Student Voice in Educational Research and Reform
Student Voice in Educational Research and Reform
Student Voice in Educational Research and Reform
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Curriculum Inquiry
ALISON COOK-SATHER
ABSTRACT
Before I embark
is an exploration o
the educational re
the practices asso
questions about h
work play out, it
questions.3 Furth
"student voice" no
educational resear
who at the same ti
and the term cur
(2004a) assertion
where staff and st
the shared under
309), that and thus
will not of themse
are met that prov
their desired inten
Fielding's caution, I
practices associate
progress, another
teachers and students and for researchers and students from which to effect
cultural shifts that support a repositioning of students.
context between
357). An allusion t
educational policy
specifically speak
power of individua
all of these in ter
practices. Thus "s
students speaking
acknowledged pre
analyses of, decisi
Having a voice-h
cratic, or at least
one's mind, be h
influence on outco
make ourselves kn
that affect our
straightforward a
overtly auditory te
McIntyre, Peder,
gets listened to?
Whether acknowl
torically located s
whom turns out t
in fact what is sa
who is listening"
vividly illustrates h
participation: "Th
monologue of th
'choice' renders in
and basic humani
the term "student
sation"; and other
located structures
found and radical
minds not only to
Because voice is f
their point of view
of participation w
communities that
"generate knowle
action" (Atweh &
definition or exp
"student voice" is
teaching and scho
2000, p. 276), but
one of the reasons to use it: the connection between voice and person,
between voice and body. Although Kamler's and others' warnings against
particular understandings and uses of voice are valid-warnings about
constructing voice as equal to an individual, as single and uncomplicated,
as given rather than constructed in relationship-because student voice
work in educational research and reform is still about bodily presence and
participation, as well as, sometimes, about written texts, it is worth consid-
ering retaining as well as critiquing the term.
Kamler's review of critical perspectives on the use of voice in teaching
writing echoes many of the points I raised in my review of various efforts in
the United States to authorize students' perspectives on school (Cook-
Sather, 2002b). At that time, I framed my argument for student voice in
positive terms, suggesting that in our research and teaching we build on the
following: century-old constructivist approaches to education, which argue
that students need to be authors of their own understanding and assessors
of their own learning; the commitment of critical pedagogy to redistribute
power not only within the classroom, between teacher and students, but
also in society at large; postmodern feminist critiques of the workings and
reworkings of power, taking small steps toward changing oppressive prac-
tices but also continually questioning our motives and practices in taking
these steps; educational researchers' efforts to include student voices in
larger conversations about educational policy and practice; social critics'
efforts to illuminate what is happening and what could be happening
within classrooms in ways that the wider public can hear and take seriously;
and finally, the commitment of a small but growing constituency that
advocates including students', as well as adults', frames of reference in
conversations about educational policy and practice. At this point, I use
Kamler's and my own arguments as a starting point to review the positive
and the negative aspects of "student voice" as they are articulated in the
research literature and as I see them. This review highlights from a differ-
ent angle the cultural shift necessary for a repositioning of students in
educational research and reform.
Like advocates of voice in writing who are looking for student engagement,
advocates of student voice in educational research and reform embrace the
Another positive
terms I explore in
"respected and en
Such respect prom
ships within whic
from one another
and students at his
to cut class, Maur
can't have good co
can't communica
Lawrence-Lightfo
"Respect: To get i
The centrality of
positive aspect of
shift in educational research and reform.
argue.
One such negative aspect of the term is its seeming monolithic quality--
that there is a single student voice (Lodge, personal communication,
March 8, 2005). Like feminists who warn against "claims to universal truths
and.. . assumptions of a collective experience of oppression" (Weiler,
1991, p. 450), those who assert the importance of student voice as a
us to "resist the t
likely to be dee
O'Loughlin, 1995
Yet another set o
against teachers a
arguably, most w
government, the
tion (OfSTED) tak
this evidence to
been known to ex
side teachers, to
voices against the
formulating scho
faced with a kind
grounds that thei
to invoke student voice to control both teachers and students rather than
respect and honor the community of the school (Lodge, personal commu-
nication, February 10, 2006).
Using the term "voice" to represent a repositioning of students in edu-
cational research and reform also runs the risk of denying the potential
power of silence and resistance. Silence can be powerful-a withholding of
assent, a political act. Silence can mean that a voice is not speaking because
it is not worthwhile or safe to speak-out of knowledge of one's inability in
a particular situation to transform silence into action (Lorde, 1984). It can
also be an informed choice after attempting to speak and not being heard.
