Mani
Mani
Mani
'7,¿
o tiha¿h, Сet*t Ka,lt) Kaa*Z,vy
"¿.6J
Ð tl,ut'il b a y^ ro St h. a n¿l e-
'ue Literattne,
l-¿n aL¿n ç¿ Aje'tv /erh 2ër/
.tieth cennnl, 79
ut the mind,
nd Chemical
BIBLIOMIGRANCY
Cambridge Book series and the making of world literature
Atticism, in
J: Princeton
B. Venkat Mani
ansmission of
Introduction
In her acceptance speech of Der deutsche Friedenspreis (German Peace Prize, 2003),
the celebrated US author Susan Sontag refiected on "The Fragile Alliance" between
Europe ancl the United States. The prize, sponsored by the German Book Trade
Association, recognizes the outstanding contribution of an author or scholar in
promoting international cultural understanding. It is awarded every Octobet at the
Frankfurt Book Fair, the largest such fair in the worid. For Sontag, literature
becomes the glue that stlengthens bonds between people across linguistic, geo-
graphical, and political boundaries. Literature lras the capaciry, she asserts, "to tell us
what the world is like"; Iiterature "can train, and exercise, out abili.ty to weep for
those who aÍe not us and ours" (Sontag 2007 205). Sontag illustrates her own 1it'
erary training by reminiscing about books - especially by German authors - that she
read growing up in Arizona and California as a third-generation American of Polish
and Lithuanian descent:
Sontag's assertion, which enhances the cosmopolitan ambition underlying the read-
ing of world literature, cannot be dissociated from her point about øccess to literary
works. The medium of dissemination of a literary work and one's accessibiiiry to the
medium remain crucial to world literature's multiple signiflcations: a philosophical
ideal, a mode of reading, a particular transnational arrangement of literary texts, or
an instrument of international understanding.
In the moments of the "globalization" of the world through violent conquests,
imperialism, and colonialism, al1 the way to modern-day interaction between nation-
states through multinational commerce, the "wotlding" of peoples has initiated and
facilitated the "worldi¡g" of literature. The dissemination of literary narratives
¿t\ t
B. VENKAT MANI
sometimes occurred through a privileging of the oral (Kanthastha, in the throat) over
the written (Qranthastha, in the book), as in the case of many Pali and Sanskrlt texts
towards the end of the fi.¡st millennium ncr (Pollock 2006: 8Z). At other times, tech-
nologies of writing or visual media such as paintings played a pivotaL role in the
circulation, distribution, and teception of literary narratives. If clay tablets carried
the first translations of the Epic of Çilgamesh from the Babylonians to the Hittites in
the second millennium ncr (Damrosch 2008: 484), a book of Mughal miniatutes
-War,
entitled Razmnama (The Book of 1598-99) brought the text of the Sanskrit
Mahabharata to Persia (Rice 2010: I75-3I). The Nobel Laureate Orhan Pamuk's
Turkish novel Benjm Adim Kirmizi (1998) appropriates and translates the bi-medial
(writing/painting) discourse of historicai documentation dating back to 125,8 cz
(Kadir Z)Ll: 41,-63). The Engiish translation, My Nøme is Red, 2001, published by
New York-based Alfred A. Knopf, can be part of one's electtoni.c libtary on a
Kindle, Nook, or iPad.
The invention of Gutenberg's printing press in the fifteenth century and the
advent of the "book" - a shorthand term that today is primarily used in reference to
codices on vellum or paper - revoiutionized the technology of information
transfer (Febvre and Matin 19?6; Brake 2001; see Kirby in this volume). Printed
books were accumulated, circulated, and distributed in unprecedented
numbers.
'lVith books, narratives ttavel, leaving old abodes, finding new homes on
new shelves, entering and inhabiting the space of worid literature. Publishers and
booksellers who print and sell affordable books, literate citizens who acquire these
books, and public libraries that make these books available to those who cannot
afford to buy them collectively play a vety important role in the "making" of world
literature.
