Introduction of Sweetpotato To Europe

The Sweet Potato: Its Origin and Dispersal’
PATRICIA J. O’BRIEN
Kansas State University
T h e sweet potato originated in northwestern South America, arising possibly as a

hybrid cross or through karyotypic alterations f r o m an u n k n o w n plant o f the
genus Ipomoea. This domestication is associated with the development o f Tropical
Forest agricultural villages b y ca. 2500 B.C.T h e Spanish introduced it to Europe
and spread it to China and Japan and Malaysia and the Moluccas region. T h e
Portuguese carried it t o India, Indonesia, and Africa. T h e plant has a pre-Magellan
introduction into Polynesia by possibly A.D. I in the Samoa area and is dispersed
from there t o the rest o f the Pacific. T h e plant was transferred either by birds
carrying t h e seed or, more likely, through an accidental casting o f a vessel carrying
it upon an island o f the Samoa region. T h e word kumara, alleged b y m a n y to show
direct contact between Polynesians and Quechuan-speaking Indians, apparently
reconstructs t o Proto-Polynesian and was introduced into the Quechua dictionaries
to reflect the educated Spaniard’s knowledge o f s w e e t p o t a t o terms.
THE SWEET POTATO (Ipomoea Batatas, historical and archaeological record of it as

Lam.) is a root crop which today supports well as the current distribution of sweet
millions of people throughout the tropical potatoes, and data from historic linguistics
regions of the world. It is also a plant whose will all be considered in attacking these
origin and dispersal, if understood, is impor- problems.
tant if we are to come to an understanding
of (1) how man was manipulating and ORIGIN
changing specific types of plants to bring
them under cultivation, (2) the effects of the In general, studies into the origin of
nature of the plants (seed or vegetal) on the domesticated plants have been concerned
agricultural systems developed, and (3) the with establishing the genetic relationships
significance of diffusion as a process of between these plants and some wild
change through the contacts between dif- ancestor. At this point let it be noted that all
ferent human populations as the plant evidence established by previous investiga-
moved around the world. tors-archaeological, linguistic, and his-
The whole question of the plant’s dis- torical-establishes that the sweet potato
persal from its New World home to the Old originated in the New World, either in the
World will be reviewed. Its spread into Central or South American lowlands.
Polynesia before European contact will be In establishing its New World origins, two
examined, although the question being asked approaches were used: linguistic and archae-
is not whether it reached Polynesia early ological. The linguistic evidence comes from
but, rather, how early? Then, too, how far the work of Longacre and Millon (1961:7,
did it penetrate Melanesia in pre-Magellan 12) on proto-Mixtec where they observed
times, and what people were responsible for that the Mixtec for sweet potato (ya?ml-
its introduction into New Guinea? Finally, Jicaltepec dialect) reconstructs at the proto-
there will be a review of its spread into Mixtec level, which is estimated to date at
North America, China, Japan, India, and about 1000 B.C. McQuown (1964) has the
Africa. sweet potato (’iis) present in all the major
In making this study, evidence about the branches of the Mayan linguistic stock
general characteristics of the plant, the (Bronson 1966:262-263). A glottochrono-
342
O’Brien ] THE SWEET POTATO 343
logical dating scheme is presented in which it K-123 had the same chromosome number
is suggested that this term along with other (n=45) as the sweet potato. K-123 was
plant terms reconstructs to proto-Maya at identified as I. trifida (H.B.K.) G . Don
ca. 2600 B.C. (Bronson 1966:262-263). The (Nishiyama 1961: 138). The major problem
archaeological evidence is the actual remains with this plant as an ancestral form is that it
of sweet potatoes found at the site of may in reality be a feral sweet potato. This
Ventanilla in the Chillon Valley of Peru could be resolved by an extensive cytological
along with potatoes and achira (Patterson examination of all of the races of I. trifida.
and Lanning 1964:114). They date this site One should also examine Nishiyama’s
at ca. 2000 to 1200 B.C. More recently, there view onl. trifida in relation to the observation
is additional evidence of the antiquity of by Sharma and Sharma’s (1957:629) on
sweet potatoes from Peru’s Central Coast in speciation among vegetatively reproducing
the third phase of the Ancon sequence plants. They suggest that it is generally
dating 1400-1300 B.C. (Patterson and assumed that once a new species arose
Moseley 1968:120). The tubers are also through sexual reproduction it reached a
reported in the third Colinas phase dating static stage and that vegetative multiplica-
1300-1175 B.C. (Patterson and Moseley tion has nothing to do with the origin of
1968:121). There is the possibility of the new forms. In the researches for the origin
plant existing even earlier in the Peruvian of the sweet potato, most investigators have
area as unidentified tubers have been found dealt with the plant on the assumption that
in the Playa Hermosa phase (2500-2275 the species arose through sexual reproduc-
B.C.), the Conchas phase (2275-1900 B.C.), tion, but Sharma and Sharma (1957:629)
and the Gaviota phase (1900-1750 B.C.) have noted that among vegetative reproduc-
(Patterson and Moseley 1968: 117-118). This ing plants karyotypic alterations in somatic
combined evidence gives an approximate cells become important in speciation. Since
date of at least 2000 B.C. for the presence of the sweet potato is known t o send out roots
the plant in the New World. from the nodes which will bear small
There has been no clear, undisputed potatoes (Price 1896:1), is it not possible
evidence presented to date to show that the that karyotypic alterations occurred in the
sweet potato was used in Europe, Asia,
daughter corms giving rise to new forms as
Africa, or Australia before discovery in the occurs in some of the species of Dioscorea?
New World by Columbus. Nor does it appear
to have been known in the ancient civiliza- The resolution of the origin of the sweet
tions of China, Egypt, Babylon, Persia, potato as it pertains to genetic mechanism is
Rome, Greece, or India (Cooley 1951:378). unknown and will remain so until a great
Later a body of evidence will be presented deal more work is done. Fundamental to this
which indicates that the sweet potato had a problem will be a complete exposition of the
pre-Magellan introduction into Polynesia. cytological status of the genus Ipomoea. It
The most recent botanical study into the will only be after this basic work is done
origin of the sweet potato is that of that one can formulate hybridizational
Nishiyama (1961, 1963) of Japan, who studies with special reference (1) to those
claims to have a wild species of Ipomoea plants whose chromosomal behavior would
from Mexico (collection No. K-123) which suggest a possible ancestry, and (2) to those
resembles the sweet potato in some char- plants whose geographic distribution ap-
acteristics though not in domesticate traits proximates that area where the sweet potato
(see Yen 1963, 1968, 1971 for further is thought to have originated (Le., Central or
discussion). K-123 was cross-compatible South American lowlands). Until such
with I. balatas, and they would easily studies are completed the selection of any
hybridize in reciprocal crosses (Nishiyama species of Ipomoea as the ancestral form
1961: 138). Cytological studies showed that will be no more than an educated guess.
344 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [ 74,1972
SIGNIFICANCE FOR of South America. Lathrap (1962)feels one

