G.R. No. 146710-15 & 146738 - Estrada vs. Desierto
G.R. No. 146710-15 & 146738 - Estrada vs. Desierto
G.R. No. 146710-15 & 146738 - Estrada vs. Desierto
Title
Estrada vs. Desierto
In the case of Estrada v. Desierto, the court ruled that Joseph E. Estrada's
contentions were without merit, finding that he had resigned before
January 20, 2001, and that there was not enough evidence to prove
prejudicial publicity that would have affected his right to a fair trial.
EN BANC
RESOLUTION
PUNO, J p:
For resolution are petitioner's Motion for Reconsideration in G.R. Nos. 146710-15
and Omnibus Motion in G.R. No. 146738 of the Court's Decision of March 2, 2001.
II. IT HELD THAT PETITIONER CAN BE PROSECUTED NOW, FOR THIS RULING
WOULD VIOLATE THE DOUBLE JEOPARDY CLAUSE OF THE CONSTITUTION,
CONSIDERING THAT PETITIONER WAS ACQUITTED IN THE IMPEACHMENT
PROCEEDINGS.
In G.R. No. 146738, petitioner raises and argues the following issues:
We now come to some events of January 20, 2001 contemporaneous to the oath
taking of respondent Arroyo. We used the Angara Diary to decipher the intent to resign
on the part of the petitioner. Let it be emphasized that it is not unusual for courts to
distill a person's subjective intent from the evidence before them. Everyday, courts
ascertain intent in criminal cases, in civil law cases involving last will and testaments,
in commercial cases involving contracts and in other similar cases. As will be
discussed below, the use of the Angara Diary is not prohibited by the hearsay rule.
Petitioner may disagree with some of the inferences arrived at by the Court from the
facts narrated in the Diary but that does not make the Diary inadmissible as evidence.
We did not stop with the contemporaneous events but proceeded to examine
some events posterior to the oath-taking of respondent Arroyo. Specifically, we
analyzed the all important press release of the petitioner containing his final
statement which was issued after the oath-taking of respondent Arroyo as president.
After analyzing its content, we ruled that petitioner's issuance of the press release and
his abandonment of Malaca ang Palace confirmed his resignation. 1 These are overt
acts which leave no doubt to the Court that the petitioner has resigned.
In light of this finding that petitioner has resigned before 12 o'clock noon of
January 20, 2001, the claim that the office of the President was not vacant when
respondent Arroyo took her oath of office at half past noon of the same day has no leg
to stand on.
We also reject the contention that petitioner's resignation was due to duress and
an involuntary resignation is no resignation at all.
In the cases at bar, petitioner had several options available to him other than
resignation. He proposed to the holding of snap elections. He transmitted to the
Congress a written declaration of temporary inability. He could not claim he was
forced to resign because immediately before he left Malaca ang, he asked Secretary
Angara: "Ed, aalis na ba ako?" which implies that he still has a choice of whether or not
to leave. cSIADa
To be sure, pressure was exerted for the petitioner to resign. But it is difficult to
believe that the pressure completely vitiated the voluntariness of the petitioner's
resignation. The Malaca ang ground was then fully protected by the Presidential
Security Guard armed with tanks and high-powered weapons. The then Chief of Staff,
General Angelo Reyes, and other military officers were in Malaca ang to assure that no
harm would befall the petitioner as he left the Palace. Indeed, no harm, not even a
scratch, was suffered by the petitioner, the members of his family and his Cabinet who
stuck it out with him in his last hours. Petitioner's entourage was even able to detour
safely to the Municipal Hall of San Juan and bade goodbye to his followers before
finally going to his residence in Polk Street, Greenhills. The only incident before the
petitioner left the Palace was the stone throwing between a small group of pro and anti
Erap rallyists which resulted in minor injuries to a few of them. Certainly, there were
no tanks that rumbled through the Palace, no attack planes that flew over the
presidential residence, no shooting, no large scale violence, except verbal violence, to
justify the conclusion that petitioner was coerced to resign.
II
Evidentiary Issues
Petitioner devotes a large part of his arguments on the alleged improper use by
this Court of the Angara Diary. It is urged that the use of the Angara Diary to
determine the state of mind of the petitioner on the issue of his resignation violates
the rule against the admission of hearsay evidence.
We are unpersuaded. To begin with, the Angara Diary is not an out of court
statement. The Angara Diary is part of the pleadings in the cases at bar. Petitioner
cannot complain he was not furnished a copy of the Angara Diary. Nor can he feign
surprise on its use. To be sure, the said Diary was frequently referred to by the parties
in their pleadings. 3 The three parts of the Diary published in the PDI from February 4-
6, 2001 were attached as Annexes A-C, respectively, of the Memorandum of private
respondents Romeo T. Capulong, et al., dated February 20, 2001. The second and third
parts of the Diary were earlier also attached as Annexes 12 and 13 of the Comment of
private respondents Capulong, et al., dated February 12, 2001. In fact, petitioner even
cited in his Second Supplemental Reply Memorandum both the second part of the
diary, published on February 5, 2001, 4 and the third part, published on February 6,
2001. 5 It was also extensively used by Secretary of Justice Hernando Perez in his oral
arguments. Thus, petitioner had all the opportunity to contest the use of the Diary but
unfortunately failed to do so.
Even assuming arguendo that the Angara Diary was an out of court statement,
still its use is not covered by the hearsay rule. 6 Evidence is called hearsay when its
probative force depends, in whole or in part, on the competency and credibility of
some persons other than the witness by whom it is sought to produce it. 7 There are
three reasons for excluding hearsay evidence: (1) absence of cross-examination; (2)
absence of demeanor evidence, and (3) absence of the oath. 8 Not all hearsay evidence,
however, is inadmissible as evidence. Over the years, a huge body of hearsay evidence
has been admitted by courts due to their relevance, trustworthiness and necessity. 9
The emergence of these exceptions and their wide spread acceptance is well-
explained by Weinstein, Mansfield, Abrams and Berger as follows:
"...
