Higher Education Dynamics 51

Ly Thi Tran · Simon Marginson Editors

Internationalisation
in Vietnamese
Higher Education
Higher Education Dynamics

Volume 51

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Ly Thi Tran • Simon Marginson
Editors

Internationalisation
in Vietnamese Higher
Education
Editors
Ly Thi Tran Simon Marginson
School of Education Centre for Global Higher Education
Deakin University UCL Institute of Education
Burwood, VIC, Australia London, UK

ISSN 1571-0378     ISSN 2215-1923 (electronic)

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Contents

1 Internationalisation of Vietnamese Higher

Education: An Overview ������������������������������������������������������������������������    1
Ly Thi Tran and Simon Marginson

Part I Policy and Practice in Internationalisation

2 Vietnamese Government Policies and Practices
in Internationalisation of Higher Education ����������������������������������������   19
Lan Hoang, Ly Thi Tran, and Hiep-Hung Pham
3 Current Perspectives on Internationalisation
of Quality Assurance at the Institutional Level������������������������������������   43
Quyen T. N. Do
4 The ‘Advanced Programmes’ in Vietnam: Internationalising
the Curriculum or Importing the ‘Best Curriculum’
of the West?����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   55
Ly Thi Tran, Huong Le Thanh Phan, and Simon Marginson
5 Transnational Education in the Vietnamese Market:
Paradoxes and Possibilities ��������������������������������������������������������������������   77
Nhai Nguyen
6 Impacts of International Organizations on Vietnam’s
Higher Education Policy: The Good, the Bad and the Ugly����������������   99
Diep-Ngoc Tran
7 English-Medium-Instruction Management:
The Missing Piece in the Internationalisation Puzzle
of Vietnamese Higher Education������������������������������������������������������������ 119
Huong Thu Nguyen

v
vi Contents

Part II Student Mobility, Employability and Contributions

8 Historical Trends of Vietnamese International
Student Mobility�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 141
Chi Hong Nguyen
9 International Students’ Choice of Destinations
for Overseas Study: A Specific Push-Pull Model for Vietnam������������ 161
Hiep-Hung Pham
10 International Students’ Aspirations to Contribute
to Socioeconomic Development in Vietnam������������������������������������������ 177
Lien Pham
11 Employers’ Perspectives on Vietnamese Returnee Students �������������� 201
Anh Pham
12 From Brain Drain and Brain Gain to Brain
Circulation: Conceptualizing Re-Expatriation
Intentions of Vietnamese Returnees ������������������������������������������������������ 217
Nga Thi Thuy Ho, Pi-Shen Seet, and Janice Jones
13 Vietnamese Students’ Transition to International
Non-Government Organisations������������������������������������������������������������ 235
Lan Thi Quynh Mai
14 Internationalisation of Vietnamese Higher Education:
Possibilities, Challenges and Implications �������������������������������������������� 253
Ly Thi Tran and Simon Marginson

Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 259
Chapter 12
From Brain Drain and Brain Gain
to Brain Circulation: Conceptualizing
Re-Expatriation Intentions of Vietnamese
Returnees

Nga Thi Thuy Ho, Pi-Shen Seet, and Janice Jones

Introduction

Over the last few decades, several Asian emerging economies have transformed
themselves to become more market-based economies, and this has enabled them to
attract a greater share of foreign direct investment (FDI) and become fast growing
economies. Similar to other Asian emerging economies, FDI into Vietnam over the
past two decades has increased significantly (see Fig. 12.1) and Vietnam continues
to be listed as one of the top 20 emerging markets for attracting FDI at least until
2020 (Kvint 2009). Following the introduction of the reform policy in 1986, Vietnam
has achieved a high rate of economic growth (Anwar and Nguyen 2010; Quang
2013) (see Fig. 12.2). Among Asia’s emerging economies, Vietnam’s annual growth
rate ranks second only to China (Mai et al. 2009).
Vietnam’s rapid economic growth and the increased FDI inflow into Vietnam has
resulted in a growing demand for more highly skilled, networked and entrepreneur-
ial individuals (Thanhnien News 2013). Meanwhile, Vietnam’s education system
has not kept pace with its economic development to provide sufficient high-quality
human capital to meet the labour demand of Vietnam’s economic growth (Schulmann
2014; Thanhnien News 2013). These factors contribute to a growing number of

N. T. T. Ho (*)
College of Economics, Hue University, Hue, Vietnam
e-mail: httnga@hce.edu.vn
P.-S. Seet
School of Business and Law, Edith Cowan University,
Joondalup, WA, Australia
e-mail: p.seet@ecu.edu.au
J. Jones
College of Business, Government and Law, Flinders University,
Adelaide, SA, Australia
e-mail: janice.jones@flinders.edu.au

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018 217

L. T. Tran, S. Marginson (eds.), Internationalisation in Vietnamese Higher
Education, Higher Education Dynamics 51,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78492-2_12
218 N. T. T. Ho et al.