The "library" in its multiple meanings - as a house of books, a folio of titles, a
publication series, collected works (Chartier 1994: 69-70), and more recently a digi-
tal repository @arnton 2009; Mani 701,Ð - has played a signiûcant role in the
'With
acquisition, distribution, and world-wide circulation of narratives. changes i.n
the medium, the very "mediality" - i.e. the composition and the defi.nitive mode of
media dissemination - of libraries changed, from the cuneiform tablet depositories
patronized by King Ashurbanipal in the seventh century BCE, to the print collections
of the Asiatic Society Library in Calcutta (established in 1?84) and the Library of
Congress in
'l7ashington DC (established in 1800); to book series such as Reclam's
Uniuersalßibliothek (launched in 1867 in Leipzig), the Modern Library (launched in
1917 in New York City), Penguin Classics (launched ir,1,946 in London), Heinemann's
African 'Writers Series (launched in 1967, in London); and now the new digital
libra¡ies s¡.rch as the European Library (TEL, launched in 2005 in The Hague) and
the UNESCO'sponsored'!7or1d Digital Library (launched in 2009 in \X/ashington,
DC). While ancient and medieval royal libraries were primarily meant for in-house
use by select literate members of the ruling classes, monastic libraries functioned as
storehouses for books as weil as sites of book production through the enterprise of
copying manuscripts. In addition, parallel to university libraries with restricted use
for members of the university, the early nineteenth century saw ân increase in the
number of lending librades (Leihbibliotheken), as well as other public libraries in
European capital cities that were declared "National Libraries," which also
284
BIBLIOMiGRANCY
throat) over functioned as national archives ftIarris 1995; Casson 200i). The mediality of each of
rnskri.t texts these libraries is deflned by the media available for circulation - while borrowing
times, tech- privileges of members of a city or a county library may include access to music CDs,
role in the DVDs, and even video games, university or national libraries may restrict the phy.
>1ets carried sical access to their holdings, or, as is happening more recently, digitize sections of
.e Hittites in their holdings for unrestricted (virtual) access. The latest station in the changing
I miniatutes medialiry of libraries is the mark of the twenty-fi.rst century, in which new "medial
:he Sanskrit institutions" such as Googie Books and reading media such as the Kindle, Nook,
-We
an Pamuk's and iPad punctuate the literary landscape. are living at a time when the book
re bi-medial and the library - both as artifacts and as instruments of literacy - are exerting
to 1258 c¡ hitherto unprecedented influence on the freld of literary studies. It seems imperative,
ublished by therefore, to scrutinize transformations in print culture and their impact on one of the
ibraty on a most important, most ancient, and arguably perhaps the most'medial of a1l institu-
tions that have had a very special affiniry to the "worlding" of literature over the
rry and the centuries: the library.
reference to This essay locates world literature at the intersection of libraries, translations, and
information the publishing industry. I argue that specifi.c moments of global print cultural history
ne). Printed contribute to the "making" of world literature. A plethora of socio-economic, cu1-
precedented tural, and political factors condition the production, translation, distribution, circu-
¡¡ homes on lation, and reception of a literary work beyond the point of its linguistic and
blishers and national origin. I will begin my discussion by highlighting the role of translations
cquire these from non-European into European languages in two key moments that showcase the
who cannot terrn'Wehliterattff in the nineteenth century. Following a brief theoretical interlude,
rg" of world I will enter into a discussion of the twentieth century, focusing on three book series:
Reclam's Uniqtersal-Bibliothek, Heinemann's African 'Writers Series, and the Modern
c of titles, a Library.
)enrly a digi-
role in the
r changes in Publishing world literature
:ive mode of
depositories At the height of European colonialism in the nineteenth century, many iiterary
.t collections works from Asia, Africa, and Latin America entered the global traffic of literature.
'With readerships beyond their points of origin whether in the original languages of
e Libraty of -
as Reclam's their composition, or in translations and adaptations - these narrati.ves came to be
(launched in recognized as "Wekliteratl,Lr." As Johann Peter Eckermann documented in his
.Ieinemann.'s Çesþräche mit Çoethe (Conuersations with Çoethe, LB35), Goethe highlighted the term
new digital "Wehliterøtuw" - already used by August Wilhelm Schlegel in 1804 (Mommsen 1985: 25) -
Hague) and anticipating the arrival of the epoch of world literature through an engagement with
Washington, that which is not one's own: the strange, the foreign. In Eckermann's entry from
fot in-house 31 January 1827, Goethe remarks that he is currently reading a "chinesischer Roman"
unctioned as (Chinese novel), the title of which remains unmentioned (Eckermann 1982: i96).
enterprise of Since the late nineteenth century, speculative discussions about the exdct ti.tle of the
estricted use novel have abounded the sub-fleld of "Goethe-Phi1o1ogy" within Germanistik,
:rease in the establishing Hau-c1irl zhuan (Gerrnan: Haoh Kjöh Tscho"uen) as the most likely title
li.braries in @iedermann 1899; Chen 1933; Aurich 1935; Wagner-Dittmar 1971; Mommsen
which also 1985; Debon 1985; for discussions within Chinese scholarship see Tsu in this
285
B. VENKAT MANI
volume). Not all scholarly sources agree with this speculation. Hanns Eppelsheimer's
authoritative Handbuch der Wehliteratur ("Handbook of '!Øorld Literature" 1937,
1,947, 1960) annotates Yu Jiaolí (German: Yu Çiøoli oder díe Beiden Basen) with the
remark that "diese bescheidene Sittengeschichte" (this humbie story of manners) is
being included in the Handbuch only because of its "europäischen Rufes" (European
fame); the ¡eaders are directed to Eckermann's Çespräche (Eppelsheimer L960: I2).