NEW WORLD AGRICULTURAL ORIGINS of the strongest evidences for this hypothesis
is linguistic; words for sweet potato are
In human history, two types of planting found in many of the languages of the area,
systems were developed based on two forms indicating the presence of the plant before
of plant reproduction: vegetal and seed. It the present linguistic divisions and diversi-
appears that these two systems had their fication. Word lists gathered by Norden-
origin in two different ecological situations: skiold (1930)and Brand (1971:390)support
the seed in a semi-arid environment, and the this.
vegetal in a tropical forest environment. In Lathrap believes (1962:512-514) this
the New World these two methods seem to earliest agricultural pattern in South
have manifested themselves in distinct areas, America probably dated around 3000-4000
the seed in Mesoamerica and the vegetal in B.C., and that the yam and arrowroot were a
South America. Since the sweet potato is part of this complex. He feels this very early
generally propagated vegetally, it would agricultural expansion occurred among a
appear to have a relationship with the root people lacking both pottery and manioc, but
crop economies of South America. who probably planted root crops on the
In 1952 the cultural geographer Carl flood plains of rivers, River transportation
Sauer presented an hypothesis concerning and fishing at this time were not extensively
the origin of agriculture (Sauer 1952). He developed, and the hunting of land mammals
suggested that it probably arose among was very important. The modern ethno-
riverine populations of the tropical lowlands graphic counterpart of this complex would
who, because of the high protein resources be the GQ peoples of the eastern Brazil
of the rivers, were able to attain a sedentary highlands (Lathrap 1962:555-556).Next t o
existence without agriculture (Sauer the linguistic evidence of South America, an
1952:22-27).Sauer also assumed that the early origin of the sweet potato is indicated
mode of reproduction for these first plants by the archaeological remains of the plant at
would be vegetative and that seed agriculture the Ventanilla site, mentioned earlier, dating
would develop later (1952:25).He suggested 2000-1200B.C. while the linguistic evidence
therefore that agriculture originated in from the proto-Mayan and proto-Mixtecan
Southeast Asia where the above mentioned reconstructions points to the presence of
ecological conditions exist. The latest dating the sweet potato as early as 2600 B.C. and
of domestic plants at 7000-10,000B.C. in not much later than 1000 B.C. in the Mayan
Thailand (Solheim 1969) seem to support area of Central America. Presumably the
this. Sauer also suggested (1952:62) that spread of the plant between the Yucatan-
New World agriculture would originate in Guatemala area and the south coast of Peru
northwestern South America based on root took some time.
crops for the same reasons. However, the This hypothesized first agricultural com-
data, thus far, indicate the earliest agricul- plex was followed by the appearance of one
ture is based on seed (maize) in the based on sweet manioc and manufacturing
Tehuacan Valley, Mexico (MacNeish 1964). p o t t e r y . Thus, L a t h r a p suggests
Still another body of data point to a (1962:512-514)that this sweet potato-yam-
separate though slightly later hearth in arrowmot-mammal hunting complex was
South America with root crops. superseded by the appearance of a pottery
It has been hypothesized by Lathrap making-riverine transport and fishing-sweet
(1962,see 1970 for recent views) that the manioc producing complex. Early sites of
sweet potato has been under cultivation for this type would be similar to those found on
a long time and, indeed, that perhaps it was the coast of Colombia like Momil dating ca.
part of the earliest expansion of tropical 2700-2900 B.C. (Lathrap 1962:556-557).
forest agriculture throughout the lowlands Because of the greater efficiency of manioc
as a food producer, the earlier complex Europe