On the other hand, we all make decisions in our everyday lives on the basis of
other persons' accounts of what happened, and verdicts are usually sustained and
affirmed even if they are based on hearsay erroneously admitted, or admitted because
no objection was made. See Shepp v. Uehlinger, 775 F 2d 452, 454-455 (1st Cir. 1985)
(hearsay evidence alone can support a verdict). Although volumes have been written
suggesting ways to revise the hearsay rule, no one advocates a rule that would bar all
hearsay evidence. Indeed, the decided historical trend has been to exclude categories
of highly probative statements from the definition of hearsay (sections 2 and 3, infra),
and to develop more class exceptions to the hearsay rule (sections 4-11, infra).
Furthermore, many states have added to their rules the residual, or catch-all,
exceptions first pioneered by the Federal Rules which authorize the admission of
hearsay that does not satisfy a class exception, provided it is adequately trustworthy
and probative (section 12, infra).
The Federal Rules of Evidence provide that 'although relevant, evidence may be
excluded if its probative value is substantially outweighed by the danger of unfair
prejudice.' Under this structure, exclusion is justified by fears of how the jury will be
influenced by the evidence. However, it is not traditional to think of hearsay as merely
a subdivision of this structure, and the Federal Rules do not conceive of hearsay in
that manner. Prejudice refers to the jury's use of evidence for inferences other than
those for which the evidence is legally relevant; by contrast, the rule against hearsay
questions the jury's ability to evaluate the strength of a legitimate inference to be
drawn from the evidence. For example, were a judge to exclude testimony because a
witness was particularly smooth or convincing, there would be no doubt as to the
usurpation of the jury's function. Thus, unlike prejudices recognized by the evidence
rules, such as those stemming from racial or religious biases or from the introduction
of photographs of a victim's final state, the exclusion of hearsay on the basis of
misperception strikes at the root of the jury's function by usurping its power to
process quite ordinary evidence, the type of information routinely encountered by
jurors in their everyday lives.
...
Since virtually all criteria seeking to distinguish between good and bad hearsay
are either incoherent, inconsistent, or indeterminate, the only alternative to a general
rule of admission would be an absolute rule of exclusion, which is surely inferior.
More important, the assumptions necessary to justify a rule against hearsay . . . seem
insupportable and, in any event, are inconsistent with accepted notions of the function
of the jury. Therefore, the hearsay rules should be abolished.
Some support for this view can be found in the limited empirical research now
available which is, however, derived from simulations that suggests that admitting
hearsay has little effect on trial outcomes because jurors discount the value of hearsay
evidence. See Rakos & Landsman, Researching the Hearsay Rule: Emerging Findings,
General Issues, and Future Directions, 76 Minn.L.Rev. 655 (1992); Miene, Park, &
Borgidas, Jury Decision Making and the Evaluation of Hearsay Evidence, 76
Minn.L.Rev. 683 (1992); Kovera, Park & Penrod, Jurors' Perceptions of Eyewitness and
Hearsay Evidence, 76 Minn.L.Rev. 703 (1992); Landsman & Rakos, Research Essay: A
Preliminary Empirical Inquiry Concerning the prohibition of Hearsay Evidence in
American Courts, 15 Law & Psychol. Rev. 65 (1991).
Others, even if they concede that restrictions on hearsay have some utility,
question whether the benefits outweigh the cost:
The cost of maintaining the rule is not just a function of its contribution to
justice. It also includes the time spent on litigating the rule. And of course this is not
just a cost voluntarily borne by the parties, for in our system virtually all the cost of the
court salaries, administrative costs, and capital costs are borne by the public. As
expensive as litigation is for the parties, it is supported by an enormous public
subsidy. Each time a hearsay question is litigated, the public pays. The rule imposes
other costs as well. Enormous time is spent teaching and writing about the hearsay
rule, which are both costly enterprises. In some law schools, students spend over half
their time in evidence classes learning the intricacies of the hearsay rule, and . . .
enormous academic resources are expended on the rule.
"Wigmore, after pointing out that the party's declaration has generally the
probative value of any other person's assertion, argued that it had a special value when
offered against the party. In that circumstance, the admission discredits the party's
statement with the present claim asserted in pleadings and testimony, much like a
witness impeached by contradictory statements. Moreover, he continued, admissions
pass the gauntlet of the hearsay rule, which requires that extrajudicial assertions be
excluded if there was no opportunity for the opponent to cross-examine because it is
the opponent's own declaration, and 'he does not need to cross-examine himself.'
Wigmore then added that the Hearsay Rules is satisfied since the party now as
opponent has the full opportunity to put himself on the stand and explain his former
assertion. (Wigmore on Evidence, Sec. 1048 (Chadbourn Rev. 1972), cited in Sec. 154,
McCormick)
It is, however, argued that the Angara Diary is not the diary of the petitioner,
hence, non-binding on him. The argument overlooks the doctrine of adoptive
admission. An adoptive admission is a party's reaction to a statement or action by
another person when it is reasonable to treat the party's reaction as an admission of
something stated or implied by the other person. 13 Jones explains that the "basis for
admissibility of admissions made vicariously is that arising from the ratification or
adoption by the party of the statements which the other person had made." 14 To use
the blunt language of Mueller and Kirkpatrick, this process of attribution is not
mumbo jumbo but common sense." 15 In the Angara Diary, the options of the
petitioner started to dwindle when the armed forces withdrew its support from him as
President and commander-in-chief. Thus, Executive Secretary Angara had to ask
Senate President Pimentel to advise petitioner to consider the option of "dignified exit
or resignation." Petitioner did not object to the suggested option but simply said he
could never leave the country. Petitioner's silence on this and other related
suggestions can be taken as an admission by him. 16
Petitioner further contends that the use of the Angara Diary against him violated
the rule on res inter alios acta. The rule is expressed in section 28 of Rule 130 of the
Rules of Court, viz: "The rights of a party cannot be prejudiced by an act, declaration,
or omission of another, except as hereinafter provided."