U.C. Fischer links Chln Kø Chi' Kuøn(Gerlnan: Kin-ku-ki-kuør) with Goethe's Chinesiscþ
Deutsche Jahre-und Tageszeiten (IBZ7), claiming that an English t¡anslation of the
novel was present in Goethe's library in $Teimar (Fischer 1967: 3l).
In most of these disôussions, details of the content of the Chinese novel provided
by Goethe: his mention of the moon, goldfrsh, "Rohrstühle" (sedan chairs), a
coupie in iove, Chinese legends, and most importantly the specifi.c comparative
reference to his own novel Hermann und Dorothea (1,791) (Eckermann 1.982:
197) become conclusive evidence for detecting the title of the novel. Underlying
these detections are expectations of exactitude from Eckermann who, in the
foreword to Çesþräche, categorically defres such expectations by stating that his
book portrays "mein Goethe" (my Goethe, emphasis in the original), to the
extent that he (Eckermann) "ihn [Goethe] aufzufassen und wiederzugeben fähig
war" ("was able to perceive and depict him"; Eckermann 1982: B).
Such expectations notwithstanding, Goethe's access to Chinese literary works
reveals a larger network of works from Asia entering the European space in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, whereby translators, publishing hou6es, and
libraries play a signifrcant role. Çoethes Bibliothek: Katalog (1958), the comprehensive
catalogue of the Goethe National Library in \Teimar - including holdings from
Goethe's private library as well as his father's library - documents ti.tles of literary
works in twenty languages, in original or in translation, that Goethe had acquired
during his lifetime (Ruppert 1958: 109-255). Non-European works include Georg
Forster's translation of Kalidasa's Sakontala (I79I), Carl 'Wilhelm von Humboldt's
BhagawaÅ.-Çíta (1826), and Joseph von Hammer Purgstall's translation, from Persian
into German, of Shamsuddin Haflz's poetic Diwan (1812-13) with which Goethe
engaged in his own Wesçöstlicher Dio¿an (1814-19) (Ruppert 1958: Z5l-57).
The Katalog does not mention a singie work of Chinese literature, in original or in
translation. However, it was the library of the Großherzogliche Haus Sachsen-
'lTeimar (Grand Duchy of Saxony-'Weimar) today Die Klassik Stiftung V/eimar, a
-
UNESCO '\7orld Heritage institution - that made Goethe's access to Chinese
literature possible. Hao-qiu, Thuan was fi.rst translated into English by James
\Tiikinson (late¡ edited by Thomas Percy) as The Pleasing History (1761); its transla-
tion into ,German by Christoph Gottlieb von Murr, Haoh. KjöI'r. Tscl'twen d. í. díe
angenehme Çeschichte des Haoh Kjöh. Ein chinesischer Roman ( 1 7 66) makes a reference to
the English title, and was published by the famous Johann Friedrich Junius Verlag.