broke down except for the remnant area in
the eastern Brazilian highlands since the area The sweet potato was introduced into
was not suited to support a more riverine Europe via Spain at the end of the fifteenth
oriented economy. The net result was the century, as according to Gomara, Columbus
decline of the importance of the sweet presented some to Queen Isabella when he
potato with it becoming essentially supple- returned from the New World, along with
mentary to the diets of most later people other food plants (de Candolle 1908:55).
(Lathrap 1962:512-514). Oviedo claims that (in 1526) he introduced
A second hypothesis for the origin of the the plant himself at Avila, Spain (de
sweet potato has been recently reported by Candolle 1908:55). From this beginning the
Bronson (1966:264). He notes that Lundell plant was spread to the rest of Europe. In
(1961:2-3) has found a prolific wild type of Europe it was first called batuta andpadada
sweet potato in several areas of the Peten. (Cooley 1951:379). Later when the Irish
Bronson feels (1966:264) that, should the potato (Sofanum tuberosum) was imported
plant prove to be a true wild plant and not into Europe some confusion developed, and
an “escapee,” it “would appear to be a step the plant was then called the Spanish potato
intermediate between the small-rooted, self- or sweet potato (Cooley 1951:379).
seeding Ipomoea trifida and the large-rooted,
humanly propagated Ipomoea batatas.” This
would seem to point to the Mesoamerican North America
lowlands as the possible center of origin of
the plant. Bronson (1966:264) feels it is Since the sweet potato originated in the
possible the area may be the “center of New World and at the time of the discovery
variation” or “hearth” of the plant, if not of was grown in the Caribbean, Central
its origin, because of the varieties reported America, and South America, one can
there. He notes (Bronson 1966:264) that inquire as to its use in the continental
Hernando reported five in the eighteenth United States. Today the plant is grown
century in New Spain, Landa three in the commercially in the southeastern United
sixteenth century in the Yucatan, while States though not in the Southwest because
Redfield and Villar, and Kelley and Palerm of the climate. The earliest explorer into the
indicate the same range of types of camote U.S. was the Spaniard DeSoto. Two works
in the Yucatan and Tajin areas. He further are available on this trip through the South-
feels the diversity indicates interest in the east and nowhere is there any mention of
plant and since time is needed as well as sweet potatoes (Hakluyt 1851).
interest to develop this diversity, the Maya Another early work which describes the
must have been using it, and have been inter- food plants of the Indians in the U.S. is
ested in it long before the sixteenth century. Hariot’s report of Raleigh’s colony in
Needless to say, which of these two Virginia, published in 1588. One root
hypotheses are correct cannot be established described called “okeepenavk” is probably
at this time; more work, archaeological, what is the wild sweet potato (Ipomoea
linguistic and botanical is needed before parzdurata) (Swanton 1946:270). According
primacy can be given to one of them. to Safford (1925b:223) the sweet potato
when first brought to North America was
DISPERSAL called the “Irish potato” because some
Scotch-Irish introduced it in 1719 at Lon-
When Columbus discovered the New donderry, Rockingham County, New
World, the sweet potato made its first Hampshire.
appearance in European history and began Hedrick (1919:315) notes that sweet
its movement throughout the Old World. potatoes are mentioned as growing in
346 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [74,1972
“Virginia in 1648, perhaps in 1610 and are at Hirado, but it is thought that the Japanese
mentioned again by Jefferson, 1781.” They did not accept it at this time and that
are reported being introduced in New knowledge of it was probably suppressed
England in 1764, and in 1773 Bartram notes and lost with the burning of this factory in
their production by Indians in the South and 1627 (Simon 1914:723-724). The plant was
Romans notes their use by Florida Indians in then reintroduced approximately eighty
1775 (Hedrick 1919:315-316). Sauer years later, at which time it was brought
(1959:224) notes that the lack of spread of from China (Zbid.:711). Thus it came to
the sweet potato into North America is Japan in about 1674 and here as in China it
striking especially in the light of its pre- was used to stave off famine (Simon
Columbian spread into Polynesia. 1914:716).
Evidence of Spanish introduction is
China indicated by the fact that the Chinese had
extensive trade within the Philippine Islands
There are two claims for the introduction and Japan, and if the plant had been present
of this plant into China. In the history of in the Philippines before the Spanish arrived
Ch’ang-lo county, an overseas merchant in 1521, it would have been imported to
named Ch’en Chen-lung was said to have Japan along with other trade goods from
brought it from Luzon in the Philippines and these areas. The Spanish discovered the
that years later his son gave it to the Philippines in 1521 and had established a
governor of Fukien in 1594 (Ho 1955:193). flourishing trade with China at about 1571
It was important in staving off a famine in (Simon 1914:713). Thus, it would appear
that year, hence its name chin-shu or golden that the sweet potato was unknown in the
tuber. The people in the southern port of Far East before the arrival of the Spanish
Chang-chou claim it was introduced first in and that they brought the plant with its
their area, but that it was kept secret, and no Mexican name camote t o the Philippines
specific date of the alleged introduction is (Simon 1914:714).
known (Ho 1955:193). Ho (1955:193) feels
that there is much weight to the story, Africa
because these people had extensive overseas
contacts and also because their name for the Conklin (1963) in a beautifully formu-
root is not “golden tuber,” which was the lated and researched paper has attacked the
name given by those grateful for being saved problem of the sweet potato in Africa. He
from the famine. He also notes that the observes that two hypotheses have been put
sweet potato was definitely introduced into forward about this plant. The first, that it
China decades before 1594 because it was was transmitted from Africa to Oceania and
found in the western prefecture Ta-li near the second, that it was transmitted from
Burma by 1563 (1955:193-194). Therefore, Oceania to Africa. Using linguistic data he
he says it is possible the introduction oc- attempts to evaluate these suggestions.
curred overland from India and Burma. All Conklin notes that what is amazing about
he is able to conclude is that the introduc- Africa and the distribution of the sweet
tion could have been either overland or by potato names is that the “form batata, tata,
sea well before the generally accepted date mbatata, or the like” is reported from all
of 1594 (1955:194). parts of the continent and is found in such
unrelated languages as Berber and Zulu
Japan and the Philippines (1963:133). The other most widespread
term in bombe, bambai, bambaira, or bangbe
The sweet potato was introduced into which indicates the source of the plant was
Japan as early as 1615 by an Englishman, the Indian trade center Bombay. Those
who was connected with an English factory names for the sweet potato which do not fall
O’Brien] THE SWEET POTATO 347
into these categories have only small geo- this kingdom and from t h e island of Sao
graphic distribution and/or are found only in Tome” (Boxer 1 9 6 9 :30).
closely related languages. As lexical entries At the same time, the presence of the
they refer t o indigenous yams o r other root word batata cannot always be taken as
crops. On the basis of this evidence Conklin indicative of t h e Portuguese proper because
concludes that t h e sweet potato was intro- their language became the lingua franca
duced into Africa by t h e Portuguese in t h e along the coasts of Africa and Asia (Boxer
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries “from the 1969:55), and as such could have been
Atlantic coastal regions of mid-latitude spread by others. But the term is still
America” (Conklin 1963: 133). While indicative of a post-European presence in
Conklin’s evidence for a Portuguese intro- any of those areas.
duction is strong, there is other evidence t o The significance of a word like bambai
suggest that “the Atlantic coastal regions of with the plant is more complicated. The port
mid-latitude America” was not the direct city o f Bombay is obvious, but that port was
source of the plant. not significant in the India trade network
Between 1500 and 1 7 3 0 only twenty until the British acquired it as dowry in
ships of the Lisbon-India route stopped a t 1662 when Charles I1 married Catherine of
Brazil. The route t o India from Portugal Braganza. This area was acquired by the
required the ships to avoid the Guinea (West Portuguese in 1534 from the Sultan of
African) coast because of general bad sailing Gujerat and, although it has a fine natural
weather there and also t o avoid the Guinea harbor, other factors prevented its use. For
Current which would carry them southeast- the word Bombay t o be associated with t h e
ward, while a t the same time they had t o sweet potato in Africa requires either the
make Mozambique ports before the south- British o r possibly Indian clerks and
west monsoon of the Indian Ocean was merchants associated with British coloniza-
exhausted (a time between May and tion in Africa t o introduce the term. This
September). A stop at Brazil would mean suggests a period as early as t h e seventeenth
missing the monsoon winds and a wait in century o r as late as the nineteenth (Lelah
Mozambique ports of a half a year (Mar- Dushkin, personal communication).
chant 1 9 4 1:462-465). If the above data are correct the sweet
Significantly, the return trip, while still potato was introduced into Africa via the
missing Brazil, took the ships close t o land Portuguese in both Mozambique and
when rounding t h e Cape of Good Hope t o possibly Angola probably directly from
use t h e Agulhas Current, passing Ascension Lisbon in the sixteenth century with a later
and St. Helena and then after crossing the spread of the plant in the seventeenth and
equator heading north to the Azores and nineteenth century via British influences.
hence directly t o Lisbon (Marchant
1941:462-463). Marchant notes (1941:456) Polynesia
that avoidance of Brazilian and African
harbors was encouraged by the King because There have been many who believed that
of the time it consumed. the sweet potato was introduced into
The Portuguese ports of Mozambique are Polynesia by t h e Spanish. The basis for this
an obvious source for the sweet potato with idea is its known introduction (by the
the term batata into East Africa. The intro- Spanish) into the Philippines shortly after
duction of the plant into West Africa, they discovered those islands in 1521. The
specifically Angola, probably occurred with first colonization of t h e Philippines took
Paul0 Diasde Novais’ charter of colonization place in 1564. An Englishman named Caven-
in 1571 which included provisions for dish noted the plant growing o n Guam and
peasant families from Portugal with “all the the Philippines, and called camote when he
seeds and plants which they can take from visited in 1588 (Safford 1925a:181). I t is
known that the plant diffused from the tion for the plant, and it was intimately tied
Philippines into China, Formosa, Japan, to their ritual and cosmogonic myths. The
Indonesia, and Southeast Asia following this sweet potato is mentioned in a number of
introduction (Dixon 1932:41). Reinforcing chants and sacred charms, all of which are in
the Spanish introduction theory is the fact an archaic form of speech (Dixon 1932:45).
