GALLO-SCYTHIANS - Celtic Ukraine

…to the Maeoti Lake o the east, here it ordered o Po ti “ ythia, a d that fro that poi t
o Gauls a d “ ythia s ere i gled .

(Plutarch, Mar. 11:4-5)

From the beginning of the 3rd c. BC the territor of toda s Ukrai e, pre iously defined by the
Scythians of the North Pontic steppes and Hellenistic influences from the Black Sea zone, was
supplemented by the Celtic culture from the west. The influence of the latter can be roughly
divided into 2 separate spheres – the area of toda s Wester Ukrai e, where comprehensive
evidence of Celtic migration/settlement is to be observed, and the central/eastern part where La
Têne material testifies to the presence of small Celtic groups, and the development of a Celto-
Scythian (/Bastarnae) population, well attested to in ancient historical sources.
 WESTERN UKRAINE

Celtic presence in Ukraine is best recorded on the Tisza river, where their arrival is marked by new
building, pottery making and metal-working techniques, and the emergence of new economic and
political centres (Kazakevich 2012 a). At the moment, over two dozen La Têne sites have been
identified in the Ukrainian Upper Tisza, the best documented of these being the major Celtic
settlement(s) on the Galish and Lovachka hills, near the modern town of Mukacheve. The Celtic
military equipment from Galish-Lovachka included a short sword with an X-shaped handle, 2 La
Têne swords, 12 curved daggers see Daggers arti le , 27 spearheads, 2 javelin heads, 14 arrow
heads, and 9 iron chain belts, as well as finds of horse equipment and chariot fittings (Bidzilya
1971: 72-76, 80, fig. 17, 28 – 30). More tha 0 Celti oi s of the Ma edo ia t pes (Philip II and
III i itatio s have also been discovered at the site see Celti Coi age i Ukrai e arti le . A Celtic
glass production complex has been identified at Dyjda, and a number of highly specialized centres
of metallurgy with the remains of forges have been found in this area. The largest of these, at
Nove Klynove, comprised circa 200 forges (Kazakevich op cit.). Nove Klynove lies slightly to the
south-east of the aforementioned Celtic sites near Mukacheve, and slightly to the north-east of
the Celtic settlement/burial complex at Ciu eşti (Satu Mare district) in Romania see Pri e of
Tra s l a ia arti le .

Excavations at Nove Klynove in 1966

 Celtic sites and finds from the Upper Tisza Basin

(after Kazakevich 2012a)

Major finds of Celtic coinage in Western Ukraine have been registered at the Gut and
Mala Kopanya sites. In the occupation layers at the Celtic settlement at Gut (Garazdivka,
Beregivs’ kyj district) over 100 Celtic coins of the ‘’Philip II type’’ were discovered in a
ceramic vessel, among them examples of the Huşi-Vorieşti type attributed to the Celto-
Scythian Bastarnae (see ‘Celtic Coinage from Ukraine’). The latter type have
recently been discovered in hoards along with other Celtic coins at sites such as
Pelczyska in southern Poland (Rudnicki 2003; See ‘The Celts in Poland’), and the
examples from Gut are further evidence of the close political and economic links
between the Bastarnae and other Celtic tribes north of the Carpathians. Noteworthy
also is the chance dis o er of a potter essel at Mala Biga , i the sa e Beregi s k j
district, which contained small figurines of a boar and a man, a bronze ankle ring, and a La
Têne (C1) glass arm ring (Bidzilya 1971: 21-30; 46; Kazakevich op cit).
 Boar and human figurines, and Celtic glass arm ring from Mala Bigan

(after Kazakevich 2012a)

 At the Mala Kopanya hillfort V ogradi s k j distri t , which is situated slightly to the north-east
of the aforementioned Celtic settlements at Nove Klynove and Ciu eşti respe ti el , in addition
to a large a ou t of Celti aterial i ludi g 7 rituall killed late La Tê e s ords (Kazakevich op
cit.) a su sta tial a ou t of Celti oi s of the Philip II t pes ha e ee do u e ted.

Celtic coinage from the Mala Kopanya site. The coins are of a type associated with the
Transylvanian Celts.