Wilhelm Grimm, in a letter to his brother Jakob, menrioned Goethe's reading from
the novel in Heidelberg in 1815 (Boxberger 1880: 338; Debon 1.985: 52). In the
early twentieth century, a new German translation o{ Hao-qiu zhuan by the philolo-
gist Franz Kuhn appeared with lnsel Verlag. The long title, Eisherz und Edeljaspis
oder Die Çeschíclte einer glücklichen Çattenwah.I: eín Roman aus der Ming-Zeit (literal
translation: "Ice.Heart and the Royal Jasper or the Story of a Happy Choice of
286
BIBLIOMIGRANCY
>elsheimer's Spouse: A novel from the Ming-Times") was perhaps meant to signal an improve-
ture" 1937, ment over von Mutr's t¡anslation from English; Kuhn had translated the Chinese
with the
un) wo¡k into German, However, the translation bears no mention of von Murr. In his
manners) is Afterword to the translation, Kuhn cites the passage on the Chinese novel from
'(European Çesþräche to affi.rm the superiority of his translation over the "unzulänglich" (defr-
r 1960: 12). cient/inadequate) French translation of the novel by Abel Rémusat that was pur-
's Chineslsch-
portedly available to Goethe in 1827. The French Sinologist Rémusat never
tion of the translated Hao-qiu zhtøn; he did translate Yu Jiaol.i as lu-kiao-Li, ou les deux cousines:
Romø.n chinois from Chinese into French. Published i¡ Paris by Moutardier in 1826,
'el provided Rémusat's Ju-kiao-li was indeed available at the Großherzogliche Bibliothek in
r chairs), a \7eimar. A German translation, Jtukiao-Ii, oder die beiden Basen: ein chinesisclter
:omparative Roman (translator unknown) was published by Franckh, Stuttgart in 1827 fü/eimarer
nann I98Z: Gesamtkatalog). As for Chin KuChi'Ku.an,Eduard Gdesbach's German translation was
Underlying first published in 1880 as Kin-kwki.kucLn: neue und ahe Nouellen àer chinesischen 1001
'ho, in the Nøchr, thus positioning the novel as the Chinese Alif Laila wa Laila for German
ng that his readers. Unlike von Murr's reliance on Percy's English translation o{ Hao.qiu 7huan,
to the
ral), Griesbach's translation did not rely on the first English translation of Chin Ku Cl'ti'
geben fähig Kuan. In 1820, Peter Pering Thoms, an employee of the British East India Company
stationed in Macau, had published The Affect)onate Pair, or The History of Sung-kin:
:rary works A Chinese Tale wíth the London-based publisher Black, Kingsbury, Parbury, and
pace in the Allen @KPA). In the early nineteenth century BKPA was the leading publishing
rouses, and house of books about and translations from the British colonies. Next to Perring's
nprehensive translation, BKPA published John B. Gilchrist's The Stranger's Infallible Eastlndian
ldings from Çuide (1870), Charles Mills's History of Mohammedanism (1817), and held publishing
s of literary rights to Daniel Defoe's Robinson Crusoe (1818 edition). In 1829, John Francis Davis
ad acquired published a new English translation o{ Hao-qiu zlluan as The Fortunate Union: A
:lude Georg Romance with BKPA. Book-ended by The Pleasing Hlstory (1761) and The ForttLnate
Humboldt's Union (1829), Goethe's moment of giving traction to the term Weltlite¡atur from
:om Persian 1827 becomes part of a larger network of literary works that made their way to
Lich Goethe Europe in translation.
8¡ 251-57). Books published by BKPA made their way into many private collections, but
riginal or in also public libraries such as the Bdtish Library - home and offi.ce to Karl Marx as he
rs Sachsen- wrote Døs Kapital (Capital, 186?). In the Commttnist Manifesto (1848), Karl Marx
-Weimar,
g a and Friedrich Engels speak of the impossibility of "national one-sidedness and
to Chinese narrow-mindedness" through a "cosmopolitan consumption" of cultural
by James goods, facilitated by the bourgeois world market (Marx 1993: 71). In articulating
; its transla- explicitly the.connections between a world-wide market,place and world literature,
uen d. i. die Marx and Engels - unlike Goethe - do not refer to a specifi.c text that emanates
reference to outside of the European cultural space. \7e do know (Prawer 1976; Baxandall and
rius Verlag, Morawski 1917) that Marx's own readings comprised literary and philosophical
:ading from works from the Greek, French, Spanish, and Engiish - many of them accessed at the
52). In the British Library.
the philolo- In short, the earlier phases of European colonial expansion inaugurate the
ud Edeljaspis appealance of important literary works on bookshelves and reading desks in faraway
yZeit (literal spaces, thereby - to use Goethe's phrase - hastening the advent of the epoch of
, Choice of world literature.
287
B. VENKAT MANI
Bibliomigrancy
i. the Biblíothèque: the material and symbolic space created and inhabited by lit-
efary attifacts;
ii. the Bibliograph: writing of the inventory of such artifacts and objects into a
catalogue; and
iii. Bibliophiles: the end-users, the readers ¿nd authors who exercise agency and
imagine their subjectivities through the Biblioth"èque and the Bibliograph in
multiple ways.
288
BiBLiOMIGRANCY
The Bibliothèql.Le, the Bibliograph, and the Bibliophile, when conceptually arranged in
the networks of their "elliptical" trajectories @amrosch 2003: 281), exert different
nations of kinds of forces on each other. These transformative forces can be located on the
of inquiry. traces of "Bibliomigrancy": an umbrella term that describes the migration of literary
rtions, and works i¡ the form of books from one part of the world to the other. While "phy-
rs become sical" migration of books is comprised of book production and trade, translations,
library acquisitions and circulation, "virtual" movement happens through adapta-
Foucault's tions and appropriation of narratives; in more recent times "vittual migration" has
t'univetsal '!7hen.we combine these two
become the technical term for digitization of books.