that the name for the plant in the Philip-
pines is camote, which is generically related When Dixon first published his article on
to the Nahuatl words for it, camotl and the sweet potato, he noted that two Spanish
camotili (Merrill 1954: 317-318). Another ships, those of Saavedra and Gaetano, had
important point connected to this belief is been wrecked off the islands in the sixteenth
that the Spanish explorers Mendana and century and could be used as possible
Quiros made no mention of finding the plant evidence for a Spanish introduction of the
on the islands they visited, the Marquesas plant into Hawaii (1932:50). Dixon, at the
group in Polynesia, and the Santa Cruz, time he wrote his paper, was not aware that
Solomon, and New Hebrides groups of these early Spanish visits seem not to have
Melanesia (Dixon 1932:40). occurred. Stokes (1932:594-595) has shown
that the “authorities” have been perpetu-
Notwithstanding the above, a great deal
ating a myth, which started with Fornander,
of evidence was presented by Dixon (1932)
that the Spanish reached the islands first. He
and others, establishing that the sweet
argues (1932:595) that this was not the case,
potato was introduced into Polynesia before
and notes that even the Spanish admitted
Magellan’s 1521 voyage around the world.
Cook’s discovery when they sent a Lt.
Briefly, the most important evidence was the
Quimper in 1790 to investigate the islands.
distribution of the plant in Polynesia at the
Thus it would seem that Cook was the first
time of the discovery of some of the islands.
European t o reach Hawaii. Since he reported
The first explorers to land on New Zealand,
the sweet potato there, some explanation
Hawaii, and Easter Island reported that it
other than Spanish introduction must be put
was the basic food plant grown and was
forward to explain its presence.
extremely important economically. These
three island groups are located geo- Another point which would seem pertin-
graphically at the most distantly separated ent is that there are an amazing number of
points of the triangle which defines the varieties of the sweet potato in the South
limits of Polynesia (Dixon 1932:45). Seas. F o r New Zealand Colenso
The sweet potato was observed by (1881: 31-35) listed forty-eight types, while
Roggeween in 1722 when he discovered Best (1925:55-56) reported over eighty.
Easter Island. He informs us that they were Handy (1940:133-135) mentions twenty-
grown on large plantations, and were the four varieties from Hawaii; Yen (1961:368)
mainstay of the diet (Dixon 1932:44). notes sixteen from the Cook Islands and
Cook, Banks, and Parkinson wrote of the twenty-two from New Guinea (1961:371).
importance of the plant on the North Island The natives of Wantoat Valley in New
of New Zealand in 1769 (Dixon 1932:44) Guinea recognize forty to fifty varieties
while Best (1925) indicates its importance in (Damm 1961:213). What is most interesting
Maori agriculture in general. Tasman’s con- about the varieties in New Zealand is that
tact with the Maori of New Zealand in 1642 they are much farther removed from tropical
was too brief for him to give any evaluation growth conditions than anywhere in the
of Maori agricultural practices or to ascertain New World, the home of the plant (Sauer
their food plants (Dixon 1932:45). 1950:510). They extend into the South
Hawaii was discovered by Cook in 1778, Island, well beyond Cantebury Plain
at which time he reported the sweet potato (latitude 45”S), which was the highest
as an important native crop. The Hawaiians latitude reached by aboriginal agriculture in
had developed elaborate methods of cultiva- the Southern Hemisphere.
Thus, the plant was dispersed 12” farther was colonized by Amerindians. While Suggs
south of its limit in the Northern Hemi- has used this idea uncritically, he made
sphere (Sauer 1950:510). It would be (from my point of view) one important and
amazing to have such selection, t o high interesting observation about the linguistic
latitude and cool summers, made in the data Heyerdahl (1952) presented. It has
short period of time allowed by European been noted, not just by Heyerdahl, but also
dispersal. Also, these New Zealand plants, by Dixon and others, that the terms for
being starchy and coarse, are very similar t o sweet potato in Peru and Polynesia are so
an older, now almost extinct variety in the similar that they are believed t o have a
Andean area (Sauer 1950:510). This removal common origin. In Peru and Ecuador
from tropical conditions can also be noted sweet potatoes are cumar, kumar, kumara,
of those varieties in the highlands of New ckumara, umar, kumal, and in Columbia
Guinea, but unlike the Maori, the High- umala and kuala (Heyerdahl 1952:429). In
landers have not developed storage tech- Polynesia we find kumar(a), umara, uma’s,
niques (Keleny 1965:102). kumala, umala, and uwala (Conklin
Thus, Hawaii, New Zealand, and Easter 1963:130). Suggs suggested that since the
Island, at the time of discovery in the term for sweet potato occurs in all the
eighteenth century, had well developed Polynesian languages and since there is
agricultural systems in which the sweet another term for sweet potato in Peru (i.e.,
potato played a dominant role. Not only was apichu in Quechua) that the work kumar
the plant found a t these widely separated was Polynesian and had been introduced
points of the Polynesian triangle, but the into Peru by Europeans (1960:23).
plant was an unimportant one in the central This suggestion is important because it
areas and in some islands was not reported at leads one t o ask whether it is possible for the
all. It is not the intention of this paper to work kumara t o be reconstructed in Proto-
rehash old arguments. The writer feels the Polynesian, for, as Suggs points out, it
evidence presented by Dixon and others, occurs in all the Polynesian languages.
supporting a pre-Magellan introduction, Longacre and Millon (1961) have established
adequately accounts for the data, and it is evidence for the plant in Mexico on the
accepted that the sweet potato was intro- Proto-Mixtecan horizon, a horizon they
duced into Polynesia in pre-historic times. A estimate t o date approximately 1000 B.C.,
more meaningful question concerns how through historic linguistic reconstructions.
early this introduction occurred, which McQuown (1964) has done the same thing in
people or peoples were its agent, and how the Mayan languages. Therefore, if the word
far to the west (into Melanesia and New for sweet potato reconstructed t o Proto-
Guinea) it spread without European in- Polynesian we would gain some data on its
fluences? These questions will be grappled time depth within the Polynesian area, the
with in what seems to be a digression. same as was achieved in Mexico by this
Two hypotheses have been offered t o method. George W. Grace feels that the most
explain the presence of the sweet potato in economical explanation for the distribution
pre-Magellan Polynesia: (1) The plant was of forms of the word for sweet potato is that
introduced from Africa, its center of origin, the work reconstructs t o Proto-Polynesian
into Polynesia (Suggs 1960:23); (2) the with the reconstructed form being kumala.
plant was introduced into Polynesia from He feels that this fact does not guarantee
the New World before the circumnavigation that the plant was present in Proto-
of the earth by Magellan. Polynesian times, but he notes: “The prob-
Suggs (1960) has utilized Merrill’s lem of explanation becomes increasingly
suggestion (1954) that the plant may have difficult the later we assume the introduc-
originated in Africa as part of his evidence tion to have occurred” (personal communi-
against Heyerdahl’s theory that Polynesia cation, letter dated Sept. 29, 1966). Samuel
H. Elbert (personal communication) concurs accepted now, and A.D. 850 is the earliest
in these suggestions. acceptable date (Carlyle Smith, personal
This linguistic evidence would seem to communication). A radiocarbon date from
establish some base line for the antiquity of New Caledonia indicates it could have been
the plant, namely, that the plant probably occupied by 800 B.C. (Berger, Fergusson and
was present just before the linguistic diversi- Libby 1965:347-348), while there is a new
fication in Polynesia occurred. If this data is date of A.D. 800+90 from New Zealand
combined with archaeological information (Anonymous 1966b:43M). The early
about the peopling of the Pacific, we may be 124+150 B.C. date reported by Suggs from
able to establish the approximate entry of the Marquesas Islands has been updated by
the plant to the region. Sinoto (1968:115-116) to A.D. 850+100.
With the flood of new data on the Smith (1968:1378) thinks a true date for
archaeology of Polynesia, the basic dispersal the earliest occupation of the islands will be
of these people is coming rather sharply into found between these two extremes. Recent
focus. Bunton and Valier (1963) suggest that dates from the Society Islands are A.D.
there were six routes of dispersal while 860k85 (GY-0207) and A.D. 1190+90
Sinoto (1968) has recently proposed seven. (GY-0276) (Emory 1968:157). Palmer
Bunton and Valier (1963: 3) propose route 1 (1968:26) reports a date of 510k90 B.C.
as to the Marquesas Islands from Samoa. (Gak-946) from Fiji. Polach, et al.
From the Marquesas Islands, which serve as a (1968:195), have an early date of 1215+120
major dispersal area, the people go to the B.C. (ANU-96) from New Caledonia, and
Society Islands (route 2), to Easter Island they report (1968:193) there is a date from
(route 3), and t o the Hawaiian Islands (route New Britain in the Bismark Archipelago of
4). Route 5 is to New Zealand via the 470+110 B.C. (ANU-37b). The earliest date
Society Islands, and route 6 is from the from the New Hebrides is A.D. 855+80
Society’s to Hawaii. Route 1is dated ca. 100 (UCLA-1295b) (Berger and Libby
B.C., route 4 ca. A.D. 500, and route 5 ca. 1968:406), and Guam has one of A.D.
A.D. 900. 985+80 (UCLA-1232C) (Berger and Libby
Sinoto (1968, Fig. 3) in noting the 1968:407).
importance of the Marquesas Islands in the In summary, the earliest dates from
dispersal of the Polynesians, basically agrees Micronesia are in the 1500 B.C. to A.D. 100
with Bunton and Valier, but would add a range, while those in Melanesia vary from
seventh route. His routes 1 through 3 are the 1000 to 500 B.C. These dates suggest a
same as those of Bunton and Valier, but his general north-south, west-east, and southeast
route 4 is a movement from the Society’s to movement of people. These data suggest
New Zealand, route 5 is from the Marquesas populations are arriving on Samoa for their
Islands to Hawaii, route 6 is from the dispersal to the east by about the birth of
Marquesas Islands to New Zealand, and Christ.
route 7 is from the Society Islands to For a general dating of the peopling of
Hawaii. Not only would Sinoto support Polynesia two models seem reasonable, one
Bunton and Valier’s two routes to Hawaii, is based on an acceptance of the “safest”
but he also feels there were two to New dates (i.e,, the most conservative) and would
Zealand. have Samoa occupied by A.D. 1 , the Mar-
Some radiocarbon dates useful in dating quesas Islands by A.D. 850, Easter Island by
these routes are: Saipan 1527 B.C., Yap A.D. 850, the Society Islands by A.D. 860,
A.D. 178, Fiji 46 B.C., New Zealand A.D. Hawaii by A.D. 800, and New Zealand
1015, Hawaii A.D. 124, Samoa A.D. 9, occupied by A.D. 800. These dates suggest
Marquesas Islands A.D. 48, and Easter a very rapid dispersal of people into the
Islands A.D. 380 (Draper 1960:16-17). The furthest reaches of Polynesia in the eighth
Easter Island A.D. 380 date is no longer and ninth centuries A.D.
The second model, based on a com- observed the sweet potato had t o be intro-
promise of the earliest dates with the duced before the twelfth or thirteenth
