangalan, led to a dem o nstratio u of people's
power in a m ove toward pagbab agong-dangal.

Pakikibaka: Cooperative Resistance

The dialectics of kapwa both as a psychology and as a wo rldview

.include not o nly pakikisama, as seen in th e unity of m an and na ture, bu t The Filipino in the'Third Wo rld is not all smiles and pak.ikisama. H e knows the
also p aki ki baka (level of fusion in a common struggle) in the fa ce of meaning of cooperation and concerted action to promote the rights of a minority
j ustice and exploitation.· Pakikib aka as an asp ect of a kapwa- o riented culture. If kapwa-tao is challenged, the Filipino coping response is not pakikisama
wo rldview awa kens th e Filipino 's conscio usn ess of present-day reali ties but pakik.ibaka even when he seems utterly powerless.
and motivates him to be one in the struggle to b reak away fr om th e
clutches of the n eocolonial setup. His m o tiva tio n to struggle m ight be
tempered with reluctance and doubt because the ka pwa phiiosop hy is
Jm: -f,'
. '.~
basically nonantagonistic. Elequin (1978) discovers this se ntime nt, reflected
as perplexity in a kapwa-oriented w o rldview, in the song DiRmaan (War) '.J~;
by Fiorante de Leon: '~m~,
p~ :
~t~
<ll~
LAban sa kalooban ko man,
Ako'y handang-handang lumaban .· i~. ~~..::.<r
Para sa ating kalayaan
Ngunit bakit hindi ko maintindihan,
Magkapwa-tao'y naglalaban .. .
-&.~1.:·:, ..
:~ ~~~
(Though my conscience disagrees
I am ready to do battle ~,.,'ti:·'
)· ·· i
~·..
. ·,~!
For th~ cause of our freedom I

But why can't I understand

struggle amongst kapwa . ..) .fl ,/
,;~ l
One must note that the Filipino does not always concede. He also knows how to
resist knowing that pakikibaka Ooin.ing a struggle) is a valid aspect ofpakikipagkapwa
·{~! ' ~; in the midst of inequality.
•fffi1· ,.,.
~ ~ '.'1
;j: i·.
90 7~i L:· 91
..~l
 ~

;
t
~,l

From Colonial to Liberation Psychology The Filipinization of Personality Theory

l
In a scenario where pakikisama is suppo sed to be the norm , Table V
pakibbaka is likely to be ignore d as a value. First of all, if pabkisama is
Behavior Patterns and Value Structure: Surface, Core, and Societal
taken to be the motive for pak.ikibaka, that is, if one j o ins a struggle out of
pakikisama , then the st rengt h of will and determination impli ed in Coloni;1 f/ Accommod;i.tive Su1face Value HiyJ. Ut:mg na loob P:1kikis;l.111a
pakik.ibaka is not satisfied at all. It is also as if movements and struggles are (Pr0priety/<lignity) (gr.ttitu<le I sol id:trity) (cu mp;u1 ionship / •:stec111)

merely social integration activities with no real higher ideal. Associated Bch:tvior Pattem Uiro Lambing Tam po
Uoke) (swt:ecness) (:.i.ITt:ctive
On the other hand, it could also be that pak.ikibaka is understood disappointment)
to run counter to the smooth interpersonal relations congruent to
Confrontativc Surface Va.Jue B:th:.i.l;i. n:.i. S:una/tikas ng loob P:tkikib:tb
pakikisama. Paki kisama implies an adjusting of one's individuality (i. e., (detr.:rmi11acinn) (rescnt1nc11t/ guts) (resistance)

one's beliefs , principles, convictions, etc.) for the sake of some dubious Pivotal lntt:rperso ru l V.Uuc Pakir:.i.mdam { Pakikipagk:.i.pwa- tao}
social orientation. Pakikibaka, seen in the light of the corollary concept (s harc:d inner percep tion)

of paninindigan, can very well be a direct manifestation of" di-pakikisama" COfliVALUE KAPWA {Pagbt.10}
or "ayaw makisama." (shared idt:nt ity)