Fig. 12.1 FDI inflows into Vietnam. (US$ million, Source: UNCTAD (2015))

9.0 8.2 8.5

7.8 7.6
8.0 7.3
6.9 7.1
6.8
7.0 6.4 6.2
6.0 5.7
5.4 5.3 5.4
5.0
4.0
3.0
2.0
1.0
0.0
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013

Fig. 12.2 Vietnam’s GDP growth rate in 2000–2013 (%). (Source: The World Bank (2015))

Vietnamese students seeking overseas study with the hope of having international
experiences and advanced knowledge and skills in more developed countries
(Gribble 2011; Le 2014; Nguyen 2013). According to the Vietnam Ministry of
Education and Training, the total number of Vietnamese students studying overseas
(both secondary and postsecondary) was 125,000 in 2013 (ICEF 2014). By 2013,
the number of Vietnamese studying tertiary abroad was about 53,000 (UNESCO
2016). From a historical and longitudinal perspective, Fig. 12.3 shows the number
of Vietnamese studying tertiary abroad increasing from approximately 8000 in 1999
to more than 50,000 students in 2013.
The relative rapid economic growth of emerging economies vis-à-vis developed
economies, mainly in the West, has meant an increasing number of graduates/ pro-
fessionals are returning to their home countries in search of better opportunities. In
12 From Brain Drain and Brain Gain to Brain Circulation: Conceptualizing… 219

60000

50000

40000

30000

20000

10000

Fig. 12.3 Outbound mobile Vietnamese students studying tertiary abroad. (Source: UNESCO
(2016))

China, for example, according to National Bureau of Statistics of China (2011), the
return rate of Chinese overseas graduates was between 40 to 47 percent from 2008
to 2010, compared to only 30 percent from 2005 to 2007 and between 14 to23 per-
cent from 2000 to 2004. Similar to China, the relative high economic growth rates
and FDI inflows into Vietnam have created a stronger labour market, better career
opportunities, and demand for more advanced skills, which has attracted more over-
seas Vietnamese back to their home country (Le 2014; Vietnamnet 2011).
The growth in number of returnees, who have overseas qualifications and/or
work experiences, is reversing the brain drain that emerging economies have been
experiencing, by attracting attracted back talented or skilled people from the
Diaspora. This reversal, however, may be temporary as returnees may go abroad
again (in other words, re-expatriate), if for example, they are unhappy and do not
adjust well to their home country (Tharenou 2015; Tharenou and Seet 2014). Several
studies (e.g. Tharenou and Seet 2014; Tung 2007; Wadhwa et al. 2009) indicate that
a large proportion of Chinese returnees (up to 40 percent) express that they will defi-
nitely re-expatriate or consider doing that. Although there are not available official
data on number of Vietnamese returnees re-expatriating, various reports (e.g. Pham
2011; Pham 2013) show that many research institutions, universities and states in
Vietnam lose a sizable number of Vietnamese returnees who go back abroad after
returning to work in Vietnam.
Losing these highly skilled human capital causes major problems for Vietnam,
especially its ambitions to transition from a socialist-oriented market economy to
modern, industrialised country by 2020 (Quang 2013; The World Bank, 2012).
Meanwhile, Vietnam is negotiating access to the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic
Partnership Agreement (TPP) in the near future (Krist 2015). Although the TPP
promises many opportunities for Vietnam, such as a wider export market for
Vietnam’s products, it will also bring challenges for Vietnamese enterprises which
220 N. T. T. Ho et al.