An African-American male describes his perception of his own "voice" and
voices like his, as well as voices unlike his: "We got squeaky wheels and flat
tires. ... Some smooth white walls rollin' their way right to college, gettin'
oil all the way. And then the rest of us ... flat tires! Bumpin' on down the
road, making all sorts of crude noises. Probably fall off real soon anyway.
Ain't worth the grease" (quoted in Silva, 2001, p. 95). While the kind of
silence that can result from fear, resistance, or resignation should be of
concern, silence can also be full and resonant-the silence that falls "at the
end/of a night through which two people/have talked till dawn" (Rich,
1984, p. 234). Regardless of how silence is interpreted and addressed, it is
an essential consideration in discussions of voice (Hadfield & Haw, 2001;
Stevenson & Ellsworth, 1993).
As is clear in my discussion of the potential positive and negative aspects
of the term "student voice," issues of power, communication, and partici-
pation are central. With both the potential positive and the potential
negative aspects of the term in mind, I turn now to an exploration of two
premises and one set of practices reported in the research literature--an
exploration that further illuminates what a cultural shift that supports a
repositioning of students might look like. Where possible, I use brief quo-
tations from students to open my discussion of each section to illustrate
Rights
impossible, betwe
the reality of igno
tially very danger
lation and the pol
Perhaps because n
emerged in respon
that student voice
empowerment" as
notion that studen
successful if stud
652). Some researc
"there is a marked
'pupil voice' into
improvement and
of the UN conven
A focus on outcom
the implementation
lar scores on stand
some critics in th
ideology overall i
complicity with a
ing" students-ren
action (Kincheloe,
While larger polic
evoke them and b
people's rights. W
Myers (2003) asser
Writing in Chile
underlying her re
students speaking
ing across a varie
that acting on be
"defenders of [stu
have their voices
engaged, and thei
in the United Stat
voices heard and
Pope, & Osberg, in
Although "rights"
clear that the ter
voice work. Levi
opportunity to us
build stronger an
with us again" (p.
a resurgence of in
Respect
Reach me with more than words from textbooks-but words from the soul and the
mind connected to the heart. What got you to teach me? Wasn't it to reach
me? ... Relate to me, debate with me, respect me. Stop neglecting me.
-Strucker, Moise, Magee & Kreider, 2001, p. 162
Although the term "respect" has come to mean many different things to
different people, and it has been adopted into the popular culture to mean
something quite superficial that has little to do with empathy, understand-
ing, and genuine moral connection with others, it is, nevertheless, ubiqui-
tous in discussions of student voice work and thus warrants exploration.
While it is important to keep in mind the disparity among meanings and
the potential for misunderstandings among us as we explore the term,
there is no denying the power of expressions such as that of the student
quoted above. The call for respect from students is loud and clear.
As with the term "rights," the term "respect" is also sometimes linked to
larger resolutions in discussions of student voice efforts: "The UN Conven-
tion on the Rights of the Child (ratified by the UK in 1991) and Children
Act of 1989 both signaled an increased concern for children's welfare and
respect for listening to children's views" (Kirby, 2001, p. 76). Other times,
the word appears in more local, although far-reaching, calls for profound
shifts in ways of thinking without the impetus of higher resolutions: "[We
need] a fundamental shift in the dominant epistemology in our society and
our schools to one based on trusting, listening to, and respecting the minds
of all participants in schooling" (Oldfather et al., 1999, p. 313). Similarly,
Levin (1994) has argued that "If we take seriously the idea that students are
people, we must respect their ideas, opinions, and desires" (p. 97).
Rudduck (2002) also suggests that "Among the 'conditions of learning' in
school that students identify [i.e., conditions they need in order to learn]
are respect, responsibility, challenge, and support" (p. 123). And Rudduck
and Demetriou (2003) found that out of 15,000 students who responded to
a survey in a national newspaper in England that asked them to describe
the kind of school they would like, the seventh most popular response was
"a respectful school" (p. 277).
Some researchers not only evoke but also define respect as a basic
premise underlying efforts to reposition students in processes of education
and in research on schools. Goldman and Newman (1998) suggest that
"Respect listens to divergent opinions and looks for the merits they possess"
(p. 9). Rudduck and Flutter (2004) contend that evidence they gathered,
"from diverse school settings, suggests that pupils who are involved in
school and who feel they are respected as individuals and as an institutional
and social group are likely to feel a greater sense of respect and belonging,
and are less likely to disengage from a school's purposes" (p. 107; see also
Flutter & Rudduck, 2004; Mitra, 2004, p. 662; Rudduck, 2002, p. 123).