Again, petitioner errs in his contention. The res inter alios acta rule has several
exceptions. One of them is provided in section 29 of Rule 130 with respect to
admissions by a co-partner or agent.
Executive Secretary Angara as such was an alter ego of the petitioner. He was
the Little President. Indeed, he was authorized by the petitioner to act for him in the
critical hours and days before he abandoned Malaca ang Palace. Thus, according to the
Angara Diary, the petitioner told Secretary Angara: "Mula umpisa pa lang ng
kampanya, Ed, ikaw na lang pinakikinggan ko. At hanggang sa huli, ikaw pa rin." (Since
the start of the campaign, Ed, you have been the only one I've listened to. And now at
the end, you still are.)" 17 This statement of full trust was made by the petitioner after
Secretary Angara briefed him about the progress of the first negotiation. True to this
trust, the petitioner had to ask Secretary Angara if he would already leave Malaca ang
after taking their final lunch on January 20, 2001 at about 1:00 p.m. The Angara Diary
quotes the petitioner as saying to Secretary Angara: "Ed, kailangan ko na bang umalis?
(Do I have to leave now?)" 18 Secretary Angara told him to go and he did. Petitioner
cannot deny that Secretary Angara headed his team of negotiators that met with the
team of the respondent Arroyo to discuss the peaceful and orderly transfer of power
after his relinquishment of the powers of the presidency. The Diary shows that
petitioner was always briefed by Secretary Angara on the progress of their
negotiations. Secretary Angara acted for and in behalf of the petitioner in the crucial
days before respondent Arroyo took her oath as President. Consequently, petitioner is
bound by the acts and declarations of Secretary Angara.
Moreover, the ban on hearsay evidence does not cover independently relevant
statements. These are statements which are relevant independently of whether they
are true or not. They belong to two (2) classes: (1) those statements which are the very
facts in issue, and (2) those statements which are circumstantial evidence of the facts
in issue. The second class includes the following: 21
a. Statements of a person showing his state of mind, that is, his mental
condition, knowledge, belief, intention, ill will and other emotions;
b. Statements of a person which show his physical condition, as illness and the
like;
d. Statements which may identify the date, place and person in question; and
Again, Jones tells us why these independently relevant statements are not covered by
the prohibition against hearsay evidence: 22
" 1088. Mental State or Condition Proof of Knowledge. There are a number of
common issues, forming a general class, in proof of which hearsay is so obviously
necessary that it is not customary to refer to its admissibility as by virtue of any
exception to the general exclusionary rule. Admissibility, in such cases, is as of course.
For example, where any mental state or condition is in issue, such as motive, malice,
knowledge, intent, assent or dissent, unless direct testimony of the particular person
is to be taken as conclusive of his state of mind, the only method of proof available is
testimony of others to the acts or statements of such person. Where his acts or
statements are against his interest, they are plainly admissible within the rules
hereinabove announced as to admissions against interest. And even where not against
interest, if they are so closely connected with the event or transaction in issue as to
constitute once of the very facts in controversy, they become admissible of necessity."
Petitioner also contends that the rules on authentication of private writings and
best evidence were violated in our Decision, viz:
"The use of the Angara Diary palpably breached several hornbook rules of
evidence, such as the rule on authentication of private writings . . .
...
The rule governing private documents as evidence was violated. The law
provides that before any private writing offered as authentic is received in evidence,
its due execution and authenticity must be proved either: a) by anyone who saw the
document executed or written, or b) by evidence of the genuineness of the signature
or handwriting of the maker.
...
Clearly, the newspaper reproduction is not the best evidence of the Angara
diary. It is secondary evidence, of dubious authenticity. It was however used by this
Honorable Court without proof of the unavailability of the original or duplicate original
of the diary. The "Best Evidence Rules" should have been applied since the contents of
the diary are the subject of inquiry.
The rule is that, except in four (4) specific instances, "when the subject of
inquiry is the contents of a document, no evidence shall be admissible other than the
original document itself." 23
Petitioner's contention is without merit. In regard to the Best Evidence rule, the
Rules of Court provides in sections 2 to 4 of Rule 130, as follows:
(a) When the original has been lost or destroyed, or cannot be produced in court,
without bad faith on the part of the offeror;
(b) When the original is in the custody or under the control of the party against
whom the evidence is offered, and the latter fails to produce it after reasonable notice;
(c) When the original consists of numerous accounts or other documents which
cannot be examined in court without great loss of time and the fact sought to be
established from them is only the general result of the whole; and
(d) When the original is a public record in the custody of a public officer or is
recorded in a public office.
(b) When a document is in two or more copies executed at or about the same
time, with identical contents, all such copies are equally regarded as originals.
(c) When an entry is repeated in the regular course of business, one being
copied from another at or near the time of the transaction, all the entries are likewise
equally regarded as originals."
It is true that the Court relied not upon the original but only a copy of the Angara
Diary as published in the Philippine Daily Inquirer on February 4-6, 2001. In doing so,
the Court, did not, however, violate the best evidence rule. Wigmore, in his book on
evidence, states that:
"Production of the original may be dispensed with, in the trial court's discretion,
whenever in the case in hand the opponent does not bona fide dispute the contents of
the document and no other useful purpose will be served by requiring production. 24
...