(see Balkancelts Celtic coinage from Ukraine )

On the Dneister river, traces of a Celtic speaking population are to be found in several place- and
eth i a es, a o g the Καρρό ο νον, Мαι ώνιον, a d Ήρα ον (Claud. Ptol. III.5.15; Sims-
Williams 2006: 218-19, Falileyev 2005, 2007:4-9), and the name of the Kamula mountain (Tischenko
2006:220, Kazakevich 2012a: 172). In the vicinity of the latter is situated the Celtic cemetery at
Gryniv, notable finds from which include 5 late Le Têne swords, and burial # 3 in which the famous
Gryniv scabbard was discovered. A further 2 late La Têne swords have been recorded in a burial at
N zh a St a a Str js k j distri t i the L i s ka region (Bandrivsky, Josypyshyn 1997: 9-10), also
in western Ukraine.

The Gryniv Scabbard

The Gryniv scabbard was discovered in burial # 3 at the

cemetery and dated to between the second and fourth
decades of the 1st c. AD. The burial contained an iron fibula,
sword/scabbard, spearhead, 3 knives, a spur, shield umbo,
pottery of local and Balkan origin, and shears (Kazakevich op
cit.). The presence of shears in Celtic burials is well
documented among the Celts of central and eastern Europe
(see also Kalnovo article), and many of the objects in the
burial, as at the aforementioned Mala Kopanya site, had been
ritually killed – i.e. broken, bent or otherwise deformed,
according to the well known Celtic custom (see Killing the
O je ts ; on the scabbard see also Gryniv S a ard article).
 The recent discoveries of a rich Celtic burial complex at Mutyn on the river Seim in the
middle Dneister basin has supplemented our knowledge of Celtic settlement in this area
of western Ukraine. Excavations in 2009-2010 re ealed a doze Celti arrior urials,
st
dating to the 1 c. BC, containing 13 late La Têne swords, scabbards, spearheads,
chainmail, helmets and shield bosses (Kazakevich 2012a).

No o Mesto t pe hel et fro the ri er Sa a ear Stara Gradiška i Croatia. T o of the fi e Celti
helmets recently discovered at the Mutyn site in western Ukraine are of the Novo Mesto type.

(see Easter Celti Helmets article)

Also noteworthy are Celtic coins registered in the Dneister Estuary area of Ukraine, most of which
origi ate a o g the Celti tri es of toda s orther Bulgaria, i di ati g stro g politi al a d
economic links between the Thracian Celts and those in the area of western Ukraine (see Celtic
Coinage from Ukraine ).

Celtic Coins from the Dneister Estuary area

(Odesa Museum, Numismatics Collection; Celtic Coinage from Ukraine)

CENTRAL/EASTERN UKRAINE

While archaeological evidence in the aforementioned areas of western Ukraine clearly

indicates the classic pattern of Celtic migration in this area (Kazakevich 2012a: 179), the
situation further to the east, where classical authors speak of a Gallo-Scythian (Plutarch.
Marius 11:4-5) or Celto-Scythian (Strabo 11:6,2) population is more complex. This is
further complicated by the presence of the Celto-Scythian Bastarnae tribes in this region
(see below; also Balkancelts dastar ae a d Peu i i articles).
The epigraphic decree in honour of Protogenes mentions the Celts Γα α αι threate i g
the vicinity of Olbia (an ancient Greek city on the shore of the Southern Bug estuary) in the
late 3rd c. BC (Vinogradov 1989: 181-183). Further linguistic traces of Celtic presence in
this area include an ethnic name from a Greek inscription found in the Bukovyna region,
which Falileyev has reconstructed as Γα α ι ο (Falileyev 2007:7). Claudius Ptolemy also
mentions several place- and ethnic names on the lands of Scythia Magna which are
undoubtedly Celtic (Sims-Williams 2006: 218-219; Falileyev 2005, 2007: 4-9). Celtic place
and ethnic names are also mentioned by Greek authors (Strabo VI, 2, 3; Plutarch Mar.
11.12). Plutarch, who used the records of Posidonius (late 2nd c BC), noted the ethnic
e tit Κ οσ θαι, stating that the Celtic lands stretched to the Moeotis littoral zone
(Azov Sea):

…to the Maeoti Lake o the east, here it ordered o Po ti “ ythia, a d that fro that poi t
on Gauls and Scythians were mingled. These mixed Gauls and Scythians had left their home and
moved westward, not in a single march, nor even continuously, but with each recurring spring
they had gone forward, fighting their way, and in the course of time had crossed the continent.
Therefore, while they had many different names for different detachments, they called their
hole ar y y the ge eral a e of Gallos ythia s .