“safest” dates would give A.D. 1for Samoa, centuries because the islands were peripheral
A.D. 850 for Easter Island, A.D. 500 for to Polynesia after those dates.
Hawaii, A.D. 860 for the Society Islands, In sum, we have the plant o n Hawaii by
and A.D. 800 for New Zealand. A date of ca. A.D. 1635k90. This is a base date, how
A.D. 400 is suggested for the Marquesas much earlier it was introduced within an
Islands as a compromise between Sugg’s A.D. 500-1635 range we cannot say now.
early date (100 BE.) and Sinoto’s late (A.D.
800) date. This is necessary if the Hawaiian Easter Island
Islands were populated about A.D. 500,
since the artifact assemblages of Hawaii are As noted earlier the sweet potato was a
derived from the Marquesas. These date very important economic plant t o the
ranges would suggest a slower peopling of inhabitants of Easter Island when it was
the islands covering the fifth and ninth discovered by Roggeween. The earliest
centuries A.D. physical evidence of the plant is their
These suggestions will be returned t o charred remains from a fireplace dating A.D.
following a discussion of the various 15262100 (Skjolsvold 1961:297, 303).
opinions for the presence of the sweet Easter Island prehistory has been divided
potato in the prehistory of the three most into three periods (Smith 1961:210-213):
distant island groups of Polynesia, and where Early (pre-A.D. 400 to ca. A.D. 1100),
the plant has been consistently reported as Middle (ca. A.D. 1100-1680), and Late
the major domesticate: the Hawaiian Islands, (A.D. 1680-1868). Since the A.D. 400 date
Easter Island, and New Zealand. is generally rejected (Carlyle Smith, personal
communication) the sweet potato was on
Hawaiian Islands Easter Island by A.D. 1526+100 which was
approximately two hundred years before
The latest evidence for the sweet potato Roggeween discovered the island.
in the Hawaiian Islands is a carbonized one
from an interior ash deposit in a fireplace N e w Zealand
within a “Middle” phase domestic structure
at Lapakahi on the island of Hawaii. The At present archaeologists divide the
fireplace is dated B.P. 295290 with a cor- archaeology of New Zealand into two broad
rected date of B.P. 315+90 or B.P. 435290, cultural phases: Moa-hunter (Archaic) and
giving a range of A.D. 1425-1765 (Rosen- Classic Maori (Golson 1959). The arrival of
dahl and Yen 1971:381-383). the “fleet” supposedly with the sweet
Early dates for the introduction of the potato and other domesticated plants and
sweet potato have been proposed: A.D. animals of the Maori traditions is dated by
1200 by Smith (1965:92) who thinks the ca. A.D. 1350. Until recently, it was believed
islands were occupied a t that time, and A.D. that New Zealand was occupied late, but a
9572120 and A.D. 1004+180 by Emory site at Bay of Islands dating t o A.D. 800rt90
who feels Hawaiians brought their domesti- (A.D. 710 to 890) suggests an earlier settle-
cated plants and animals at this time (in ment. The occupants of this early site
Suggs 1959:60-61). Emory (1959:240-241) cultivated taro (Anonymous 1966b: 43M).
suggests the Hawaiian Island chain was This new evidence is especially significant
occupied by A.D. 1000 and Hawaii proper in terms of the stages of agricultural develop-
by A.D. 500. He notes (Emory 1961:18-23) ment postulated by Yen (1961:345-346):
the early Hawaiians are related to Tahiti and (1) Inductory; (2) Experimental; and (3)
the Marquesas Islands by affinities in stone Systematic. Yen proposes these stages
and bone implements. Dixon (1932:50) because of the annual cycle of sweet potato
352 AMERICAN A NTHROPOL OGlS T [ 74,1972
cultivation necessary in the temperate “induced” grassland clearing both the trees
climate of presentday New Zealand. This and the moa. Since the evidence for taro was
cycle is not found in other areas of found underlying evidence of kumara cul-
Polynesia, and time must be allowed to tivation in the surrounding area of the site
account for the development of various (the taro being sealed by clay below it)
agricultural and storage practices necessary if (Anonymous 1966a:6), it is possible that
the plant is to grow in this climate (Yen taro cultivation preceded that of the sweet
1961: 338-340). Yen (1961: 339-340) feels potato. It is equally possible that the sweet
that the change of the sweet potato from a potato was grown at the same time as taro,
perennial to an annual was not introduced but that it was not preserved at this partic-
from the surrounding tropical regions and ular site.
that the innovation was so great as not to From the previous discussion, the
have been achieved by a sudden and inspired following suggestions as to the appearance of
agricultural deduction immediately upon its the sweet potato in New Zealand are pro-
introduction (Yen 1961:339-340). There- posed. First, the plant may have been
fore, because of the problems of adaption to present as early as taro (i.e. ca. A.D. 800), or
this new environment, Yen (1961:341-342) it may have been introduced later, after taro
has accepted the evidence offered for a cultivation was already established, possibly
climatic change in which the temperature of around A.D. 1350 with the “fleet” of Maori
the region has dropped 5’ F. since A.D. tradition. There is a third possibility, namely
1200. The most important evidence offered that the sweet potato was introduced after
for this change was the past existence of a taro, but in the Moa-Hunting or Archaic
forest around Canterbury and in parts of phase. Support for this suggestion comes
Otago where none exists today (Raeside from Golson (1959:45) who thinks pits
1948:153). excavated at the Sarahs Gully site dating
Cumberland (1962:127, 132) however A.D. 1369k50, A.D. 1359k50, and A.D.
attacks the “climatic change” hypothesis 1309+-50 years may be kumara storage pits.
and contends the forests were destroyed More recently, Law (1969:245) feels that
through man’s use of fire for patch-burning sites like Kaupokonui, Sarahs Gully,
on moa hunts. Since the land was period- Skippers Ridge, and Moturua Island give
ically burned over, he feels the grasslands evidence of the widespread use of kumara
which have replaced the forests can best be agriculture by A.D. 1300. Finally, charred
explained as a result of cultural interference sweet potato remains from Wioneke Pa,
(Cumberland 1962:133). Repeated burning South Kaipara Head, a “classic” Maori site,
would prevent the forests from reestablish- 100-300 years old, have been reported
ing themselves and would make the land (Rosendahl and Yen 1971:380).
more susceptible to erosion which would In any case, it would seem that the sweet
further deteriorate it. potato had to have been introduced while
It should be noted at this point that the the plant was still grown as a perennial,
evidence of taro cultivation dating ca. A.D. before New Zealand’s climatic differences
800 when combined with this evidence of necessitated it becoming an annual, and
the use of fire by man could be interpreted before the associated storage technology was
as evidence of the practice of swidden developed. This probably occurred some-
agriculture. A process of forest replacement where between A.D. 800 and A.D. 1300.
by grasslands is accounted for by Robbins Having reviewed the upper and lower
(1963:45-60) on this same basis in New limits for when the sweet potato could have
Guinea. In this light the New Zealand reached Polynesia as well as the evidence
situation could be viewed as evidence of dating the peopling of the islands in general,
early agriculture occurring alongside a moa- the following hypothesis about the appear-
hunting economy which resulted in ance of the plant is suggested. First, it is felt
O’Brien] T H E S W E E T POTATO 353
that the Polynesian dispersal, using Sinoto’s before these people moved east out of
model, has a base date with the people Melanesia into the Fiji area. Minimally, this
arriving on Samoa of about A.D. 1. From would seem to date the introduction at
there, they moved to the Marquesas Islands about A.D. 1 with the Samoan immigration,
(route 1 ) before approximately A.D. 400 and maximally to date it about 500 B.C. if it
whence they immigrated to the Hawaiian moves out from the Fiji region.
Islands about A.D. 500 (route 5), to Easter If either of these proposed dates for the
Island ca. A.D. 800 (route 3), to New appearance of the sweet potato in both the
Zealand approximately A.D. 800 (route 4), languages and the area seems too early and
and to the Society Islands ca. A.D. 860 too radical, then it would seem that the very
(route 2). This movement into the Society’s latest date that the term and plant could
may prove to be earlier, as suggested by enter Polynesia would be just before the
Sinoto’s model, when more radiocarbon time of the dispersal of the populations out
dates are available. of the Marquesas Islands into the Hawaiian
Keeping this model of colonization in Islands, Easter Islands, and New Zealand or
mind, a new hypothesis about the spread of at about A.D. 400.
the sweet potato is possible when combined Given all these different alternatives it is
with linguistic data. George W. Grace (per- proposed here that the word for sweet
s o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n , letter dated potato, kumala in its reconstructed form,
September 29, 1966) makes the following and the plant itself appeared sometime
observations about the word kumulo in the about the birth of Christ in the Samoa
Polynesian languages: region of Polynesia. From Samoa it was
dispersed throughout Polynesia as one of the
In terms of the Polynesian linguistic
evidence alone, I would say that the basic food plants. If this hypothesis is
distribution of the forms is most correct, and since the plant is definitely a
economically explained by the assump- New World species, then the question is
tion that the word was present in Proto- raised as to what mechanism facilitated its
Polynesian. The problem of explanation transfer into Polynesia at this early date.
becomes increasingly difficult the later
we assume the introduction to have It has been mentioned previously that
occurred. Thus, I would say that there is a similarity between the Polynesian
Polynesian linguistic evidence argues for words for sweet potato (kumala, kumara,
assuming the introduction to have etc.) and some in the Quechua language and
occurred at the earliest point in time that
is compatible with other evidence. other languages of the Andes region. Various
scholars have made the following sugges-
Samuel H. Elbert (personal communication, tions: (1) the term for sweet potato
letter dated October 5, 1966) concurs in this (kumala) was transferred into the Polynesian
view, and also notes: “This summer I found languages by Peruvian Indians moving west
the word kumala in use in the Melanesian into Polynesia; (2) the word was exchanged
pidgin of the Solomons, but I have no idea by Polynesians reaching Peru and acquiring
how the word got there, unless via some of both name and plant then returning home;
the Polynesian Outlier peoples other than or (3) the word was introduced late into the
the Rennellese.” Andean Indian languages by the Spanish.
These data at a minimal level point to the The first two theories propose that the word
appearance of the word in Polynesia before kumala is Amerindian (actually Quechuan)
the branching off of the Outlier languages. while the last says it is Polynesian alone.
That would be after Proto-Tongic and Donald D. Brand (1971) in a recent
Proto-Nuclear Polynesian separation, using examination of the question has suggested
Green’s (1966: 34) family tree of Polynesian that the word was Polynesian and intro-
or maximally, as a part of Proto-Polynesian duced into the Andes by the Spanish. He
proper presumably entering the language just notes (Brand 1971:361) that various experts
3 54 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [ 74,1972
(archaeologists, historians, and philologists) thousands of miles between these two