He adds:
"SECTION 20. Proof of private document. Before any private document offered
as authentic is received in evidence, its due execution and authenticity must be proved
either:
"A proper foundation must be laid for the admission of documentary evidence;
that is, the identity and authenticity of the document must be reasonably established
as a pre-requisite to its admission. (Rouw v. Arts, 174 Ark. 79, 294 S.W. 993, 52 A.L.R.
1263, and others) However, a party who does not deny the genuineness of a proffered
instrument may not object that it was not properly identified before it was admitted in
evidence. (Strand v. Halverson, 220 Iowa 1276, 264 N.W. 266, 103 A.L.R. 835)." 27
III
Temporary Inability
Petitioner argues that the Court misinterpreted the meaning of section 11, Article
VII, of the Constitution in that Congress can only decide the issue of inability when
there is a variance of opinion between a majority of the Cabinet and the President. The
situation presents itself when majority of the Cabinet determines that the President is
unable to govern; later, the President informs Congress that his inability has ceased
but is contradicted by a majority of the members of the Cabinet. It is also urged that
the President's judgment that he is unable to govern temporarily which is thereafter
communicated to the Speaker of the House and the President of the Senate is the
political question which this Court cannot review.
We cannot sustain the petitioner. Lest petitioner forgets, he himself made the
submission in G.R. No. 146738 that "Congress has the ultimate authority under the
Constitution to determine whether the President is incapable of performing his
functions in the manner provided for in section 11 of Article VII." 29 We sustained this
submission and held that by its many acts, Congress has already determined and
dismissed the claim of alleged temporary inability to govern proffered by petitioner. If
petitioner now feels aggrieved by the manner Congress exercised its power, it is
incumbent upon him to seek redress from Congress itself. The power is conceded by
the petitioner to be with Congress and its alleged erroneous exercise cannot be
corrected by this Court. The recognition of respondent Arroyo as our de jure president
made by Congress is unquestionably a political judgment. It is significant that House
Resolution No. 176 cited as the bases of its judgment such factors as the "people's loss
of confidence on the ability of former President Joseph Ejercito Estrada to effectively
govern" and the "members of the international community had extended their
recognition of Her Excellency, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo as President of the Republic
of the Philippines" and it has a constitutional duty "of fealty to the supreme will of the
people . . .." This political judgment may be right or wrong but Congress is answerable
only to the people for its judgment. Its wisdom is fit to be debated before the tribunal
of the people and not before a court of justice. Needless to state, the doctrine of
separation of power constitutes an insuperable bar against this Court's interposition of
its power of judicial review to review the judgment of Congress rejecting petitioner's
claim that he is still the President, albeit on leave and that respondent Arroyo is
merely an acting President.
Petitioner attempts to extricate himself from his submission that Congress has
the ultimate authority to determine his inability to govern, and whose determination is
a political question by now arguing that whether one is a de jure or de facto President
is a judicial question. Petitioner's change of theory, ill disguised as it is, does not at all
impress. The cases at bar do not present the general issue of whether the respondent
Arroyo is the de jure or a de facto President. Specific issues were raised to the Court
for resolution and we ruled on an issue by issue basis. On the issue of resignation
under section 8, Article VII of the Constitution, we held that the issue is legal and ruled
that petitioner has resigned from office before respondent Arroyo took her oath as
President. On the issue of inability to govern under section 11, Article VII of the
Constitution, we held that Congress has the ultimate authority to determine the
question as opined by the petitioner himself and that the determination of Congress is
a political judgment which this Court cannot review. Petitioner cannot blur these
specific rulings by the generalization that whether one is a de jure or de facto
President is a judicial question.
Petitioner now appears to fault Congress for its various acts expressed thru
resolutions which brushed off his temporary inability to govern and President-on-
leave argument. He asserts that these acts of Congress should not be accorded any
legal significance because: (1) they are post facto and (2) a declaration of presidential
incapacity cannot be implied.
"Joint Statement of Support and Recognition from the Senate President and the
Speaker of the House of Representatives
We, the elected leaders of the Senate and the House of Representatives, are
called upon to address the constitutional crisis affecting the authority of the President
to effectively govern our distressed nation. We understand that the Supreme Court at
that time is issuing an en banc resolution recognizing this political reality. While we
may differ on the means to effect a change of leadership, we however, cannot be
indifferent and must act resolutely. Thus, in line with our sworn duty to represent our
people and in pursuit of our goals for peace and prosperity to all, we, the Senate
President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, hereby declare our support
and recognition to the constitutional successor to the Presidency. We similarly call on
all sectors to close ranks despite our political differences. May God Bless our nation in
this period of new beginnings.
This a priori recognition by the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House
of Representatives of respondent Arroyo as the "constitutional successor to the
presidency" was followed post facto by various resolutions of the Senate and the
House, in effect, confirming this recognition. Thus, Resolution No. 176 expressed ". . .
the support of the House of Representatives to the assumption into office by Vice-
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo as President of the Republic of the Philippines,
extending its congratulations and expressing its support for her administration as a
partner in the attainment of the nation's goal under the Constitution. 32 Resolution No.
82 of the Senate and Resolution No. 178 of the House of Representatives both
confirmed the nomination of then Senator Teofisto Guingona, Jr., as Vice-President. 33
It also passed Resolution No. 83 declaring the impeachment court functus officio. 34
Both Houses sent bills to respondent Arroyo to be signed by her into law as President
of the Philippines. 35 These acts of Congress, a priori and post facto, cannot be
dismissed as merely implied recognitions of respondent Arroyo, as the president of
the Republic. Petitioner's insistence that respondent Arroyo is just a de facto President
because said acts of Congress ". . . are mere circumstances of acquiescence calculated
to induce people to submit to respondent's exercise of the powers of the presidency"
36 is a guesswork far divorced from reality to deserve further discussion.