will face higher foreign competition as foreign products, services and capital will be
able to access Vietnam’s market with greater ease (The Vietnamese Ministry of
Finance 2015). In order to prepare for these significant changes, Vietnam needs to
not only attract but also retain highly talented Vietnamese with strong global com-
petencies, given the growth in importance of human capital as a source of competi-
tive advantage which underscores the importance of talent in the economy (Jones
et al. 2012). Vietnamese returnees who possess advanced skills, knowledge, interna-
tional experiences and foreign language proficiency from developed countries, are
vital for Vietnam’s continued economic growth (Gribble 2011; Pham 2010). These
returnees may also bring international linkages and technologies from the host
country (Pham 2010). Thus, finding the reasons why returnees intend to re-­expatriate
will be critical for the Vietnamese Government in order to develop and implement
appropriate policies to help returnees settle down and retain talent in Vietnam.
While the Vietnamese Government has employed many reverse brain drain policies
to encourage overseas Vietnamese to return and stay in Vietnam, the effectiveness of
these policies is questionable (Pham 2010). As Tran & Marginson (2018) pointed
out in Chap. 1, their newly acquired skills and knowledge are not drawn on effec-
tively in national development.
In attempting to understand the phenomenon of re-expatriation among
Vietnamese returnees, we find that much of the extant literature on overseas
Vietnamese or Vietnamese returnees has tended to focus on talented individuals
leaving Vietnam (brain drain) (e.g. Gribble 2011; Nguyen 2005, 2013, 2014;
Schulmann 2014) and or talented graduates/ professionals returning to Vietnam
(reverse brain drain/ brain gain) (e.g. Anh 2003; Le 2014; Nguyen 2012). Research
on brain drain in the Vietnamese context has focused on why Vietnamese students
choose to study abroad and why they stay in the host country (Gribble 2011).
Meanwhile, research on reverse brain drain has found that overseas Vietnamese
return because of family attachment and better career opportunities in Vietnam
(Le 2014).
However, both brain drain and reverse brain research depicts these international
movements as one way flows of skills, technology and capital (Tung 2008). As such,
it neglects the increasingly dynamic nature of international mobility as an ongoing
process where repatriation is not an end point of the process and that returnees may
move or re-expatriate several times in their careers in a phenomenon known as
‘brain circulation’ (Saxenian 2005). There has been a lack of research on brain cir-
culation in emerging countries in general and particularly in the Vietnamese con-
text, which leads to some significant gaps in understanding. Specifically, the
question of why some of the returnees intend to re-expatriate is especially interest-
ing in light of the fact that most returnees are in fact holding better positions in their
home country, by virtue of their overseas experience (Zweig and Han 2010).
This chapter addresses some of these gaps by reviewing research as to why
Vietnamese returnees who have studied and/or worked abroad in more developed
countries, and have returned to Vietnam, may intend to re-expatriate on their own
initiative. We develop a conceptual framework model explaining such intentions by
incorporating pull-push theory to help explain the economic, social and psychological
12 From Brain Drain and Brain Gain to Brain Circulation: Conceptualizing… 221

pull or push forces from the home and the host countries that motivate movements of
people across borders (Chia 2006; Finlay et al. 2011; Glavac 2000; Gmelch 1980;
Parutis 2013; Toren 1976). We also integrate the theories of reverse culture shock
(RCS) and cross-cultural readjustment to explain how returnees’ negative reactions
on re-entry to their home country are likely to prompt them to consider re-expatriat-
ing. In so doing, this chapter adds to the limited number of studies on brain circulation
and re-expatriation of returnees in emerging economies and contributes to theoretical
understanding of re-expatriation by developing a conceptual framework of factors
affecting the re-expatriate intentions of returnees in the context of an Emerging
Economy, notably Vietnam.
This chapter is structured as follows. The chapter begins with theoretical justifi-
cations for why returnees intend to re-expatriate. In the following section, develop-
ment of a conceptual framework explaining motivations for re-expatriation among
Vietnamese returnees as well as research propositions are presented and discussed.
This chapter concludes with a discussion of theoretical, policy and managerial
implications.

Theoretical Underpinnings

Pull-Push Theory

Pull-push theory explains intentions to re-expatriate with push factors encouraging

individuals to leave their home country and pull factors attracting people to a par-
ticular country (Toren 1976). Push factors are generally negative and related to the
home country (such as unemployment in the home country), while pull factors are
positive and associated with the destination country (such as good job opportunities
in the destination country) (Toren 1976). Pull-push theory has been used to explain
the antecedents for expatriation and repatriation for more than three decades (Glavac
2000; Gmelch 1980; Toren 1976) including in different contexts, such as emerging
East European, African and Asian economies (Chia 2006; Finlay et al. 2011; Parutis
2013). Pull-push theory is applied, as it is a generalized theory that we can concep-
tualize both economic (e.g. job opportunities) and noneconomic factors (e.g. family
encouragement) under pull-push forces (Tharenou and Caulfield 2010).
In Chap. 9, Pham (2017b) argues that push-pull theory provides a robust expla-
nation for understanding decisions of Vietnamese students in terms of their choice
of destination for overseas study. The majority of such research focuses on student
mobility and often draws attention to the push-and-pull factors from home countries
to host countries. However, by itself, pull-push theory is limited in its ability to fully
explain the association between the home and the host country in studying return-
ees’ intentions to re-expatriate. Pull-push theory does not take into account the
­psychological variables that explain returnees’ re-entry experiences when they
return to their home country. Thus, we propose to integrate pull-push theory with
theories incorporating re-entry experiences, namely reverse culture shock (RCS)
222 N. T. T. Ho et al.