1986), Fou- sffands, \Me see that bibliomigrancy promotes and facilitates the processes of a
the narra- "worlding" of literature, whereby libraries, publication venues, and new reading
recome the media play a crucial role. A complex politics of commerce fused with political
4). Among ideology and historical realities informs publishing agendas, catalyzing changes in the
ry and the very definition of world literature at different points of time in history.
I collective
:s of time"
[f Foucault "IJniversal libraries": old and new world literatures
:r Chartier
zentory. In The idea of a universal library as imagined by du Verdier and de Maine acquired a
n organiza- concrete form in Germany in the mid-nineteenth century. In 1858, Anton Philip
'Wilhelm Schlegel's 1798 German translation
.ry, real or Reclam published an edition of August
le an índis- of Shakespeare'sHamlet The commercial success of this edition gave birth to the
1994: vii). idea of a series that would be universal in scope - it would include titles from
;ween two German literature as well as from other national literatures in German translations -
respective and in its reach; the editions would be cheap, and therefore affordable to interested
etween the readers from all classes of society. A smart businessman, Reclam waited until
erdier and B November 1867, when copyright for all authors who died before 1837 expired.
ation of a And so, on 9 November 1867, Reclam's Uniuersal-Bibliothek series was launched - with
inventory" Goethe's Fatnt: Eine Tragödie (Faust Part i) as the fi.rst title. Apart from publishing
works by canonical German authors such as Gotthold E. Lessing, Friedrich von
ization; the Schiller, Jean Paul, and German translations of Shakespeare, Reclam was cashing in
:able titles; on the growing reading public, pricing its volumes at 2 siiver-Groschen apiece
a few ideas (Schulz 7992,71-25).
'ough Fou- From translations of Scandinavian literature in the 1870s - Henrik lbsen, Jens
iites, world Peter Jacobsen, and August Strindberg - the Universal-Bibliothek quickly moved into
o-culturally publishing translations of classical Sanskrit, Chinese, and Japanese texts; the Reclam
d literature Catalogue from 1904 contains over fifty titles of works from "Altislandisch" (OId
Icelandic) to "Ungarisch" (Hungarian). By 1917, Reclam officially declared an agenda
of publishing world literature, "wie sie Goethe gehofft hat" ("as hoped for by
'\Vhile the philosophicai idealism that informed Goethe's
ited by lit- Goethe"; Jäger L997:33).
concept might have initiated this declaration, market realities facilitated them.
ects into a Berween 1852 and 1900, annual German book production had trebled: from 8,857
wo¡ks to 24]92 works respectively (American Book Trade MantLal 1915: 12). The
rgency and establishment of the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1901 further energized the business
iograph in of world literature. Although German, English, anä Scandinavian authors dominated
the first two decades, in 1913 Rabindranath Tagore became the fi.rst non-European
289
B. VENKAT MANI
recognition of an
Nobel Laureate for litetature. Slowiy but surely, the evaluation and
author,s work on a global scale was influencing publishers' agendas.
In lg77, on its sixtieth anniversary, the IJniuersal'Bibliothek libraries commissioned
for its
Hermann Hesse to wtite a sholt essay on book collection for private
(Lexi.con of Practical Knowledge 192?)' Reclam had
frÀt on des praktischen V7'issens
vesred fi.nancial inrerests in publishing this essay. I¡ 1975, G9rma1¡ led the list of the
Ftance, the USA, and Italy were
top f,ve publishing nations in the wãrld @ritain,
th" oth"i four) with 31,595 titles; of these, 6,338 were classified under "belles
lettres"
couid not have been a better author of
(it publ¡rt ers' weekll'L978: 249-50). Hesse
"
choice for this essay; he enjoyed wide name tecognition as the best-selling German
(l9ZZ). From Hetmann
author of novels such as Dì,emian (1919) and S¡àdhartha
christian missionaty in Kerala,
Grrrrd.ra, his maternal grandfather - a publisher and a
had inherited a huge private library'
india in the mid.nin"t!"rrth century - Hesse
and European literature, many of
ihi. librury contained over 3,000 works of German translations of
and Getman
th.- pri""i.ss frrst editions, as well as scoles of English
had added to it'
that Hesse himself
sunskrit, chinese, sinhali, Persian, and Arabic texts
of Hesse's btief essay for book collectors was published as
An expanded version'\7e1tliteratur"
,,Eine Bibliothek der ("4 Libtary of World Literatute," 1929) in
the interactive energy
Reclam's IJniuersal-Bibliothek series. This essay brings together
of the Bibliothèqtrc, the Bibliogtaph, and ihe Sibliophile.-\Triting