Similarly way off the mark is petitioner's point that "while the Constitution has
made Congress the national board of canvassers for presidential and vice-presidential
elections, this Honorable Court nonetheless remains the sole judge in presidential and
vice presidential contests. 37 He thus postulates that "such constitutional provision 38
is indicative of the desire of the sovereign people to keep out of the hands of Congress
questions as to the legality of a person's claim to the presidential office." 39 Suffice to
state that the inference is illogical. Indeed, there is no room to resort to inference. The
Constitution clearly sets out the structure on how vacancies and election contest in the
office of the President shall be decided. Thus, section 7 of Article VII covers the
instance when (a) the President-elect fails to qualify, (b) if a President shall not have
been chosen and (c) if at the beginning of the term of the President, the President-elect
shall have died or shall have become permanently disabled. Section 8 of Article VII
covers the situation of the death, permanent disability, removal from office or
resignation of the President. Section 11 of Article VII covers the case where the
President transmits to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of
Representatives his written declaration that he is unable to discharge the powers and
duties of his office. In each case, the Constitution specifies the body that will resolve
the issues that may arise from the contingency. In case of election contest, section 4,
Article VII provides that the contests shall be resolved by this Court sitting en banc. In
case of resignation of the President, it is not disputed that this Court has jurisdiction to
decide the issue. In case of inability to govern, section 11 of Article VII gives the
Congress the power to adjudge the issue and petitioner himself submitted this thesis
which was shared by this Court. In light of these clear provisions of the Constitution, it
is inappropriate, to say the least, for petitioner to make inferences that simply distort
their meanings.
IV
Petitioner contends that this Court disregarded section 3 (7) of Article XI of the
Constitution which provides:
"(7) Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than removal
from office and disqualification to hold any office under the Republic of the
Philippines, but the party convicted should nevertheless be liable and subject to
prosecution, trial and punishment according to law."
Petitioner reiterates the argument that he must be first convicted in the impeachment
proceedings before he could be criminally prosecuted. A plain reading of the provision
will not yield this conclusion. The provision conveys two uncomplicated ideas: first, it
tells us that judgment in impeachment cases has a limited reach . . . i.e., it cannot
extend further than removal from office and disqualification to hold any office under
the Republic of the Philippines, and second, it tells us the consequence of the limited
reach of a judgment in impeachment proceedings considering its nature, i.e., that the
party convicted shall still be liable and subject to prosecution, trial and punishment
according to law. No amount of manipulation will justify petitioner's non sequitur
submission that the provision requires that his conviction in the impeachment
proceedings is a condition sine qua non to his prosecution, trial and punishment for
the offenses he is now facing before the respondent Ombudsman.
Petitioner contends that the private and public prosecutors' walk out from the
impeachment proceedings "should be considered failure to prosecute on the part of
the public and private prosecutors, and the termination of the case by the Senate is
equivalent to acquittal." 40 He explains "failure to prosecute" as the "failure of the
prosecution to prove the case, hence dismissal on such grounds is a dismissal on the
merits." 41 He then concludes that "dismissal of a case for failure to prosecute amounts
to an acquittal for purposes of applying the rule against double jeopardy." 42
Prescinding from these facts, petitioner cannot invoke double jeopardy. Double
jeopardy attaches only: (1) upon a valid complaint; (2) before a competent court; (3)
after arraignment; (4) when a valid plea has been entered; and (5) when the defendant
was acquitted or convicted or the case was dismissed or otherwise terminated without
the express consent of the accused. 43 Assuming arguendo that the first four
requisites of double jeopardy were complied with, petitioner failed to satisfy the fifth
requisite for he was not acquitted nor was the impeachment proceeding dismissed
without his express consent. Petitioner's claim of double jeopardy cannot be
predicated on prior conviction for he was not convicted by the impeachment court. At
best, his claim of previous acquittal may be scrutinized in light of a violation of his
right to speedy trial, which amounts to a failure to prosecute. As Bernas points out, a
failure to prosecute, which is what happens when the accused is not given a speedy
trial, means failure of the prosecution to prove the case. Hence, dismissal on such
grounds is a dismissal on the merits. 44
"If the defendant wants to exercise his constitutional right to a speedy trial, he
should ask, not for the dismissal, but for the trial of the case. After the prosecution's
motion for postponement of the trial is denied and upon order of the court the fiscal
does not or cannot produce his evidence and, consequently fails to prove the
defendant's guilt, the court upon defendant's motion shall dismiss the case, such
dismissal amounting to an acquittal of the defendant."
"It is true that in an unbroken line of cases, we have held that the dismissal of
cases on the ground of failure to prosecute is equivalent to an acquittal that would bar
further prosecution of the accused for the same offense. It must be stressed, however,
that these dismissals were predicated on the clear right of the accused to speedy trial.
These cases are not applicable to the petition at bench considering that the right of the
private respondents to speedy trial has not been violated by the State. For this reason,
private respondents cannot invoke their right against double jeopardy." 46
Petitioner did not move for the dismissal of the impeachment case against him.
Even assuming arguendo that there was a move for its dismissal, not every invocation
of an accused's right to speedy trial is meritorious. While the Court accords due
importance to an accused's right to a speedy trial and adheres to a policy of speedy
administration of justice, this right cannot be invoked loosely. Unjustified
postponements which prolong the trial for an unreasonable length of time are what
offend the right of the accused to speedy trial. 47 The following provisions of the
Revised Rules of Criminal Procedure are apropos:
"Rule 115, Section 1(h). Rights of accused at the trial. In all criminal prosecutions,
the accused shall be entitled to the following rights:
The court shall, after consultation with the prosecutor and defense counsel, set
the case for continuous trial on a weekly or other short-term trial calendar at the
earliest possible time so as to ensure speedy trial. In no case shall the entire trial
period exceed one hundred eighty (180) days from the first day of trial, except as
otherwise authorized by the Supreme Court."