theory and cross-cultural readjustment theory to provide a better explanation of

returnees’ re-­entry experiences and their re-expatriation intentions.

Theories Explaining Re-Entry Experiences

Re-entry experiences are responses of returnees to their home country after return-
ing from their host country (Adler 1981; Gullahorn and Gullahorn 1963; Szkudlarek
2010; Uehara 1986; Ward et al.2001). Negative re-entry experiences lead to nega-
tive feelings about life and work in the home country which prompts returnees to
consider re-expatriating (Tharenou and Seet 2014). The most common reactions
include RCS and cross-cultural readjustment (Tharenou 2015), which will be dis-
cussed in the following sections.

Reverse Culture Shock (RCS)

RCS refers to the emotional and psychological difficulties experienced by individu-

als who return to their home country after a significant period living in another
country and culture (Adler 1981; Gullahorn and Gullahorn 1963; Sussman 2000;
Szkudlarek 2010; Ward et al. 2001). RCS includes negative feelings about the home
country, such as alienation, not belonging, loneliness, isolation, inferiority, depres-
sion and general anxiety (Gaw 2000; Seiter and Waddell 1989). RCS also involves
the feelings of less freedom in their home country, feelings of conflicts, discomfort
and disappointment when re-entry does not meet returnees’ expectations (Christofi
and Thompson 2007).
Studies on RCS largely focus on affective aspects, such as health problems, psy-
chological distress, anxiety, depression and emotional difficulties (Searle and Ward
1990). Much of the research on RCS has also focussed on micro-level psychological
studies with few studies examining the relationship of this concept with the move-
ment of human capital across international borders. We address this gap by examin-
ing the extent to which RCS explains intentions to re-expatriate.

Cross-Cultural Readjustment

In contrast to RCS, cross-cultural readjustment is described as a positive response

(Sussman 2000; Ward and Searle 1991). Black and his collegues (Black 1994; Black
and Gregersen 1999; Black et al. 1992) argue that cross-cultural readjustment
includes work, general and interaction readjustment. Work readjustment refers to
the adjustment of individuals to a job position. General readjustment concerns the
overall adjustment of the individual’s general psychological comfort with the home
12 From Brain Drain and Brain Gain to Brain Circulation: Conceptualizing… 223

nation environment, including food, housing, climate and living conditions.

Interaction readjustment is defined as an individual’s psychological comfort in
interpersonal communication and social relations.
Returnees in the Vietnamese context need to adjust to not only their home life,
but also working aspects in their home country (Begley et al. 2008; Hansel 1993;
Pritchard 2011). Pham (2017a) (see Chap. 11) pointed out that the skills and com-
petencies that Vietnaese returnees pick up while overseas do not necessarily help
them to adapt well to a local workplace. Therefore, we find that the model devel-
oped by Black and his collegues (Black 1994; Black and Gregersen 1999; Black
et al. 1992) is appropriate in applying in research to understand how Vietnamese
returnees re-adjust to their work, interat with locals and their culture in Vietnam. We
also apply the theory of Black and his collegues (Black 1994; Black and Gregersen
1999; Black et al. 1992) to understand the association of poor cross-cultural read-
justment with re-expatriation intentions.
Figure 12.4 presents the conceptual framework derived from factors that may
influence the re-expatriation intentions of Vietnamese returnees. It includes pull
forces from the host country, push forces from the home country and negative re-­
entry experiences.
The propositions outlined in the figure are developed in the following sections.