Discussing the w
colleagues (2003)
with pupils that i
(2001) contends th
opportunity to ex
taken seriously ...
Writing about a s
of active citizensh
Thomson (in press
to and treated wi
teacher involved i
between teacher
respect." Echoing
participation, and
and his colleagues
that they are resp
1).
Levin (1994) cites both psychologists and educators to support his argu-
ment that students want and need respect. He suggests that we must "make
it normal, even expected, that students would have a reasoned, informed
and respected voice in school decisions" (p. 96). Fine et al. (in press) have
"spoken with, surveyed, collaborated with and witnessed the performances
of thousands of youth from across the U.S." What they have found is that
youth from urban and suburban schools, across racial and ethnic lines, and
from diverse social classes and academic biographies, want, among other
things, "respect, for their varied identities, and not to be judged by the
color of their skin, the fashion they don, the language they speak, zip code
in which they live." Similarly, in their research in England, Cruddas and
Haddock (2003) found that "[Pupils'] views were not respected by
adults. . ." (p. 6) and that if that lack of respect didn't change, then
schooling experiences for students couldn't improve. Corroborating all
these claims, a high school student in the northeastern United States,
clearly drawing on her own experience of being disrespected, explains in
very direct and clear terms: "I hate it when teachers think you're so below
them, they act like they're power, they're almighty. I just can't stand it.
That's the worst quality, to disrespect students. I think if you respect stu-
dents then they'll respect you."
This last student comment throws into relief what virtually all research-
ers of student voice have found: that respect is a reciprocal dynamic, and if
you give respect, you are more likely to get it. In its reciprocal and relational
nature, respect is quite a different premise from rights. It is not decreed
from on high, set as a rule or principle that applies regardless of circum-
stances. Rather, it is a dynamic built between and among people, and it
must be supported and sustained in relationship and context: It cannot be
established once and for all.
Listening
Sometimes I wish I could sit down with one of my teachers and just tell them what
I exactly think about their class. It might be good, it might be bad, it's just that you
don't have the opportunity to do it.
-Shultz & Cook-Sather, 2001, p. xii
Arnot et al. (2004) argue that schools have evolved "over the course of
two centuries without listening to student voices" (p. 3), and the high
school student quoted above offers evidence that this evolution continues.
Not only historically but within each of their individual experiences,
Giroux (1992) argues, most students "have been silenced all their lives" (p.
158). The dominant culture of schooling "prevents practitioners from
listening to students' own creative ideas about how systems can change and
meet their needs" (Cruddas & Haddock, 2003, p. 6). And yet, as Smyth (in
press) suggests in his discussion of his work with youth in Australia, "If we
listen carefully to these young informants we can get a clear picture of what
it is that is dysfunctional about much of what transpires in schooling, why
it is so many young people decide to exit, and how schooling might be
different for them." Young people themselves identify the importance of
listening: out of 15,000 students in England who responded to the survey
that asked them to describe the kind of school they would like, Rudduck
and Demetriou (2003) found that the fourth most popular response was "a
listening school" (p. 277).
Because a detailing of all the individual or even kinds of student voice
projects built around listening is not possible within the scope of this
discussion, I draw
an effort to map th
student voice work
the typologies, se
worth, 2000; Lee
Thiessen, 1997; Tho
faces in various wa
participation, owne
"student participat
out" to "being hear
and with respect"
taken by others" to
and reflection on a
ing is in the midd
being heard but no
Mitra's (in press)
reform uses "listen
to student perspec
or reform"; she u
within which "stud
and/or to develop
on change" within
most of the decisio
the most basic form of attention to student voice with "collaboration"
and "leadership" signaling increasingly greater roles and agency for
students.
IMPLICATIONS
cation is a proces
premise that educ
Change is a big id
also their entire b
Also, what student
are one-time thin
the term "student
tives on learning,
only the attention
afforded opportun
better way to ta
research and refo
education-"studen
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
NOTES
1. In the 1960s and 1970s there was a wave of similar thinking, but it did not t
catalyze long-term revision or change. For discussions of these earlier efforts,
Levin (2000) and Rudduck (2002, in press).
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