for a discerning,
underlines the signifi'cance of
wider reading public in the German language, Hesse
literature. He directs this striving
,,streben,,
- to strive - to an engagement with world and formation
towards a translinguistic, cosmofolitan trainin g, a Bilàtmg - education
litetature (Hesse 2004: 3)' This
of an individual through acts of engaging with world
to be evaluated through the victories
n""*"f"t jntellectual tiaining, for Hesse, is not has its putpose. in and of itself , "an
and d.efeats that exemplify physical training but
,i.lr" Gt.r.. ZOO4:3). Èesse positions world literature as one of the most important
ways to achieve this auto-putposive Bil"dr'mg'
Hesse's arïangement of wotld literary altifacts throughout the
essay occurs
thro,-,gh national-and regional paradigms - German, French,
European, Asiatic, etc' -
but those paradigms .åo.r"tr,ly difused by privileging linguistic markers such
as Persian, Arabic,
"råho
and Sanskdt over national ones, In other words, national mar-
ambivalently signifi.cant throughout the text. In fact, the totality of
lit-
k"r, ,.-ui., world
The study of
efatures from the world gairis prominence in Hesse's framework'
of famil-
literature by a reader thus becomes an exercise in the gradual acquisition
and ideals of many peoples
iarity with ihe thor-rghtr, experiences, symbols, fantasies,
(VöLLer) throughout'historf . Building a personal library of world litetature is for
il.rra " task (Aufgab.) that brings o.r. b".k to the basis of all human intellectual
that "the
history (Çrundsatz aLLn Çeisteseeicl.richte)] witþ lhe conviction, of course,
alleriiltestenWerke am
oldest works have the gr"år.rilongevity" ("daB nähmlich åie
the Upanishads, Laozu
wenigsten uero"¡en,). Helh"refore begins with Vedanta and
and Chuang Tzu, among othets (Hesse 2004: 17-13)'
(masterpiece) as an evaluative
Hesse establishes the-primacy of the "Meis¿erouerk"
principle for understandìng world literature, evaluating the masterpiece on
the basis
He distin-
ãf ltr^lorrg.vity - that is, accessibility in the space of world litetature.
guishes b."t*".., "old" world literature and "new" world litetature,
but emphasizes
290
BiBLIOMIGRANCY
Lition of an that the mere inclusion of newer works into the canon of world literature wiil not
sufice. Sometimes newer translations of older works would be far more effective in
'rmissioned enriching ¡eaders' engagement with world literary artifacts. For Hesse, world li.tera-
Lries for its rure relies on acts of translation but as translation (Ùbersetlung) is an approximation
.eclam had (Annö.hrtLng) (Hesse: 2004: 11), he stresses the need for translations of a supetior
: list of the quality - not just from one language into another, but also multiple, updated trans-
Italy were lations within a language that would reflect the changes in the language itself -
zlles l.ettres" thereby rendeting the eternal stability of a translated work defunct.
: author of A1l of these points fi.nd their culmination in Hesse's bold acceptance that world
ìg German literature itself is and should be open to transformation ftlesse 7004 43). As Hesse
Hermann reflects on his library, its material contents, and his engagement with the material,
z in Kerala, the essay becomes more than a guide for collectors, bibliophiles, and other inter-
rte library. ested readers who wished to acquire and read literary works from around the world.
'e, many of Hesse conveys a simple message: "a" library of world literature will always already
rslations of be incomplete (unuollkommen), but it must reflect the pleasure derived from books
rdded to it. (Bíic'herfreude) and the desire to read them (Lesertieb) (Hesse 7004 34).In sum, Hesse
rblished as fansforms the definition of the European bourgeois library as well as the European
" 1979) in cosmopolis through his ideas about a library of world literature. World literature j¡r
rive energy the Goethean sense is thus "aufgehoben" - preserved, but also cancelledl
discerning, It is impossible here to eiaborate on the history of Reclam j¡r the divided Germany
.ifi.cance of of the postwar era up to the years immediately following German reunification in
his striving 1989 (Lokatis 2003). Suffi.ce it to say that the publishing industry in the second half
formation of the twentieth century bore the marks of a political history of the world prior to
)4: 3). This '!7orld'S7a¡ II.'!7ith the decolonization of Asia and Africa, the world was introduced
re vi.ctories to nerv literary works by contemporary authors. After World \Var II, Hesse's idea
t.
ifsell, "an of the changing defrnition of world literature became a reality, and colonial politics
important played an important part in the formation of what is today understood as "new"
world literatures.
