Judgments
Judgments
Judgments
In light of the Supreme Court’s recent decision to abolish instant triple talaq, a number of
ostensible protectors of Muslim women in Indian politics came out in open support of the
decision, lauding the cleansing of this oppressive religious practice. Of course, the
government was the first to praise its ability to rid Muslim women of an evil they had
suffered for decades. While the decision is welcome, the selective purging of personal laws of
a particular religion does not send out the right message, especially since it is not as if other
personal laws in our country are shining beacons. This would perhaps be an apt time to
remind the government and the courts of a number of other personal laws that are retrograde,
discriminatory and do not apply parity between women and men. That these laws will be
noticed and repealed, however, is perhaps a pipe dream, given that they may not all provide
the sort of political mileage required to win an election.
Obviously instant triple talaq needed to go – it is nobody’s case that the decision was bad law,
in fact the 3:2 majority instead of a unanimous decision was surprising to many, although one
can see merit in the logic of the dissenting opinions too (whether one agrees with them or
otherwise). However, in a political climate like the current one, it is important for the state to
respect personal laws. Choosing one evil in one religion and then parading it so publicly in
the time of what some would describe as beef-policing, history-tampering, cow-worshiping
majoritarianism sends the wrong message. Perhaps the government could serve women from
every community better if it looked at other discriminatory personal laws as well and draft
appropriate legislation.
Property devolving upon the heirs of a woman dying intestate
Under the Hindu Succession Act, 1956 (applicable to Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs),
Section 15, the property of a woman (to whom the Act applies) who dies intestate (or without
a will) goes to her children and husband (I use the gender normative word since the Act uses
that word). In their absence, it goes to the heirs of the husband. Only in the absence of such
heirs can it devolve upon such woman’s mother and father or in their absence upon the heirs
of her father and in their absence upon the heirs of her mother. So if a Hindu woman dies
intestate leaving no husband or children, the husband’s family has a right over her property
before her parents. There is a non-obstante caveat to Section 15 which states that if any
property is inherited by the Hindu woman from her father or mother, such property would
devolve upon the heirs of her father (notice how property inherited from her mother also
devolves upon heirs of the father, thereby not even taking into account a possible situation of
a separation or divorce between the parents). Similarly, if it is inherited from her husband or
father-in-law, it goes back to the heirs of the husband (in the absence of children or grand
children). But all other property (not inherited from her parents, husband or father in law), in
the absence of a husband or children, goes to the heirs of the husband.
If I am to contrast this with the devolution of property of an intestate Hindu man, the property
first goes to his children, his widow (again, the word used in Class I of the Act), his mother or
his grandchildren, much like for women, but in their absence it goes to his father, brother,
sister and so on. If these heirs also do not exist, the property devolves upon the “agnates” of
the deceased and in the absence of agnates, lastly upon “coagnates”. Agnates under Section 3
(1) (a) of the Act are defined as two persons related through blood or adoption “wholly
through males”, whereas coagnates are not “wholly through males”.
i) There are so many problems with this legislation. The language of the legislation
– with the use of “husband” and “widow” depending on the gender of the
deceased spouse, and agnates and cognates as being defined using the term
‘wholly through males’ – is insensitive, sexist and leaves a lot to be desired.
This is just the tip of the iceberg. The entire line of Hindu succession for intestate women is
discriminatory. The property as received from a father or a husband goes back to that line (in
the absence of other heirs mentioned above). This feature is unique to this particular Hindu
personal law. At the first instance, in the absence of other heirs, the property goes to the heirs
of the husband rather than the woman’s parents or siblings. The Bombay high court had
declared Section 15 as discriminatory and ultra vires the constitution in Mamta Dinesh Vakil
vs Bansi S. Wadhwa and the matter is pending an appeal before a division bench. In an older
decision, the Bombay high court had upheld the constitutional validity of this provision. The
legislature has not passed any law yet repealing this provision, despite recommendations
from the Law Commission. What, then, is the impact of the Mamta Dinesh decision on this
law? Does it apply only within the jurisdiction of the Bombay high court or does it apply to
the entire country? Can the provision be treated as struck down in the absence of the decision
being overturned? These knotty questions remain unanswered and legislative silence in this
regard, though deafening, is also expected.
Even under the Indian Succession Act, 1925 (applicable to Christians and certain provisions
to Parsis) the property of a man who dies intestate and without lineal descendants passes only
in half to his widow, while the other half passes to relatives kindred to him.
Distribution of property to Hindu women at the time of divorce
The language of Section 27 of the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 requires that when the court is
distributing any property during a divorce, such property must be present “at or about the
time of marriage” and such property must “belong jointly” to the husband and wife. There
have been conflicting decisions of various high courts in the country on what properties a
woman is entitled to a share of, given that property in the name of one party (such as the
husband) would not fall within the narrow definition of Section 27. Several of these
decisions, including some decisions of the Supreme Court, have attempted to read this
provision widely in order to benefit women, but the success of such case law-based effort is
limited. This problem is typical to India, where the house or other property acquired after
marriage may be in name of the husband regardless of whether the wife contributed to its
purchase. Such contribution may not always be economic or monetary (given that many
women play an active role in household work and sacrifice a career) and other jurisdictions
around the world recognise such contribution. There is no legislation currently in sight that
focuses on amending this discriminatory provision and sporadic attempts in the past have not
yet fructified.