feel that coastal Ecuador, Peru, and Chile regions then only two explanations appear
were occupied until less than a hundred possible at this time.
years before the arrival of the Spanish by The first is the result of human action:
non-Quechuan and non-Aymaran people. (1) A vessel drifting from the New World
The languages of these regions would have with a living or dead or missing crew
been Sek, Yungan, and Chibchan whose carrying sweet potatoes could have been cast
terms for sweet potato were chapru, open, up on one of the islands of the Samoa group
and unt. The Quechua word is apichu and is or another of the western islands of Poly-
reported along with the words batatas, ajes, nesia. (2) The vehicle, crew, and cargo might
and camobs in the literature and diction- have been examined if the island(s) were
aries of Peru. The word cumara though is inhabited, the men killed or absorbed, and
only found in dictionaries, and cumar is the plant used and given a new name. (3) Or
mentioned a c c o r d i n g t o Brand if the islands were empty, and say there were
(1971:361-362), only as occurring in the living men on the vessel then they might
Chichasuyo dialect of Quechua. He further have planted the plants, but without women
observes (1971:362) that the best known this population would have ended with their
Quechua dictionary, Gonzalez Holguin’s of deaths. The plants could become feral and
1608, laconically states: “Apichu, o cumar. could have been growing when the Poly-
Camote o batata; and Batata camote. nesians arrived. (4) Or if any empty vessel
Apichu; and Camote. Apichu.” arrived on an inhabited island then it could
Interestingly, though Brand does not have been examined along with its cargo,
mention it, these terms cover others known and possibly because the sweet potato looks
to the Spanish; camote is Nahuatl and batata a great deal like a yam, the discoverers
is Arawakan; neither is Quechuan. There- would probably treat it like one until its
fore, is it not possible that this dictionary particular features were known. (5) Or if the
and other later dictionaries are reflecting all vehicle was cast upon an island by natural
words known by an educated Spaniard forces and because in its long drift rain water
(especially widely traveled colonial officials had accumulated, and the tubers began to
or clerics) in Peru and not just local native grow in that water, the plant took hold in
terms? Is this not especially so in the light of the vessel and next took hold on the soil
Brand’s observation (1971: 362) that itself and became feral. Later people finding
camote, batata and apichu are the main both the island and the plants could possibly
headings? Since the Spanish were trading in have redomesticated them and named them.
the Pacific all through the Colonial period This transfer would have been the result of
they could have picked up the Polynesian human agents or semi-human agents in the
word and carried it back. case of the empty boat, but would be the
If this is possible, and if Brand is correct result of accidents and in no way deliberate,
that the word was imported by the Spanish with the net result being simply the transfer
from Polynesia, since none of the coastal of the plant.
populations of Ecuador, Peru, or Chile were The second alternative would be transfer-
Quechua speakers, then one cannot explain ence by some natural agent. Since sweet
its presence in Polynesia as the result of potato tubers cannot float, seeds are the
people going or coming from the coasts of alternative; and this would make birds the
the New World. If the word kumala is choice as agents. Indeed, Yen (1960:373)
Proto-Polynesian or slightly later and was suggested that the possibility of birds as such
transferred by the Spanish to Peru, then the an agent, and more recently Bulmer
term was created by the Polynesians for a (1966:178-180) has examined the role of
plant in their cosmos. That being the case, birds in introducing new varieties of sweet
and since the plant cannot float the potato into native gardens by dropping seed
in New Guinea. I n the same paper he notes called batat in t h e Moluccas and o n Cebu.
that the Golden Plover, a bird that ranges The plant names themselves are beautiful
over Polynesia, is a casual visitor t o the west indicators o f their source, the Portuguese
coast of America as far south as Chile. These spread t h e Arawak term (batafa) and the
birds are strong fliers and are more plausible Spanish spread the Nahuatl o n e (camole).
carriers of t h e small hard sweet potato seed
either in their digestive tracts o r adhering t o Micronesia and Melanesia
mud on their feet (Ibid.:178). For these
reasons Bulmer says, “If any bird could I n t h e light of a suggested introduction of
justify Yen’s suggestion of possible transfer the sweet potato into Polynesia by about the
of seed from South America t o the Pacific birth of Christ, the plant’s appearance o r
Islands, this would seem t o be it” (Bulmer lack o f it in the islands of Micronesia and
1966:179). Although Bulmer’s work is Melanesia becomes extremely significant.
highly suggestive and significant, more data British Naval Intelligence (Anonymous
must be collected before such a proposal can 1945) reported t h e plant o n Guam (Zbid.,
be adequately evaluated, but a t the same Vol. 4:471) in t h e 1940s, but does not
time the present evidence cannot be ignored. indicate its presence in the Marianas, the
At present neither alternative can be Caroline Islands, Bonin and Marcus Islands,
“proven,” and such explanations will prob- and t h e Marshall Islands (all in Micronesia).
ably satisfy no one who strongly favors Elbert (n.d.:29) in a recent study reports
trans-Pacific contacts o r who strongly words for sweet potato in Trukese
opposes them, b u t such an accidental intro- (kamwuu), Puluwat (komwuutiy) and
duction would explain how the plant Chamorro (hamote) and he notes their
reached t h e area, apparently early, and yet similarity t o t h e Spanish camote. This sug-
also account for the general absence of other gests that t h e Carolinians either received the
cultural traits (chickens, pigs, yam, taro, plant directly from t h e Spanish o r that the
maize, pottery, etc.) one would have ex- people they got it from acquired it from
pected to see transferred if any sustained them. In either case, t h e source is ultimately
exchange between living persons had been Spanish.
involved even if any initial contact was Actually, the absence of t h e plant in
accidental. Micronesia even today is apparently ex-
plained by t h e ecology of t h e region. Most
India and Southeast Asia of the islands are coral or low islands upon
which the sweet potato will not grow
The sweet potato appears t o have been (Merrill 1954:249, 253). Even though some
introduced into India by t h e Portuguese of t h e islands of the Marianas and the
since they brought it to Macao via Brazil Carolines are volcanic (Anonymous 1945,
(Zavala 1964:217). Portuguese influence in Vol. 4:305, 307), apparently t h e plant has
the spread of the plant t o Ambon, Timor not spread from Guam t o them. An ecologi-
and in parts of the northern Moluccas is cal barrier may have been responsible in
indicated linguistically since t h e plant name preventing its spread from Polynesia earlier
is varieties of t h e word batafa (Conklin since the westernmost islands of Polynesia
1963:132). In Malaysia t h e sweet potato is itself (the Gilberts, Ellice, Phoenix, and
called Spanish tuber, thus giving hastila, Tokeau Islands) are also coral in structure as
katela o r achila with the native word for are t h e Line Islands, t h e North Cook Islands,
tuber (Conklin 1963:132). In the Philippines and those of the Tuamotu Archipelago
it is called camote (Merrill 1954), while in further east (Anonymous 1945, Vol. 2:96,
Guam it is called both camote (Hornell 454; Vol. 3:303). The botanist Merrill
1946; Conklin 1963) and batat (Merrill (1954:249, 253) says the environmental
1954). Merrill (1954) also reports that it is conditions of these islands account for t h e
discontinuity of the sweet potato’s dis- nesians had it early and were operating in
tribution in Polynesia. Therefore, it would this region, they rather than the Europeans
seem also to account for the plant being were probably the agents of introduction.
missing in most of Micronesia today and not Considerable basic linguistic and archae-
entering the area in the past. ological research needs to be done before the
Best to establish the spread of the sweet whole question of the introduction of the
potato into Melanesia, it is first necessary to sweet potato into Melanesia can be outlined.
note the spread of a Polynesian population At this time we can only say that some
into that same area. Polynesian outliers into historical data suggest a pre-Magellan appear-
Melanesia are found at Tikopia, in the ance. Also if the plant is as early in Polynesia
Loyalty Island Group, in the New Hebrides, as suggested in the previous section of this
and even into the Caroline Islands (Best paper, such an introduction would not only
1954:5). They also appear to have estab- be likely, but highly probable, especially in
lished themselves in and around the the light of some recent theories on the
Solomons on Ongtong Java Island, on sweet potato’s spread into New Guinea.
Sikaiana or Stewart’s Island, and on the
Rennel and Bellona Islands (Anonymous New Guinea
1916:120).
The spread of the sweet potato into One of the few areas not yet mentioned
Melanesia seems to be the result of both where the sweet potato is of great economic
Polynesian and European introduction. importance is New Guinea. To the west and
Mendana when he discovered the Solomon north of it the evidence indicates European
Islands makes no mention of it although he introduction, to the south lies Australia
does mention benaus (taro), potatoes called which is unimportant for this problem, and
panales (the yams of Gela calledpana by the to the east is Melanesia and Polynesia. Since
natives), and names which is Spanish for there is evidence of Polynesian introduction
yams (Mendana 1901:212). Since Poly- of the sweet potato into Melanesia on New
nesians were present in the Solomons, it is Caledonia, in the New Hebrides, in Fiji, one
possible they brought it with them; Samuel can speculate as to whether the plant was
H. Elbert (personal communication) reports introduced into New Guinea from Indonesia
kumala in Melanesian pidgin in the to the north, from Melanesia via Europeans,
Solomons, but has no idea how it got there, via Melanesians, or via Polynesians (in the
unless it came via some Polynesian Outlier case of the latter two there is also the
group other than the Rennellese. Hollyman question whether it occurred before or after
(1959: 368) also reports linguistic evidence White contact).
of Polynesian contact in New Caledonia by In general the introduction of the sweet
the presence of the term kumala indicating potato into New Guinea is something of an
influence from Wallis Island of the Loyalty enigma. It is known for example, that the
Island Group and not Samoan or Tongan plant was introduced into the Morehead
influence. He states this influence is pre- district by missionaries (Damm 1961:210),
European. La Billardiere in 1793 reported while Serpenti (1965:38) says it has a recent
the sweet potato in this area, too (Hollyman introduction in the Frederick-Hendrick
1959:368). The sweet potato was grown, Island region. There is no evidence of the
though in lesser quantities than today, in sweet potato in the islands to the west of
pre-contact Fiji (Frazer 1964:148). There is New Guinea by 1825. Kolff (1840) visited
evidence, too, of its presence in the New the island of Lakor, the Arru Islands, the
Hebrides at the time of discovery (Dixon Tenimber Islands, and the southwest coast
1932:42-43). There is no evidence at this of Dutch New Guinea in 1825-26, and while
time to indicate how early the plant may he reports many plants and animals, he
have penetrated the area, but since Poly- makes no reference to the sweet potato.
O’Brien ] THE SWEETPOTATO 357
In order to establish the possible origin of Because of the elaborately developed