Petitioner therefore failed to show that the postponement of the impeachment
proceedings was unjustified, much less that it was for an unreasonable length of time.
Recalling the facts, on January 17, 2001, the impeachment proceeding was suspended
until the House of Representatives shall have resolved the issue on the resignation of
the public prosecutors. This was justified and understandable for an impeachment
proceeding without a panel of prosecutors is a mockery of the impeachment process.
However, three (3) days from the suspension or January 20, 2001, petitioner's
resignation supervened. With the sudden turn of events, the impeachment court
became functus officio and the proceedings were therefore terminated. By no stretch
of the imagination can the four-day period from the time the impeachment proceeding
was suspended to the day petitioner resigned, constitute an unreasonable period of
delay violative of the right of the accused to speedy trial.
The last question is with reference to the Committee's omitting in the draft
proposal the immunity provision for the President. I agree with Commissioner
Nolledo that the Committee did very well in striking out this second sentence, at the
very least, of the original provision on immunity from suit under the 1973
Constitution. But would the Committee members not agree to a restoration of at least
the first sentence that the president shall be immune from suit during his tenure,
considering that if we do not provide him that kind of an immunity, he might be
spending all his time facing litigations, as the President-in-exile in Hawaii is now
facing litigations almost daily?
Fr. Bernas:
Mr. Suarez:
Fr. Bernas:
There is no need. It was that way before. The only innovation made by the 1973
Constitution was to make that explicit and to add other things.
Mr. Suarez:
On the understanding, I will not press for any more query, madam President.
Petitioner, however, fails to distinguish between term and tenure. The term
means the time during which the officer may claim to hold the office as of right, and
fixes the interval after which the several incumbents shall succeed one another. The
tenure represents the term during which the incumbent actually holds office. The
tenure may be shorter than the term for reasons within or beyond the power of the
incumbent. 50 From the deliberations, the intent of the framers is clear that the
immunity of the president from suit is concurrent only with his tenure and not his
term.
Indeed, petitioner's stubborn stance cannot but bolster the belief that the cases
at bar were filed not really for petitioner to reclaim the presidency but just to take
advantage of the immunity attached to the presidency and thus, derail the
investigation of the criminal cases pending against him in the Office of the
Ombudsman.
Petitioner hangs tough on his submission that his due process rights to a fair
trial have been prejudiced by pre-trial publicity. In our Decision, we held that there is
not enough evidence to sustain petitioner's claim of prejudicial publicity.
Unconvinced, petitioner alleges that the vivid narration of events in our Decision itself
proves the pervasiveness of the prejudicial publicity. He then posits the thesis that
"doubtless, the national fixation with the probable guilt of petitioner fueled by the hate
campaign launched by some high circulation newspaper and by the bully pulpit of
priests and bishops left indelible impression on all sectors of the citizenry and all
regions, so harsh and so pervasive that the prosecution and the judiciary can no
longer assure petitioner a sporting chance." 51 To be sure, petitioner engages in
exaggeration when he alleges that "all sectors of the citizenry and all regions" have
been irrevocably influenced by this barrage of prejudicial publicity. This exaggeration
collides with petitioner's claim that he still enjoys the support of the majority of our
people, especially the masses.
Petitioner pleads that we apply the doctrine of res ipsa loquitur (the thing or the
transaction speaks for itself) to support his argument. Under the res ipsa loquitur rule
in its broad sense, the fact of the occurrence of an injury, taken with the surrounding
circumstances, may permit an inference or raise a presumption of negligence, or
make out a plaintiff's prima facie case, and present a question of fact for defendant to
meet with an explanation. 52 It is not a rule of substantive law but more a procedural
rule. Its mere invocation does not exempt the plaintiff with the requirement of proof to
prove negligence. It merely allows the plaintiff to present along with the proof of the
accident, enough of the attending circumstances to invoke the doctrine, creating an
inference or presumption of negligence and to thereby place on the defendant the
burden of going forward with the proof. 53
We hold that it is inappropriate to apply the rule on res ipsa loquitur, a rule
usually applied only in tort cases, to the cases at bar. Indeed, there is no court in the
whole world that has applied the res ipsa loquitur rule to resolve the issue of
prejudicial publicity. We again stress that the issue before us is whether the alleged
pervasive publicity of the cases against the petitioner has prejudiced the minds of the
members of the panel of investigators. We reiterate the test we laid down in People v.
Teehankee, 54 to resolve this issue, viz:
"We cannot sustain appellant's claim that he was denied the right to impartial
trial due to prejudicial publicity. It is true that the print and broadcast media gave the
case at bar pervasive publicity, just like all high profile and high stake criminal trials.
Then and now, we rule that the right of an accused to a fair trial is not incompatible to
a free press. To be sure, responsible reporting enhances an accused's right to a fair
trial for, as well pointed out, a responsible press has always been regarded as the
handmaiden of effective judicial administration, especially in the criminal field . . .. The
press does not simply publish information about trials but guards against the
miscarriage of justice by subjecting the police, prosecutors, and judicial processes to
extensive public scrutiny and criticism.
Pervasive publicity is not per se prejudicial to the right of an accused to fair trial.