'!7orld Literature" was the title of a short article in the
ìay occurs "Thirty Years of a New
iiatic, etc. - Bookseller (15 January 1993) outlining the achievements of Heinemann Educational
rrkers such Books' African \Triters Series. The author of the piece was Alan Hill, who served as
:ional mar- the managirrg director of Heinemann at the time of the inception of the African
ality of lit- 'lTriters Series in 1962. The article was published a fortnight after the African
ly of world 'Writers Series received the 'l7orld Development Award for Business, sponsored by
n of famil- the B¡itish \Vorldaware Organization. Queen Elizabeth II was the patron of this
'l7orld Bank,
ny peoples organization; Lord Grenfell, the chief of external relations of the
ture is for served as chair of the six-member jury. In his article, Hill mentions the profit-oriented
intellectual mindset of A.S. Frere, then chairman of Heinemann. Along with other publishing
, that "the outfi.ts, Frere was eager to tap into the African book market in the 1960s, "the
Werke am frenetic era of nation-building" ft{ill 1993: 58) in post-independence Afrj.can coun-
ads, Laozu tries with a large demand for educational books - mostly textbooks and pri.marily in
English. "For most of these companies," Hill writes, "African authors did not exist"
evaluative (Hili 1993: 58). Against this commercial backdrop Hill descdbes receiving, in 1957, a
n the basis manuscript of a novel "from a student from Ibadan lJniversity" (Hill 1993: 58). This
He distin- was Things FalL Apart (1958) bVnone other than Chinua Achebe, who later became
:mphasizes the fi.rst editor of the African 'Writers Series.
291
B. VENKAT MANI
Hill's article can easily be read as a classic tale of the triumph of literature/art over
commerce. Closer scrutiny reveals why it should be read differently. The sudden
emergence of an African "masterpiece" as late as the 1950s - and in English, the
language of the colonizer - today seems dubious. The purported non-existence of
Aftican autho¡s on a continent that is home to at least a few hundred languages and
literary traditions would today be called a manifestation of sanctioned ignorance.
Moreover, the characters involved in the recognition of the triumph - a Britain-
based publisher, the queen of England, a charity organization, the chair of the
World Bank - all become part of a complex history of colonial mission, educational
ambition, and corporate commission. The history of the African \Triters Series and
its cryptic role in the development of African literatures has been a topic of several
scholarly discussions and debates (Mpe 1999; Chakava 1995). The African 'Writers
Series' geographical focus on 'West Africa, at least in the fi.rst decade of its existence,
and its emphasis on Englishlanguage works written mostly by male authors has
earned stringent ctiticism. After all, Heinemann "reminded" one of Africa through a
particular "packaging" of the continent, evident not merely i¡ the editorial selection
criteria but also on the dust jackets: invocations of "ethnicized" art reminiscent of
Gauguin's Tahiti-period against a bright orange background!
And yet one cannot simply dismiss Heinemann's role in facilitating access to post-
independence African writers. Between 1962 and 2003, Heinemann published some
350 titles by over 100 African authors (Currey 2008: 301-10). For students at col-
leges and universities enrolled in courses in African literature, and to discerning
readers who frequented bookstores and public libraries, Heinemann became synon-
ymous with African wdting both in the English originals and in translation. To think
of Ngugi wa Thiong'o, Mweja Mwangi, Ta1ryeb alSalih and others was to think of
Heinemann. Hill's claim for the production of a "new" world literature does not
seem that far fetched after all.
The question of access to world literature and the medium of dissemination of a
work of literature \Mas at the center of my opening discussion of Susan Sontag.
Towards the end, let us revisit these issues with the example of an author from
India. In an essay entitled "Ek Dusri Zindagi" ("4 Second Life," 2006), the celebrated
Hindi novelist Nirmal Verma reflects on his life-1ong intimate relationship with
books. At the very outset of the essay, he compares books to old friends who have
been in his life for so long that the flrst meeting becomes less important than the lasting
friendship that develops. Very quickly, however, as he moves to a discussion of
certain books as his "best friends," fi.rst meetings become distinct. The size of the
edition, its color, the thickness of the pages, the smell, all contribute to the readers'
imagination of the personalities of Verma's "best friends," which he first met in
college in the 1950s. These include the New York-based Modern Library's English
rranslation of Romain Rolland's lean-Clvistophe (L938 edition) with its "iight blue
binding and thin pages" fly'erma 2006: f5fl.