Development of Propositions

Pull-Push Forces

Host-Country Pull Forces

Career opportunities, education for children and quality of life in the host country
are the most frequently cited reasons by Vietnamese graduates/professionals as hav-
ing pulled them to abroad (Le 2014; Nguyen 2005; Pham 2013). Vietnamese people
often expect they will have better professional development and better-working
environment in the host country (Le 2014). Better education and future for children
are also main pull forces in the host country for most Vietnamese returnees (Gribble
2011; Tran et al. 2014). They often place education and the future for their children
as significant family considerations for re-expatriation. This is because Vietnamese
ascribe to a collectivistic culture where family factors play an important factor in
making decisions to relocate to another country (Carr et al. 2005). This is also com-
bined with the fact that education system in Vietnam currently faces many problems
and deficiencies in meeting the needs of highly skilled talent or human capital for a
rapidly developing and internationalising economy (Gribble 2011; Schulmann
2014; Tran et al. 2014). This encourages Vietnamese returnees to consider re-­
expatriating to seek better education for their children and a better place to bring up
their children. Additionally, Vietnam has been struggling with other side-effects of
economic growth like physical environment problems, unsafe food, increasing traf-
fic congestion and rising crime rates in most big cities. A better quality of life in the
224 N. T. T. Ho et al.

Pull forces in the host country

· Higher salary
· Better career development
· Better working condition P1 (+)
· Better quality of life
· Better education for children

Push forces in Vietnam

· Dissatisfaction with career factors Intention
(e.g. low salary and poor working to re-
environment)
expatriate
P2 (+)
· Dissatisfaction with non-career
factors (e.g. negative lifestyles)

P3 (+)

Negative re-entry experiences

· Reverse culture shock
P3 (+)
· Poor repatriation adjustment

Fig. 12.4 A conceptual framework explaining the re-expatriation intention of Vietnamese

returnees

host country (cleaner air, safer environments, and less traffic congestion) may attract
Vietnamese returnees back to the host country or other similar host countries
(Nguyen 2012). In sum, host countries are more likely to pull Vietnamese returnees
back by positive aspects, such as better career opportunities, better education for
children and quality of life. Therefore, the following research proposition follows:
Proposition 1 Host-country pull forces are positively related to intention to
re-expatriate.
12 From Brain Drain and Brain Gain to Brain Circulation: Conceptualizing… 225

Home-Country Push Forces

Compared to host-country pull forces, home-country push forces are more silent
predictors of returnees’ intention to re-expatriate (Tharenou 2010; Tharenou and
Seet 2014). Home-country push forces are negative aspects about the home country
that drive returnees away from their country of residence (Toren 1976). The push
forces from the home country includes undesirable things in the home country that
returnees are not satisfied with and want to escape from (Selmer and Lauring 2012).
The significantly important role of home-country push forces is caused by the
expectation of returnees (Tharenou 2010). Returnees with advanced overseas edu-
cation and fluency in foreign languages normally have an edge in terms of better
skills and knowledge as compared to locally-qualified Vietnamese graduates/ pro-
fessionals. They often have high expectations in terms of getting good jobs, high
salaries, quicker promotions and better lifestyles in their home country (Zweig
2006; Zweig and Han 2010). As Pham (2017b) noted in Chap. 10, more than half of
the returnees in her study said that they returned to Vietnam because they would be
more advantaged in Vietnam’s labour market compared to overseas, with regards to
accessing jobs and business opportunities with high economic rewards. However,
returnees are usually dissatisfied with their home country when their expectations
are not met (Suutari and Brewster 2003). Thus, dissatisfaction with their home
country will encourage returnees to relocate to host countries.
For Vietnamese returnees, undesirable career paths in Vietnam are the most fre-
quently mentioned push forces by returnees (Nguyen 2005; Pham 2013; Tran et al.
2014). Vietnamese returnees often expect that employers in Vietnam will value their
advanced skills, such as innovative thinking and teamwork, and their advanced
knowledge from international degrees, which they consider superior to local gradu-
ates (Nguyen 2012). However, local employers, especially in the government sec-
tors, normally do not fully recognise Vietnamese returnees’ international experiences
and they are not willing to offer better salary packages for Vietnamese returnees
(Nguyen 2012). Besides low salaries, lack of autonomy and unsatisfactory working
environments are also strong forces that push Vietnamese returnees overseas again
(Pham 2013). Vietnamese returnees claim that relatively outdated, slow and bureau-
cratic work environment as the main reasons why they want go back abroad (Gribble
2011; Nguyen 2005; Tran et al. 2014; Zink 2013). Vietnamese returnee researchers
and lecturers also state that lack of recognition of their capabilities, poor research
facilities, libraries and research environments are major concerns for them (Gribble
2011; Tran et al. 2014). This is reinforced by a lack of independence in the ability
to conduct research leading to returnee researchers being dissatisfied with the
research culture in Vietnam (Pham 2013; Zink 2013). Vietnamese returnees in other
sectors report that their jobs do not meet their interests and qualifications or that
they cannot utilise their knowledge gained from studying abroad to their current
jobs (Le 2014; Nguyen 2012). Some felt the lack of motivation and inability to
exercise creativity in the work place (Chan and Tran 2011).
226 N. T. T. Ho et al.