The mere fact that the trial of appellant was given a day-to-day, gavel-to-gavel
coverage does not by itself prove that the publicity so permeated the mind of the trial
judge and impaired his impartiality. For one, it is impossible to seal the minds of
members of the bench from pre-trial and other off-court publicity of sensational
criminal cases. The state of the art of our communication system brings news as they
happen straight to our breakfast tables and right to our bedrooms. These news form
part of our everyday menu of the facts and fictions of life. For another, our idea of a fair
and impartial judge is not that of a hermit who is out of touch with the world. We have
not installed the jury system whose members are overly protected from publicity test
they lost their impartiality . . .. Our judges are learned in the law and trained to
disregard off-court evidence and on-camera performances of parties to a litigation.
Their mere exposure to publications and publicity stunts does not per se fatally infect
their impartiality.
At best, appellant can only conjure possibility of prejudice on the part of the trial
judge due to the barrage of publicity that characterized the investigation and trial of
the case. In Martelino, et al. vs. Alejandro, et al., we rejected this standard of possibility
of prejudice and adopted the test of actual prejudice as we ruled that to warrant a
finding of prejudicial publicity, there must be allegation and proof that the judges have
been unduly influenced, not simply that they might be, by the barrage of publicity. In
the case at bar, the records do not show that the trial judge developed actual bias
against appellant as a consequence of the extensive media coverage of the pre-trial
and trial of his case. The totality of circumstances of the case does not prove that the
trial judge acquired a fixed opinion as a result of prejudicial publicity which is
incapable of change even by evidence presented during the trial. Appellant has the
burden to prove this actual bias and he has not discharged the burden."
Petitioner keeps on pounding on the adverse publicity against him but fails to
prove how the impartiality of the panel of investigators from the Office of the
Ombudsman has been infected by it. As we held before and we hold it again, petitioner
has completely failed to adduce any proof of actual prejudice developed by the
members of the Panel of Investigators. This fact must be established by clear and
convincing evidence and cannot be left to loose surmises and conjectures. In fact,
petitioner did not even identify the members of the Panel of Investigators. We cannot
replace this test of actual prejudice with the rule of res ipsa loquitur as suggested by
the petitioner. The latter rule assumes that an injury (i.e., prejudicial publicity) has
been suffered and then shifts the burden to the panel of investigators to prove that the
impartiality of its members has been affected by said publicity. Such a rule will
overturn our case law that pervasive publicity is not per se prejudicial to the right of
an accused to fair trial. The cases are not wanting where an accused has been
acquitted despite pervasive publicity. 55 For this reason, we continue to hold that it is
not enough for petitioner to conjure possibility of prejudice but must prove actual
prejudice on the part of his investigators for the Court to sustain his plea. It is plain
that petitioner has failed to do so.
Petitioner again suggests that the Court should order a 2-month cooling off
period to allow passions to subside and hopefully the alleged prejudicial publicity
against him would die down. We regret not to acquiesce to the proposal. There is no
assurance that the so called 2-month cooling off period will achieve its purpose. The
investigation of the petitioner is a natural media event. It is the first time in our history
that a President will be investigated by the Office of the Ombudsman for alleged
commission of heinous crimes while a sitting President. His investigation will even be
monitored by the foreign press all over the world in view of its legal and historic
significance. In other words, petitioner cannot avoid the klieglight of publicity. But
what is important for the petitioner is that his constitutional rights are not violated in
the process of investigation. For this reason, we have warned the respondent
Ombudsman in our Decision to conduct petitioner's preliminary investigation in a
circus-free atmosphere. Petitioner is represented by brilliant legal minds who can
protect his rights as an accused.
VI
Recusation
Finally, petitioner prays that "the members of this Honorable Court who went to
EDSA put on record who they were and consider recusing or inhibiting themselves,
particularly those who had ex-parte contacts with those exerting pressure on this
Honorable Court, as mentioned in our Motion of March 9, 2001, given the need for the
cold neutrality of impartial judges." 56
We hold that the prayer lacks merit. There is no ground to inhibit the twelve (12)
members of the Court who merely accepted the invitation of the respondent Arroyo to
attend her oath taking. As mere spectators of a historic even, said members of the
Court did not prejudge the legal basis of the claim of respondent Arroyo to the
presidency at the time she took her oath. Indeed, the Court in its en banc resolution on
January 22, 2001, the first working day after respondent Arroyo took her oath as
President, held in Administrative Matter No. 01-1-05 SC, to wit:
"A.M. No. 01-1-05-SC In re: Request for Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo
to Take her Oath of Office as President of the Republic of the Philippines before the
Chief Justice Acting on the urgent request of Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo
to be sworn in as President of the Republic of the Philippines, addressed to the Chief
Justice and confirmed by a letter to the Court, dated January 20, 2001, which request
was treated as an administrative matter, the court Resolved unanimously to confirm
the authority given by the twelve (12) members of the Court then present to the Chief
Justice on January 20, 2001 to administer the oath of office to Vice President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo as President of the Philippines, at noon of January 20, 2001.
This resolution is without prejudice to the disposition of any justiciable case that
may be filed by a proper party." DcaECT
The above resolution was unanimously passed by the 15 members of the Court. It
should be clear from the resolution that the Court did not treat the letter of respondent
Arroyo to be administered the oath by Chief Justice Davide, Jr. as a case but as an
administrative matter. If it were considered as a case, then petitioner has reason to
fear that the Court has predetermined the legitimacy of the claim of respondent
Arroyo to the presidency. To dispel the erroneous notion, the Court precisely treated
the letter as an administrative matter and emphasized that it was "without prejudice to
the disposition of any justiciable case that may be filed by a proper party." In further
clarification, the Court on February 20, 2001 issued another resolution to inform the
parties and the public that it ". . . did not issue a resolution on January 20, 2001
declaring the office of the President vacant and that neither did the Chief Justice issue
a press statement justifying the alleged resolution." Thus there is no reason for
petitioner to request for the said twelve (12) justices to recuse themselves. To be sure, a
motion to inhibit filed by a party after losing his case is suspect and is regarded with
general disfavor.