(Plutarch. The Life of Marius 11:4-5)

 The Protogenes Decree from Olbia (IOSPE 1(2) No. 32)

The Scythians are mentioned in the Protogenes Decree in a fashion that illustrates that their power
was no longer what it once was, and they are seeking protection from i aders – the Γαλαται.
Fro this poi t o ards the ter “ ythia e o es a purely geographi al desig atio (Hovell
Minns 2011:119).
Besides the aforementioned linguistic traces, substantial archaeological
evidence of Celtic influence on the culture of this region has been recorded. This
includes a burial from the north Pontic region, in which a Celtic sword and
scabbard (LT B2/C1-C2) were found at Vyshhatarasivka, which are similar to
examples found at Pavolche, Kalnovo and Kazanlak in eastern Bulgaria, and
reflects the penetration of Celtic warrior groups into this area (Kazakevich
2012a). The earliest depiction of Celtic oval shields see Shields article appears
in the second to third quarter of the 3rd century BC, i.e. the period of Celtic
migration into the region. It was used, for example, as an emblem on the obverse
of bronze coins issued by Leucon II, the king of Bosporus (Zogrof 1977).

Oval shields depicted on coinage of Leucon II, king of Bosporus (Circa 240 – 220 BC)

A unique find was made in 1982 at Nymphaeum, a wall-painting showing a ship

named Isis with four Celtic shields on board, which provides the opportunity to
establish the date of the oval shields' appearance in Bosporus to the beginning of
the second quarter of the 3rd century BC (Grach 1984). Starting with the late 3rd-
early 2nd century BC, oval shields are carved on Bosporan grave reliefs, and from
the 2nd century BC onwards a series of terracotta figurines of warriors with the
same shields appear (Denisova 1981:91-92). All the known finds of terracotta
figurines with oval shields in the Northern Black Sea area are in the Bosporan
kingdom, mainly in the capital, Panticapaeum (Eichberg 1987: maps 4-5). Finds of
silver umbos for oval shields, also came in excavations of 1983 and 1985 at the
sanctuary in Gurzufskoje Sedlo in the Crimea, near Yalta.
 Statuettes of Celtic Warriors from the North Pontic Area

(after Kazakevich 2012a)

Further evidence of Celtic presence in the Bospor Kingdom comes in the form of two late
La Têne swords discovered in royal burials in the area. The first was discovered in Scythian
Neapolis in the burial of Skilurus (late 2nd c. BC), the king of Crimean Scythia Minor (Zaitsev
2003: 54-55, fig. 76). The s ord i the Skilurus urial had ee rituall killed a ordi g to
the well documented Celtic practice see Killi g the O je ts . Another Celtic sword (LTD1)
was found in the mausoleum at Neapolis, the closest parallels for which may be found in
late La Têne weapons from Switzerland. Other graves at the Skilurus mausoleum
contained large quantities of Celtic fibulae (Kazakevich 2012a).
 The tomb of Skilurus

Skilurus ruled over the Tauri and controlled the ancient trade emporium of Pontic Olbia,
where he minted coins. In order to gain advantage against Chersonesos, he allied himself
with the Rhoxolani, whom Strabo (VII:3) states were the most northern of the Celto-Scythian
Bastarnae tribes. In response, Chersonesos forged an alliance with Mithridates VI of Pontus
(on whom see below). Skilurus died during a war against Mithridates VI, a decisive conflict
for supremacy in the Pontic steppe. Either Skilurus or his son and successor Palacus were
buried in a mausoleum at Scythian Neapolis, which was used from ca. 100 BC to ca. 100 AD.

A further i teresti g fi d fro toda s e tral Ukrai e is the Celti ro ze fa e ask

fro Ka i s k j, Cherkas ka regio . The ask as dis o ered together ith a e k ri g,
and early La Têne arm rings (Kukharenko 1959:49), and is executed in the distinct Celtic
Plasti Meta orphosis st le hi h e a e common in the La Têne B1 – C2 period (see
The Tria gular dull a d The Art of ‘eje tio PDF. arti les .
The Celti ro ze ask fro Pekari Ka i s k j, Cherkas ka regio , Central Ukraine

(National Museum of the History of Ukraine)