the sweet potato into New Guinea, we must myths which the peoples of the Central area
first note some facts about its utilization in of New Guinea have about the origin of the
that region. It has been observed that the sweet potato, and its importance in the
plant is more widely grown in the western ritual systems, it is concluded that the plant
part of the island than in the east (Damm is a very old cultural element (Damm
1961:209). The plant follows sago, taro, and 1961:219). In recent years interest in the
yams in its importance in the diet of the sweet potato has focused on (1) when, by
natives in lowlands, but the plant is of great what route, and by what people the plant
importance to the natives of the highlands of was introduced into New Guinea, and (2)
Dutch New Guinea (Damm 1961:209). Also, what were the effects of this introduction
there are certain ecological conditions where and how did it affect the culture history of
the plant will not grow, namely swampy the island.
regions which automatically eliminates zones Concerning the first problems, Friederici
shown in Figure 1. has advocated a post-Magellan introduction,
On the Australian half of the island the Heine-Geldern, and Carter a pre-Magellan
sweet potato is far more important (Damm one, with Carter suggesting a 2500 B.C. date
1961:210), but while it is widely known and (Schmitz 1960:134). Warburg thought this
used it should be noted that in the hinter- plant entered from the Malaya Archipelago a
land of the Huon Gulf among the in- long time ago, while Girard thought it came
habitants of Wantoat Valley the natives have about A.D. 1600-1700 from out of East
the greatest differentiation of the plant Indonesia (Damm 1961:219-220). Le Roux
recognizing forty to fifty varieties, and that according to Schmitz (1960:134) thinks it
to the populations in this part of the came to New Guinea from America via the
highlands the only important cultivated food Melanesian and Polynesian worlds and that it
is the sweet potato (Damm 1961:212-213). is an old cultural element. The plant
Sweel Pol010 Mow Crop