Besides career factors, Vietnamese returnees claim that some non-career related
factors may also influence their decision to leave Vietnam again. As mentioned
above, they are dissatisfied with their lifestyle conditions in Vietnam which is rela-
tively more crowded, more polluted, with a lack of respect of personal space, with
unsafe food, lower security and poorer housing conditions.
In sum, returnees may grow increasingly dissatisfied with both their career and
non-career factors in Vietnam when their career and life back home do not meet
their expectations (Begley et al. 2008; Tharenou 2010). The negative evaluation
about their career and non-career factors when they return to Vietnam would con-
tribute to a negative attitude toward Vietnam (Lidgard 2001). Therefore, this dis-
satisfaction will be the home country factors that push returnees to consider
re-expatriating to another country. Hence, the following research proposition
follows:
Proposition 2 Home-country dissatisfaction is positively related to intention to
re-expatriate.

Re-entry Experiences

Re-entry experiences include different reactions of returnees after repatriating

(Szkudlarek 2010). We theorize that the negative experiences to re-entry (such as
RCS, and poor cross-cultural readjustment) may lead to negative feelings about
their life and work in home country (home country dissatisfaction), and that these
may affect returnees’ intentions to re-expatriate.
Vietnamese returnees report that they face RCS due to different lifestyles, con-
flicting values and difficulties in social and interpersonal relationships with others
(Le 2014). Their lifestyle changes during the time in the host country and upon
return, they do not always accept the ways of life in Vietnam (Chan and Tran 2011;
Le 2014) which may be reflected in dissatisfaction with the lifestyle in their home
country (Gill 2010; Wadhwa et al. 2009). Vietnamese returnees often return home
having developed different thinking styles from non-returnees and they view the
local practices via lenses modified from their time overseas (Chan and Tran 2011).
They may experience reintegration problems when faced with differences in ethics
at work and modes of communication (Nguyen 2012).
Vietnamese returnees are also likely to experience different levels of work read-
justment after returning home (Pham 2017a). Vietnamese returnees experience job
search problems when domestic employers do not really value their international
experience (Nguyen 2012). They are unable to adapt to Vietnamese administrative
practices that are complicated and bureaucratic (Le 2014) and become dissonant
from some local ways and habits, such as work and communication practices (Chan
and Tran 2011). The differences in work ethics and modes of communication in
working between the home and host country also make the cross-cultural readjust-
ment process increasingly difficult (Le 2014). For example, Vietnamese returnees
from the United States claim that they had difficulties in adjusting to their work in
Vietnam when working style in Vietnam differs from their host country (Le 2014).
12 From Brain Drain and Brain Gain to Brain Circulation: Conceptualizing… 227

While working in the United States, these returnees are acculturated into Western
working culture and practices, such as straightforward verbal communication and
open and collaborative working relationships among colleagues. When they returned
to Vietnam organizations, they have to change to the different working styles in
Vietnam which are based more on emotional and personal relationships.
Vietnamese returnees also report that they have poor non-work adjustment with
family, friends and Vietnamese lifestyles (Chan and Tran 2011; Le 2014). They
experience problems in re-negotiating relationships with their friends, particularly
when their friends have moved on and taken on different life courses (Butcher
2002). They also have problems in interacting with Vietnamese locals due to con-
flicting values and different worldviews among those who did not go overseas for
study or work (Chan and Tran 2011). Some returnees claim that they have difficul-
ties re-adjusting to the Vietnamese weather and its heat and humidity (Le 2014).
Others have problems re-adjusting to low salaries in Vietnam relative to what they
were earning overseas which has been made worse through price escalation as a
result of high inflation in Vietnam recently (Le 2014).
Returnees who experience more RCS would have more psychological difficul-
ties and negative feelings about living in their home country, and may therefore
intend to re-expatriate. A smooth cross-cultural readjustment process generally
leads to positive attitudes toward their firms and their jobs (Gregersen and Black
1993). RCS and poor cross-cultural readjustment would generate dissatisfaction or
negative attitudes toward the country and people, an essential element for decision
to leave a country (Baruch et al. 2007; Bhaskar-Shrinivas et al. 2005). Therefore, the
following research proposition follows:
Proposition 3 Negative re-entry experiences (RCS and poor cross-cultural read-
justment) are positively related to home-country dissatisfaction and intention to
re-expatriate.