In addition, circa 20 helmets of the Montefortino type, usually associated with Celtic mercenary
activity, have been found in the North Pontic and Azov area. While many of such helmets probably
penetrated into eastern Europe due to contact with Rome during the 1st c BC/ 1st c. AD, earlier
e a ples, su h as that fro Bile ke, dated to the th / 3rd c. BC, should be attributed to the
earliest Celtic presence in this area. Two Celtic Mo teforti o t pe hel ets fro Mar i ka
Do a i s k j, M kola i ska reg, and Vesela Dolyna Bilgorod-D istro s k j, Odes ka reg. o e
from votive hoards which also contained Scythian artefacts and Hellenistic bronze vessels. The
funeral rite exhibited in such complexes originates in the Balkan and Danubian region (Zaycev
2007:266), and thus these votive hoards should be attributed to the Celto-Scythian Bastarnae
tribes, as should the easternmost finds of Celtic Novo Mesto type Celtic helmets from southern
Russia, also found in a mixed Celto-Scythian context, such as those from Boiko-Ponura
(Krasnodar), and another from Yashkul (Kalmykia) which most resembles the Novo Mesto type
helmets from Slovenia and Croatia (Kazakevich 2010, Mihalje i , Dizdar op it.; see The Po er of
article).
 The Celtic Montefortino t pe hel et fro Bile ke (Bilogorod-D istro s k j ‘egio al Museu

Main La Têne sites and finds east of the Carpathians

(after Kazakevich 2012a)

 THE MITHRIDATIC WARS

During the Mithridatic Wars of the 1st c. BC, the Pontic King Mithridates VI had a
bittersweet relationship with the Celtic groups in the region. At the beginning of
the wars the Galatians, like the Bastarnae and Scordisci in Thrace (see below), had
supported the Pontic King against Rome see Akrosas article . During this early
period it appears that Mithridates relationship with the Celts of Asia-Minor was a
particularly close one, and Mithridates reportedly had a relationship with a
Galatian Princess called Adobogiona, the daughter of the Galatian King, Deiotarus
(on whom see Deiotarus – The Celt Who Ruled Armenia article . The result of this
relationship was that Adobogiona bore Mithridates a son, born in 87-86 BC, who
would later become Mithridates I of the Bosporus (Strabo 13.4.3; see also Mayor
2009).

Kingdom of Pontos, Mithradates VI AV Stater. Pergamon mint, (88/7 BC)

However, after defeat at the Battle of Chaeornea in 86 BC, in which the Galatians had
fought for the Pontic king (App. Mith. 41), Mithridates began to suspect treachery even in
his closest allies. This paranoia culminated in a bloody pogrom against those whom he
suspected would turn against him. The Galatian leaders were invited to a lavish banquet
by Archelaus, one of Mithridates commanders, where they, along with their wives and
children, were massacred:

“First, he put to death the tetrarchs of Galatia with their wives and children, not only those
who were united with him as friends, but those who were not his subjects – all except three
who escaped” .

(App. Mith. 46)

The murder of the Galatian chieftains was to prove a fatal error for Mithridates, and
provoked a swift and brutal backlash from the Asian Celts. One of the Galatian leaders,
Deiotarus, the father of Mithridates istress Adobogiona, raised a ar y fro the
country people forthwith, expelled him and his garrisons, and drove them out of Galatia,
so that Mithridates had othi g left of that ou try (loc cit). However, the Celtic revenge
attacks quickly escalated and extended beyond Galatia. During the conflict Eumachus,
Mithridates satrap i the regio , had o erru Phr gia a d killed a great a ‘o a s,
with their wives and children, subjugated the Pisidians and the Isaurians and also
Cilica. These Pontic garrisons the Celts now also atta ked, dri i g out Mithridates for es,
and slaying a great number of them (Livy Per. 94a).