Swiel Potdo Kmwn
Sago lmpatml Swee1 Poloto Known

Swampy. Sree1 Pololo no1 suited ecolog~colly
Sweet Poloto Known, Colmiol Introduction
~~ ~ ~~ ~ ~
~
~ ~~
Figure 1. This map shows the distribution of sweet potato cultivation in New Guinea.’
ecologist, L. J. Brass according to Watson Finally, culture C is definitely Melanesian

(1965b:439) thinks the plant came 300 with some decided Polynesian elements
years ago from the west via bird of paradise especially around Astrolabe Bay and the Rai
hunters and traders in the Solomons area. Coast (Schmitz 1960:419). This culture like
Concerning the second problem, Le Roux culture B is horticultural, but it is definitely
(1948) also suggested that the plant was sea-oriented, which the other was not as
important in the population increase in the deep-sea fishing plays an important role in
Highland valleys (Schmitz 1960: 134). And the economy (Zbid.:420).
only recently has such a hypothesis received It has been hypothesized by Damm
considerable attention from English-speaking (1961:220) that the Mountain Papuans were
scholars. Watson (1965a, 1965b) has pro- originally sago cultivators who were pushed
posed an “Ipomoean Revolution” following into the highlands by sweet potato cul-
its introduction about 300 years ago, result- tivators and who later began to grow batatas
ing in an increase in population in the too. Le Roux on the other hand said the Mt.
highlands and postulating this “revolution” Papuans possessed an original and individual
as the third phase in a sequence of hunter- culture and were the original and old in-
gatherer stage, a pre-sweet potato cultivator habitants of the highlands. Damm (1961:
stage, and a sweet potato-pig raising stage. 220) feels Le ROUX’Sopinion is most.
Finally, Brookfield and White (1968:43) feel likely true since, as he notes, a sago
that the plant’s appearance in New Guinea economy rests on different knowledge and
did not result in such an explosion and that methods than sweet potato cultivation.
while the plant was important in moving Therefore, Damm feels (1961:220) that the
people into the highest mountain areas, it peoples of New Guinea were acquainted
did not trigger a population explosion. with taro, yam, and sweet potato before the
Schmitz (1960:407-425) utilizing the his- appearance of the New Guinea Island people
torical approach of Graebner in his investiga- (presumably he means Melanesians) that the
tions on the Huon and Halb Island regions highly developed technology for growing
hypothesized the development of three dif- sweet potato indicated more than 400 years
ferent cultures designated A, B, C. The first were needed for their evolution.
and the earliest complex, A, is a pre-
Austronesian culture in which hunting Damm concludes (1961:220-221), there-
played a prominent role and originally it fore, that (1) the sweet potato could not
probably had a hunting and gathering have conquered the large area of New
economy (Ibid.:410). Later when these same Guinea that it has in a few hundred years;
people moved from the plains into the (2) the names of the sweet potato in the
tropical forest regions they became horticul- native dialects give no clues that it was
turalists (Ibid.:411). Today this cultural introduced by the Portuguese; (3) because of
group is probably represented by the Kate the simplicity of cultivation of Vogelkopf
language group (Ibid.:409). area it was probably not the area of
Culture B is difficult to pin down lin- entrance.
guistically, but may be related to the dialects As can be seen from the preceding sum-
of the Markham Valley which have affinities mary, there are a variety of contradictory
to the pre-Austronesian Kate languages in theories concerning the two basic sets of
grammatical structure, but which seem to questions about the sweet potato and New
have vocabulary affinities to Austronesian Guinea. The sweet potato was introduced
ones (Schmitz 1960:413). This culture is from Indonesia, from the Malayan Archipel-
horticultural and is characterized by the taro ago, from the Solomons, from Polynesia, via
complex (Ibid.:416); taro is most important, Europeans, via Melanesians, via Polynesians.
although coconut palm, sago palm, banana, The plant is an old cultural element, is a new
sweet potato, sugar cane, etc., are known. cultural element; the sweet potato expanded
populations, displaced populations, did not west. In both areas the plant will not grow
affect population, etc. well and would therefore seem to rule these
I n spite of all these problems, t h e regions out as transmission zones. Figure 3
question of the sweet potato’s route of indicates t h e proposed route of the sweet
introduction and the agent of introduction potato into New Guinea via Melanesians and
can probably be established from today’s then its spread through the island.
data. Figure 1 is a map showing t h e present All these data pointing toward migrant
distribution of the sweet potato in New Melanesians as the source of the sweet
Guinea. Figure 2 indicates the range and p o t a t o makes Brass’s idea (Watson
s p r e a d o f A u s t r o n e s i a n and non- 1965b:439) that bird of paradise hunters
Austronesian (Papuan) languages o n t h e and traders carried t h e plant attractive and
island as well as into t h e Bismark Archipela- would seem to negate theories of European
go. The movement of Melanesian-speaking introduction into the Highlands and also
people into t h e Markham Valley coupled Bulmer’s (1966: 178-179) interesting idea
with the localization of other Melanesian that birds might have been involved in the
groups along t h e coast strongly indicates the transfer from Melanesia.
Markham Valley as the avenue of entrance The problem of dating this transfer is
into the highland via Melanesian peoples. really impossible a t this time. If Melanesians
This suggestion is reinforced by the large introduced the plant into New Guinea, then
number of varieties of the plant near this we must know when it reached Melanesia
area (in t h e Wantoat Valley) which seems t o before we can say when it reached New
indicate a long period of differentiation and Guinea. So too, is t h e problem of evaluating
also by the plant’s insignificance in the the evolutionary importance of the plant;
Vogelkopf region to t h e northwest and t h e much more archaeological, historical, and
Frederick-Hendrick Island area t o the south- linguistic data are needed before these ques-
Figure 2. This map shows the distribution of Austronesian (Melanesian) and Non-
Austronesian (Papuan) languages in New Guinea and in New Britain of the Bismarck
Ar~hipelago.~
360 A ME RICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [74,1972
Figure 3. This map shows the proposed avenue of entrance of the sweet potato into New
Guinea from the Bismarck Archipelago area, and the proposed routes of its spread to the
northeast and southwest of the Markham Valley region.
tions can be answered. Arguments for the Angola and Mozambique, as well as via
antiquity of the plant based on the time Bombay through English associations with
needed to develop new adaptions and new that trade center in India. Apparently the
techniques are strong but not conclusive, for plant was carried from Burma to China after
innovations can occur in very rapid succes- the Indian introduction.
sion. The establishment of the plant in areas
like Micronesia, parts of central Polynesia,
SUMMARY and Dutch New Guinea including Lakor, the
Arm Islands and Tenimber Islands was pre-
Two waves of dispersal are associated vented by ecological conditions unsuited to
with the spread of the sweet potato. The its growth.
best known and documented transfer was The second wave, actually the earliest of
the post-Columbian spread via Europeans. the two, and the one that has intrigued
The Spanish introduced it into Europe, the many scholars over the years, is the appear-
Philippines, Guam, and Malaysia. From the ance of the sweet potato in the Polynesia
Philippines it was then carried to China and region. Combined linguistic, archaeological,
from China ultimately to Japan. The English and historical data point to a pre-Magellan
transmitted it to North America and Japan spread initially somewhere in the Samoa
(though it did not establish itself there and group and from there to all points of the
was re-introduced from China within a Polynesia triangle. The plant then moved to
century), and via missionaries to parts of parts of Melanesia via the Polynesians and
Melanesia and Australian New Guinea. from Melanesia to the Markham Valley area
The Portuguese introduced it into India of New Guinea. This transference into New
and Africa, Ambon, Timor, the northern Guinea was probably done by Melanesians
Moluccas and Cebu. The African intro- very likely both bird of paradise hunters as
duction was directly from Portugal into well as migrants settling on the coast of
southeastern New Guinea. From t h e coast it From Polynesia t h e plant was transferred
spread into the highlands through t h e Mark- to Melanesia by Polynesians, but when is
ham Valley first by Melanesians and then by unknown. From Melanesia it was carried to
Papuan peoples. New Guinea by Melanesians. Again the date
is unknown. Also unclear a t this time is the
GENERAL CONCLUSIONS significance of the sweet potato in an
evolutionary developmental sense in the high-
This survey o n the problem of the origin lands of New Guinea.
and dispersal of the sweet potato would The agent of transfer between Polynesia
seem to indicate the following. First, the and the New World, given t h e suggested
sweet potato originated somewhere in early introduction, and t h e lack of any good
Central or northwestern South America evidence of extended contact, would seem
about 3000 B.C. in association in part with t o be an accidental introduction by the
the development of Tropical Forest root casting u p of a vessel upon some island of
crop agriculture. Since vegetative methods of the Samoa group (this is t h e most likely
reproduction are most widespread and alternative) o r t h e possibility of birds’ acting
economically most important, and because as a natural agent of transfer. Both these
Sauer’s theories about the role of such hypotheses need further examination.
agriculture are so persuasive, it is felt that The post-Columbian-Magellan introduc-
priority at this time goes t o South America. tion of t h e sweet potato into Africa, North
But a t the same time, t h e possibility should America, Europe, India, China, Japan, the
not be overlooked that t h e plant originated Philippines, t h e Moluccas, and other islands
in Central America. This is especially the in the Indonesian area was primarily the
case considering Bronson’s strong arguments result of Spanish, Portuguese and English
for t h e important role of root crops in the trade, exploration, colonization and mission-
Mayan area in historic times and the implied ization.
importance prehistorically.
The actual botanical ancestor(s) of the
plant is unknown at present and much basic NOTES
work is needed before it can be identified, This paper began in a graduate seminar
including a complete cytological study of a t the University of Illinois in 1962. I would
the genus Ipomoea followed by a whole like t o thank the professors who directed it
series of hybridizational studies o n those and this work: Dr. Donald W. Lathrap of
members of t h e genus from t h e Central and Anthropology, Dr. Charles S. Alexander of
Geography, and Dr. Earl R. Leng of
South American regions, Finally, the Agronomy for their stimulating criticism and
question of karoyotypic alterations in encouragement a t that time and for their
somatic cells should be examined. continued support through to the com-
Evidence of the pre-Magellan intro- pletion of the present draft. I also wish t o
express m y appreciation to Alan K. Craig,
duction of t h e sweet potato into Polynesia is Lelah Dushkin, Samuel H. Elbert, George W.
indicated by t h e linguistic reconstruction of Grace, Julian Granberry, F. Allan Hanson,
the word for sweet potato (humala) in Alfred E. Johnson, Martin Ottenheimer,
Proto-Polynesian. This data when combined Russell Reid, William H. Sears, Carlyle S.
Smith, Robert J. Squier, and Robert B.
with the archaeology suggests the plant Taylor, all of whom read various drafts of
arrived either in the Fiji area by about 500 this paper and offered criticisms and sugges-
B.C. (the earliest and most radical alter- tions that have been invaluable in helping t o
native) o r in t h e Samoa group by ca. A.D. 1 bring it t o i t s final form. A t the same time
(the most likely possibility), o r in the any errors o r misinterpretations of data or
suggestions are mine alone.
Marquesas Islands by approximately A.D. 2
Figure 1 results from a compilation of
400 (just before the dispersal t o the far ends data o n the use of the sweet potato gathered
of Polynesia and the latest possible time). from Brookfield (1960) and Damm (1961).
3Figure 2 is based on a mapping of the Bulmer, Ralph

different language communities as reported 1966 Birds as Possible Agents in the
in Capell (1962). Propagation of the Sweet Potato. The
Emu 65(pt. 3):165-182.
Bunton, G. W., and L. A. Valier
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The Sweet Potato: Its Origin and Dispersal’

T h e sweet potato originated in northwestern South America, arising possibly as a

THE SWEET POTATO (Ipomoea Batatas, historical and archaeological record of it as

SIGNIFICANCE FOR of South America. Lathrap (1962)feels one

as a food producer, the earlier complex Europe

(archaeologists, historians, and philologists) thousands of miles between these two

In order to establish the possible origin of Because of the elaborately developed

Sweel Pol010 Mow Crop

Sago lmpatml Swee1 Poloto Known

ecologist, L. J. Brass according to Watson Finally, culture C is definitely Melanesian

3Figure 2 is based on a mapping of the Bulmer, Ralph

covery. Pacific Discovery 14(5):18-23. Dourga. G. W. Earl, trans. London:

Prehistoric Culture in Oceania. I. 1965b The Significance of a Recent

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