Conclusions

Theoretical Implications

This paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of re-expatriation by devel-

oping a conceptual framework of factors affecting intentions to re-expatriate of
returnees in the Vietnamese context (see Fig. 12.4). This conceptual framework has
not been fully explored in literature as previous studies (e.g. Anh 2003; Gribble
2011; Le 2014; Nguyen 2005, 2014) only focus on brain drain and reverse brain
drain while little is known about the brain circulation in Vietnam.
By developing the conceptual framework, we firstly highlight that intentions to
re-expatriate among Vietnamese returnees are affected by a variety pull forces in the
host country and push forces in Vietnam. These include not only career factors (e.g.
salaries, job opportunities), but also non-career factors (e.g. education and quality
of life). We propose that future research needs to be conducted to assess the relative
228 N. T. T. Ho et al.

importance of different pull and push factors that are related to the home and host
country in determining intentions to re-expatriate.
Secondly, we apply the concepts of RCS and cross-cultural readjustment to
understand how Vietnamese returnees experience at home. Our review of existing
research shows a sizable number of Vietnamese returnees would have had negative
re-entry experiences. We theorize that their negative re-entry experiences could lead
to home country dissatisfaction and then encourage Vietnamese returnees intend to
re-expatriate. Future research needs to examine whether negative re-entry experi-
ence lead to intentions to re-expatriate.
Much of current research on returnees in emerging countries is qualitative in
nature. Future research could use quantitative methods to test this conceptual frame-
work. Although quantitative data does not provide an in-depth exploration of a
small group of individuals, it allows us draw conclusions from a much large sample
of populations (Cameron and Price 2009; Thang et al. 2007). Thus, this method
designed to identify level of RCS and cross-cultural readjustment, and to investigate
causal relationship between constructs identified in this model.
Finally, possible extensions of current research are examining whether push
forces from the host country and pull forces from the home country influence return-
ees’ intention to re-expatriate. The most common push forces from the host country
include lack of job opportunities (Gill 2010; Le 2014), lack of cultural assimilation
resulting from language barriers and discrimination (Wadhwa et al. 2009). The pull
forces from the home country include the family ties, friendship, cultural fit and
career opportunities in Vietnam (Anh 2003; Le 2014).

I mplications for Vietnamese Higher Education Policy

and Management

Vietnamese returnees who possess skills, advanced knowledge, international expe-

rience, and foreign language proficiency are valuable sources of talent and human
capital for Vietnam (Gribble 2011). Further, the successful recruitment, motivation
and retention of such employees will help firms gain significant competitive advan-
tage (Björkman and Xiucheng 2002). Acknowledging the significant contribution of
Vietnamese returnees toward Vietnam’s development, the Vietnam government has
recently put in a greater effort to encourage Overseas Vietnamese to return and
remain in Vietnam, by developing a number of policies aimed at Vietnamese return-
ees (Dang et al. 2010; Gribble 2011; Nguyen 2014). However, the effectiveness of
these policies is yet to be proven and their implementation cumbersome (Dang et al.
2010; Nguyen 2014). This study has a number of implications for the Vietnam gov-
ernment and managers with respect to retaining Vietnamese returnees.
First, the Vietnam government and managers need to encourage returnees to stay
by ensuring returnees’ re-entry experiences are positive. In particular, they need to
develop repatriation programs and consultancies that help returnees to deal with the
12 From Brain Drain and Brain Gain to Brain Circulation: Conceptualizing… 229