Map of the Kingdom of Pontus - Before the reign of Mithridates VI (darkest purple), after his
conquests (purple), and his conquests in the first Mithridatic wars (pink).
Dedication from Pergamon to the Galatian Princess Adobogiona, daughter of
Deiotarus, and mother of Mithridates I of the Bosporus
(after de Gruyter 1986: 135-137)

However, despite the fact that the Asian Celts had turned against Mithridates, the
Thracian Celts and Bastarnae remained allied with him against Rome (App. Mith. 69, 111;
Justin 38:3, Memnon 27:7; see also McGing 1986:61; also Balkancelts Akrosas a d Coralli
articles). At the Battle of Chalcedon, for example, the Bastarnae dealt a severe blow to the
Romans – I the la d attle the Bastar ae routed the Italia s, a d slaughtered the
(Memnon op cit., App. Mith. 71), and Celtic forces remained with Mithritates until his final
defeat in 63 BC:

“eei g a ertai Bituitus there, a offi er of the Gauls, he said to him, "I have profited much from
your right arm against my enemies. I shall profit from it most of all if you will kill me, and save
from the danger of being led in a Roman triumph one who has been an autocrat so many years,
and the ruler of so great a kingdom, but who is now unable to die by poison because, like a fool, he
has fortified himself against the poison of others. Although I have kept watch and ward against all
the poisons that one takes with his food, I have not provided against that domestic poison, always
the most dangerous to kings, the treachery of army, children, and friends." Bituitus, thus appealed
to, re dered the ki g the ser i e that he desired . (App. Mith. 111; On Bituitus see also The
Thracian Myth ).

Even after the end of the Mithridatic Wars, the Thracian Celts and Bastarnae
continued to resist Roman expansion on the Lower Danube and Pontic region (see
Scordisci Wars . For example, in 6 BC a barbarian coalition, led by the
Bastarnae, dealt a spectacular defeat to the Roman army of Gaius Antonius Hybrida
the Mo ster at the Battle of Histria. With the defeat of Mithridates, Rome apparently
believed that the region had been conquered. However, as H rida s ar ar hed to
occupy the city of Histria, a large force of Bastarnae cavalry swept down on the Romans.
Hybrida, caught unawares, detached his entire mounted force from the marching column
and retreated, or, as the Roman historian Dio Cassius rather bluntly puts it – and
thereupo he ra a ay… (Dio. Cass. XXXVIII). Without cavalry support, the Roman
infantry were left exposed, and massacred. The Bastarnae subsequently captured several
of the Roman vexilla (military standards), which made the humiliation complete (on these
e e ts see also Akrosas arti le .

TWILIGHT

Many of the Celtic traditions survived in the North Pontic area even after they had
declined in central Europe (Treister 2005), and some Celtic place and ethnic names
appear in late Roman sources in the vivinity of the Bospor kingdom. Noteworthy
here is the Boisci ethnicon which has been associated with the Celtic Boii tribe
(Falileyev 2009:288-292), and the Celtae who are mentioned in the context of the
Gothic Wars (SHA XXV. 6.2; see Kazakevich 2012b).

In this context one should note that the Celto-Scythian Bastarnae continued to be
a considerable force in the region. The Late Bastarnae are mentioned in the
epitaph of Plautius Silvanus from 74-79 AD (CIL XIV 3608), and in the late 2nd
century the Historia Augusta mentions that in the rule of Marcus Aurelius (161-
80), an alliance of tribes including the Bastarnae, took advantage of the emperor's
difficulties on the upper Danube (the Marcomannic Wars) to invade Roman
territory (Historia Augusta Marcus Aurelius II.22). They were also among the tribes
who participated in the Gothic raids between 48 and 269 (Schukin 1999). Thus,
for example, in 250- the Bastarnae were involved in the Gothic and Sarmatian
invasions which culminated in the Roman defeat at the Battle of Abritus in north-
eastern Bulgaria, and the slaying of the emperor Decius (251) (Herwig 1988: 45-
46).

This explains the Celtic element in the Gothic migrations and attacks on Roman
territory, a phemonenon which is confirmed by anthropological studies which
have identified a Celtic component among the Goths (Rudych 2004:394; Kasakevich
2012b), and La Têne influences in the Gothic Cherniakhov culture (Schukin
2005:165). In the later Roman period the policy of Ethnic Engineering also had the
long term effect of further complicating the ethnic mix in the region. Under the
Emperor Probus (276-82) 100,000 of the Celto-Scythian Bastarnae were settled in
Thrace (Historia Augusta Probus 18), and shortly afterwards Emperor Diocletian
(284-305) carried out another massive transfer of the Bastarnae population to
the south of the Danube (Eutropius IX.25; see Ethnic Engineering ). However, these
forced migrations would not have consumed the demographic potential of the
great nation , and the remaining Celto-Scythian population participated in the
complicated ethnogenesis of the early medieval peoples, among them the Slavs.
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