The Modern Library, established in 1917 as an idealistic enterprise of a then
Lí-year-old Albert Boni of Greenwich Village, is one of the iconic publishing
companies in the United States that reprinted European translations and gained a
world-wide circulation. Boni started the Modern Library with his business partner,
Liveright, pdmarily with the idea of giving US readers access to works by
292
BIBLiOMIGRANCY
'e/art over "post.Vi.ctorian" European thìnkers and authors such as Friedrich Nietzsche, George
re sudden Bernard Shaw, August Strindberg, and Henrik lbsen, among others (Neavill 1981:
rglish, the Z4l). In 1925, Boni and Liveri.ght sold the company to Bennet Cerf and Donald
istence of S. Klopfer (1.{eavi11 1.98L: 243). While tJne Uniuersal-Bibliothek could lean on decades
uages and of Reclam's publishing tradition prior to its inauguration @ode 1992), and the African
-Writers
.gnorance. Series had Heinemann's prestige (St. John 1990), Boni started out with sheer
'S7hile aiming to pro-
a Britain- idealism, supported only by his business partner, Liveright.
rir of the duce books universal in reach, and at least transcontinental - if not necessary
Iucational global - in its publishing agenda, the Modern Library was committed to publishing
'l?ilde's The Picture
Series and the literature of modern authors. Initiating its series with Oscar
of several of Dorian Çrøy (1890), the Modern Library in the early 1920s published Gustave
n 'STriters Flaubert, Ivan Turgenev, and Arthur Schnitzler, and later also Thomas Mann and
existence, Franz Kafka. The access to world literature that the Modern Library provided Susan
Lthors has Sontag in the US rvas the same as that which a famous Hindi-language author would
through a have had halfway around the world in New Delhi.
I selection In sum, with cheaper production costs, growing international markets, and larger
'Writers Series,
niscent of reading pubiics, book series such as Uniuersal-BibliotIrck, the African
and the Modern Library became a very important source of access to world litera'
ss to post- ture and a resouÍce for the continued "worlding" of litetary narratives in the twentieth
;hed some century. Emanating in di-fferent geo-cultural locations, these series contributed to
nts at col- opening up the very idea of world literature to comparative evaluations.
discernlng
flìe synon-
Conclusion
. To think
r think of
does not The project of wo¡id literature is fraught with tensions between local formations and
global transformations, national demarcations and transnational projections,
iation of a
individual difierentiations and universal conÊgurations. World literature incorpo-
Ln Sontag.
rates various institutions of literature, literary readings being just one of them. The
thor from act of reading is inherently connected with bibliomigrancy, the accessibility or inac-
celebrated cessibility to imaginative texts from elsewhere. The space of reading - the physical
and metaphorical space of the library - demands an account of the agreed-upon and the
Lship with
who have contestable, as shelf lives of books aÍe created beyond their points of odgin. \Vhen
the lasting
the act and space of reading are considered in tandem, borrowing privileges acquire
'\7or1d literature ceases to remain a space of inflnitely accumulating
:ussion of new meanings.
;ize of the time and consecutively arranged sites. It becomes a space of multiple sites with dis.
re teaders'
continuous temporalities, each one deriving i.ts meaning through - to use Foucault's
terms -. vectors of juxtaposition, dispersion, inversion, and contestation. Through
rst met in
r's English this discontinuous and non-consecutive arrangement of time and space - chronos and
foÞos - world literature acquires it cosmochronic and cosmotopic dimensions.
'light blue
of a then Acknowledgements
publishing
1 gained a
Research for this project is funded by the DAAD-Center for German and European
is partner,
Srudies; Hamel Family Funds, College of Letters and Science; Graduate School; Global
works by Studies; and Center for European Studies at lJniversity of Wisconsin-Madison.
293
B. VENKAT MANI
Bibliography
294
BIBLIOMIGRANCY
Deutsche The European Commission (2005) European Digital Library Project, <http://www.theeuropeanli-
, Gunilla brary.org/portaVorganisation'/cooperation/archive/edlproject/> (accessed 17 November 2010).
Marbach; Febvre, L. and Martin, H.-J. (1976) Tlæ Coming of the Book: the imþact of prínting 1450-1800,
London: N.L.B.
School of
Fischer, U.C. (1967) "Goethe's Chinese-German Book of Houts and Seasons and world
rry, U\7- "
U nited ColLege J otnnal, 6: 2'l -3 4.
literature,
ror thanks
Forster, G. (1791) Sakontala oder der entscheidende Ring, ein indisches Schar,Lsþiel uon Kalidasa:
.e Levine, Aus der Ursþrachen Sanskri¿ und Prakrit iru Englische nnd aus diesem ins Deutsclæ i.ibersetzt,
/orkshop, Meinz and Leipzig: J.P. Fischer.
Foucault, M. (1986) "Of other spaces," Diacritics: A Reuie+u of Contemporary Criticism, 16(1):
a1 11
295
I
B. VENKAT MANI ,
296