issue of RCS and poor cross-cultural readjustment. The main cause of RCS and
poor cross cultural re-adjustment is that returnees are unprepared for the changes
that they have to adjust back to in their home country as returnees think that their
home country is not a new place to them (Thompson and Christofi 2006). Returnees
may expect to return to their former life-styles and former relationships with friends
and colleagues. In reality, their expectations are not always met (Suutari and
Brewster 2003) and the unmet expectation leads to RCS and poor re-adjustment.
Another reason for RCS and poor re-adjustment is that returnees have changed dur-
ing their overseas experiences (Christofi and Thompson 2007; Gill 2010). The new
cultural values acquired abroad may be in conflict with the culture of the home
country. In addition, their home country may have changed (e.g. economic and
political changes) while returnees were abroad (Christofi and Thompson 2007;
Haines 2012). Returnees may not be aware of changes to themselves and their home
country, which may lead to their discomfort on re-entry and their frustration and
discomfort with the home country environment (Martin and Harrell 2004).
Therefore, repatriation programs should focus on providing critical information
that will help returnees have realistic expectations during repatriation. The informa-
tion may include economic and political changes in the home country. Further, it
also should involve information and even re-entry orientation or induction sessions
on how returnees can utilise the skills and knowledge acquired abroad to achieve or
advance their career goals. The programs should also help returnees understand how
they have changed in terms of their values, life-style and views, which may help
them avoid RCS and ensure a smooth re-adjustment when they return to Vietnam.
Second, incentives and repatriation schemes are another way to lure back over-
seas Vietnamese and retain them in Vietnam (Gribble 2011). The case from China
illustrates one way to attract and retain returnees by repatriation schemes. In 2007,
the Chinese government allocated funds to attract Chinese overseas graduates with
urgently needed skills (Gribble 2011). They also have the ‘Hundred Talents pro-
gram which aims to attract up to 2000 top-level academics over 5 to 10 years by
offering competitive salaries and research funding (Zweig 2006). China’s repatria-
tion schemes have attracted a large number of Chinese returnees and have helped
them settle down in China (Zweig 2006). These Chinese returnees have contributed
to the development of science and technology in private sector and to the research
quality of top Chinese universities (Zweig and Han 2010). The Chinese government
have also developed incentives which have been effective in attracting Overseas
Chinese talents back to China as these incentives help overcome barriers to return in
a tangible and extrinsic manner (Tharenou and Seet 2014). Further, these incentives
also help narrow the salary gap between China and the West which reduces prospect
of re-expatriation (Tharenou and Seet 2014).
Offering incentives (e.g. high salaries and housing allowance) is rare in Vietnam.
There was an initial proposal by the Ministry of Education and Training in 2008
which aimed to attract Overseas Vietnamese scientists back to work in Vietnamese
universities and institutions by offering attractive salary packages and research
funding, but this proposal has not yet been implemented. In 2009, Vietnam set up
the National Foundation for Science and Technology (NAFOSTED) with an annual
230 N. T. T. Ho et al.

budget of VND200 billion (US$9.6 million) to fund Vietnamese researchers and

encourage them to conduct world-class research in Vietnam (Le 2013). Among
awardees of NAFOSTED grants, many had already finished their studies abroad and
published research in top international scientific journals (Le 2013). However, the
funding of NAFOSTED is limited and only helps a few selected research institutes
and universities to attract and retain returnees in their organizations. This scheme
needs to be enhanced and expanded to other institutions in Vietnam to help reverse
the brain drain and encourage more returnees to return and remain in the country.
Third, the Vietnamese government and managers need to create a good working
environment for returnees as many returnees claim that they fail to stay in Vietnam
because of a poor work environment. The Vietnamese government and managers
need to provide better work conditions (e.g. research facilities), utilise their skills,
and recognise their contribution to retain these Vietnamese talents, and also to pro-
mote their contribution to the development of Vietnam (Dang et al. 2010; Gribble
2011; Tran et al. 2014). The Vietnamese government can also learn from China and
Taiwan which are countries that had strong government policy initiatives to success-
fully attract talented returnees through creating good work environments in special
zones or parks for returnees. Taiwan established the Hinschu Industrial Park which
was developed to create a comparable work environment with that of Silicon Valley
in the US, and this has been effective in attracting many Taiwanese returnees back
(Gribble 2011). Similarly, many cities in China that have built technology incuba-
tors and accelerators in their development zones as special centre for attracting
returnees and these have been effective in enticing a large number of returnee schol-
ars and scientists from overseas (Saxenian 2005; Zweig 2006).
Finally, given the importance of education and family in the Vietnamese society,
the Vietnamese government needs to support the education of returnees’ children.
For example, it should consider providing priority entry admission for returnees’
children to key schools. The analysis of this study indicates that Vietnamese return-
ees have favorable attitudes toward re-expatriation in order to seek better education
for their children in the host country.
Taken together, these suggested measures for returnees can help ‘pull’ them back to
their home country, Vietnam, but also reduce any subsequent ‘push’ by improving their
re-adjustment process and helping them settle down in Vietnam, thereby reducing their
likelihood of re-expatriation. This will contribute in efforts to reverse the brain drain by
attracting and retaining highly talented Vietnamese with strong global competencies as
a source of competitive advantage for the sustained development of the country.

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