SO ORDERED.
Davide, Jr., C.J., no part for reason given in open forum and in the extended
explanation.
Kapunan, J., I concur in the result but strongly reiterate my separate opinion in
the main case.
Separate Opinions
VITUG, J ., concurring:
There, truly, might never be a definitive consensus, let alone unanimity, on the
fine and valid issues heretofore submitted by petitioner. To dissect the events into
miniscule parts for microscopic scrutiny, however, could in the end be just begging
the question. The varying versions of the events and their differing interpretations
notwithstanding, one circumstance still remained clear, and it was that a convergence
and confluence of events, sparked by a civilian dissent which set into motion a domino
effect on the government itself, plagued the presidency. The things that occurred were
no longer to be yet in dispute but were matters of fact. Contra factum non valet
argumentum.
The primordial question that emerged was no longer whether the transfer of
power had, in fact, occurred it did or whether it was ideal or bereft of equanimity but
whether the change was within Constitutional parameters the 1987 Constitution its
letter, intent and spirit or was revolutionary in character. To be sure, the debate will
persist on end. For, indeed, the events were such that it could have well been one or
the other. It was a critical close call. The indications would seem that much also
depended, by good margin, on how the powerholders would have wanted it to be at the
time. The circumstances that prevailed would have likely allowed them to declare a
revolutionary government, to dismantle the old, and to have a new one installed,
thereby effectively abrogating the Constitution until yet another if minded. Respondent
could have, so enjoying a show of overwhelming civilian and military support as she
did, forever silenced any legal challenge to her leadership by choosing a previously-
tested path trodden by then President Corazon C. Aquino fifteen years before declaring
a revolutionary government, doing away with the constitution and railroading all
extant democratic institutions and, once ensconced in power, rule by decree. The large
group of people, already then impatient after a four-day vigil at EDSA and later at
Mendiola, could have given in to the popular passions and impulses that prevailed,
stormed Malaca ang gates, bodily removed petitioner from office and, in his place,
sworn in respondent, or any other person or group not so dictated by the Charter as
the successor.
It was fortunate that the play of events had it otherwise, more likely by design
than not, and the Constitution was saved, personas transposed. The succession by
Mme. Macapagal-Arroyo resulted neither in the rupture nor in the abrogation of the
legal order. The ascension to power was by the duly-elected Vice-President of the
Republic. The Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police felt
that they were so acting only in obedience to their mandate as the protector of the
people. The constitutionally-established government structure, embracing various
offices under the executive branch, the judiciary, the legislature, the constitutional
commissions and still other entities, including the local governments, remained intact
and functioning. Immediate stability was achieved, violence was averted, and the
country was spared from possible catastrophe.
If, as Mr. Estrada would so have it, the takeover of the Presidency could not be
constitutionally justified, then, unavoidably, one would have to hold that the Arroyo
government, already and firmly in control then and now, would be nothing else but
revolutionary. And, if it were, the principal points brought up in the petitioners for and
in behalf of Mr. Estrada, predicated on constitutional grounds, would then be left bare
as there would, in the first place, be no Constitution to speak of. The invocation alone
of the jurisdiction of this Court would itself be without solid foundation absent its
charter.
But the EDSA II phenomenon must not end there. We might ask ourselves have
we, as a people, really shown to the world enough political maturity? Or have we now
found ourselves trapped and strangled in an epidemic of political instability? Or, is
perhaps our culture or psyche, as a nation, after all, incompatible with the kind of
democracy we have plucked from Western soil? EDSA II will be more than just an
exercise of people prerogative; it will also be a time for reflection and re-examination
of values and commitments. It is frightening to think that the sensitive cord of the
social fiber that binds us all as one people might so unwittingly be struck and severed.
Such a damage would be irreparable.
MENDOZA, J ., concurring:
Petitioner cites Art. XI, 3(7) of the Constitution which provides that
Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than removal from
office and disqualification to hold any office under the Republic of the Philippines, but
the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to prosecution, trial and
punishment according to law.
Petitioner argues that the purpose of the provision allowing subsequent prosecution
and trial of a party convicted in an impeachment trial is precisely to preclude a plea of
double jeopardy by the accused in the event he is convicted in the impeachment trial.
In the second place, the proviso that an impeached and convicted public official
would "nevertheless" be subject to criminal prosecution serves to qualify the clause
that "judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than removal from
office and disqualification to hold any office under the Republic of the Philippines." In
other words, the public official convicted in an impeachment trial is nevertheless
subject to criminal prosecution because the penalty which can be meted out on him
cannot exceed removal from office and disqualification to hold office in the future.
Consequently, where as in this case, the impeachment proceedings did not result in
petitioner's conviction, there can be no objection to his subsequent trial and
conviction in a criminal case. The rule that an impeachable officer cannot be
criminally prosecuted for the same offenses which constitute grounds for
impeachment presupposes his continuance in office. 1 As Professor Tribe has written:
. . . It should also be possible for an official to be acquitted by the Senate in an
impeachment trial but subsequently convicted of the same underlying acts in a federal
court. The Senate's acquittal, after all, could well represent a determination merely that
the charged offenses were not impeachable, or that the nation would be harmed more
than protected by pronouncing the official guilty. 2
Indeed, tested by the ordinary rules of criminal procedure, since petitioner was
neither convicted nor acquitted in the impeachment proceedings, nor the case against
him dismissed without his consent, his prosecution in the Sandiganbayan for the
same offense for which he was impeached cannot be barred. 3
For these reasons, I concur in the denial of the motions for reconsideration filed
on behalf of petitioner in these cases.