However, if the normative value is of some high er form of interaction Linking Socio- pcrson:J Value :<abA nJahang- loob { P:tgbm;1 b.t:10}
(shared hum:tnity)
(i.e., pakikipagkapwa), a value which fully respects another person's being,
AssociJte:J Soc ietAI V:i lu es Kanng:tl;:n Kat<lrungan Kaby;1°:m
pakikibaka b ecomes a valid and important value. Pakikibaka affirms one's (dignity) (justin) (freedom)
convictions as part of one's being. It ::ecognizes the meaning of cooperation
R eci uctioni st/ Fu cti c na.l l11 teljlrct:uion "soci:LI ;tCcepc.:mce" "social equity" "soci:.t.1 mobility"
and concerted action in resistance even when one is utterly powerless,
which are aspects of the value of pakikipagkapwa.
Table 5 gives an analytic framework of the indigenous Philippin e ~: of the inadequacy of the social interpretation of hiya (dignity) : a critique
value structure and correlated behavior patterns at the s.urface , core, and of the Filipino self-image er.gendered by the supposed blessings of utang
societal levels. na loob (sense of solidarity); and the mistake of elevating the status of
pakikisama (camaraderie) to a terminal value .while kapwa (shared identity)
In summary, Philippine values are classified into four major
is reduced to "social acceppmce." The analysis of the confroi1tative surface
catego ries consisting of 1) surface valu es; 2) a pivo t; 3) a core; and 4) a
values which underlie the psychology behind the Revolution of 1986
foundation of human values. The four categories are placed in a system
includes a phenomenological rei~terpretation of bahala na (determination
represented through a three-tiered structure with the surface on the top
in the face of uncertainty); lakas ng loob (inner resource for change); and
tier; the pivot and the core on the middle tier; and the foundation values
pakikibaka (resistance through cooperative action).
on the bottom tier, with the pivo tal interpersonal value pakiramdam
underlying the surface, ,and the core anchored by way of the linking socio- The pivot (on the upper part of the second tier) directly underlies
cultural value of kagandahang-loob on the foundation below. the surface of the three-tiered structure. The pivotal interpersonal value,
pak.iramdam (shared inner perception), is explained and analyzed in terms
The suiface (on the top tier) is discussed by way of classifying the
of its behavioral centrality in the biro-lambing-tarripo (tease-caress-resent)
Filipino disposition as consisting of accommodative and confrontative surface
domain and in terms of the i.nternalicy-externality dimension in kapwa
values. The analysis of accommodative surface values includes a discussion
psychology.

92 93
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From Colonial to Liberation Psychology The Filipinization of Personality Theory

The core (on the lower part of the second tier) of the value system,
otherwise referred to as kapwa psychology, is explained as an extended
sense of identity. The concept of a shared inner self is given as a
nonreductionistic alternative to the surface idea of"smooth interpersonal
relations ." Reducing pakikipagkapwa to pakibsama, which also amounts
to minimizing the sense of human solidarity to mere social acceptance
and approval, is critically debunked as inconsistent with the kapwa
psychology and woridview.
The values of kalayaan (freedom), karangalan (dignity), and
katarungan (justice) constitute the socio-political elements and foundation
of tht: Philippine value system. Kagandahang-loob (shared inner nobility)
is seen as basic/pivotal to all three.
Meanwhile, t.~e constituents of the Filipino concept of social justice
as a current rallying "point in the Philippine value system are discussed in
Tampo exists only when a relatively high degree of relationship is established or terms of/and relation to : 1) the distinction between law and the
thought to be established. This could be found in the Hindi Ibang-Tao category of administration of law (Wala sa bata s, nasa pamamalakad ng bata s); 2)
level of interaction. Tampo can never be expressed to strangers. It can be directed "human rights" (karapatan); 3) equity and fairness (beyond pakikisama);
only toward a member of the family, among friends, or to a loved one.
4) "truth and reason " (katotohanan and katwiran); 5) justice as unity or
con census (pakikiisa); and 6) peace (kapayapaan) .
1:

./

Tampo is a delicate feeling or behavior that is a result of not getting what a person
wants from a person he loves. Daza (1976) found that tampo is temporary in nature.
It is an activity that tests the strength or existence of a relationship.

.{ j
94 95
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