Divorce (or the impossibility of it) under the Indian Divorce Act, 1869
The provisions of this archaic relic of a law governed divorces of Christian marriages till
2001. Under Section 10 of this Act, a woman could petition for divorce under this Act based
only on limited, Victorian grounds – such as the husband leaving Christianity to profess
another religion, “incestuous adultery”, “bigamy with adultery”, “marriage with another
woman with adultery”, “rape, sodomy or bestiality”, “adultery coupled with such cruelty as
without adultery would have entitled her to a divorce a mensa et toro” or adultery with
desertion for two years or more for no reasonable excuse. These grounds seem laughable in
today’s day and age. If this was not enough, under Section 17 of this Act, a decree of
dissolution granted by a district court had to be confirmed by a full bench (at least a three-
judge bench) of the high court. The idea perhaps was to have people continue in marriage
regardless of how unworkable it may have become over the years. This was also professed as
a part of the applicable personal law.
ii) The Supreme Court in Reynold Rajamani vs Union of India observed that while
the court can give as liberal an interpretation as possible to this provision, it is
limited by the words of the provision and it is for the legislature to enact any
required changes. There were several decisions of various high courts that
lamented the provisions of the then Indian Divorce Act, 1869, and the Supreme
Court in Jorden Deindeh vs S.S. Chopra suggested a complete overhaul of the
law.
It was only in 2001 that the Indian Divorce (Amendment) Act, 2001 was promulgated which
amended the erstwhile Act and introduced a new Section 10 which introduced new and
relatively more reasonable grounds of divorce equal for men and women, and also introduced
a new, Section 10A, which allowed for divorce by mutual consent (albeit with the
requirement of a two-year period of separation, though several other personal laws require a
one-year period). Among other changes, the requirement of confirmation of a district court
decree by a high court full bench was also removed.
Even under the amended Act, the bizarre provision of making the “adulterer” or the
“adulteress” a co-respondent in a petition for dissolution of marriage continues (unless the
petitioner can make out grounds under Section 11 of the Act, which involves showing that the
wife is living a life of prostitution or that the husband is immoral and that the spouse does not
know the person with whom such adultery has been committed or that the name is not known
despite making due efforts etc). Prior to its amendment, there used to be a provision which
allowed a party to even claim damages from the alleged “adulterer”. Thankfully this was
repealed by the 2001 amendment. Such antiquated provisions offer little dignity to legal
proceedings. The legislature could take a look at this law too, if it is planning to take steps
towards reworking personal laws.
The above provisions are just a few examples of the many discriminatory personal laws in
India. Whether it is the issue of the marriage of a Parsi woman to a non-Parsi, adoption
amongst various communities, inheritance or marriage, there are countless provisions that do
not belong to the 21st century.
iii) The focus needs to change from a religion-based discourse to an equality and
dignity based one. The legislature would do well in taking a long and hard look at
some of these personal laws, if it is genuinely interested in moving towards
gender parity.
Live-in relations
D Velusamy vs. D Patchaiammal (2010)
The respondent, D Patchaiammal filed a petition with the Family Court in 2001, under
Section 125 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), claiming that she got married
to the appellant on 14th September 1986 and that they had lived together for
about two to three years in her father’s home.
After that period, the appellant moved out of the house and began staying in his
hometown, but he returned occasionally. She stated she had no source of income and
could not support herself, while the appellant is a Secondary Grade Teacher at
Thevanga Higher Secondary School, Coimbatore, earning Rs.10,000/- per month and
has demanded that she be paid Rs. 550 per month as her maintenance.
The appellant claimed he was married to a woman named Lakshmi, whom he married
on 25th June 1980, as per Hindu Marriage customary rites. A male child was born out
of wedlock, and he is a student at C.S.I Engineering College in Ooty. To prove his
marriage to Lakshmi, the appellant presented his ration card, his wife’s
voter identification card, his son’s transfer certificate, his wife’s discharge certificate
from the hospital, photographs of the wedding, and other documents.
The Family Court, by judgment dated 5th March 2004, held that the appellant was
married to the respondent and not to Lakshmi. The Madras High Court upheld the
decision of the Family Court and hence, the appellant challenged the decisions of the
Family Court and the Madras High Court in the Supreme Court of India.
ISSUES
Whether the appellant married Lakshmi before marrying the respondent?
Whether the respondent entitled to maintenance under Section 125 of the CrPC?
RATIO DECIDENDI
Justice Markandey Katju: Section 125 of the CrPC provides for the maintenance of
the wife and certain other relatives. In Section 125(1)(b) of the CrPC, the term ‘wife’
is defined as follows: “Wife includes a woman who has been divorced by, or has
obtained a divorce from, her husband and has not remarried.”
Since no notice was given to Lakshmi and she was not heard, the lower courts made
an error in law in ruling that she was not married to the appellant.
Section 20 (1)(d) of the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005
provides for maintenance of an aggrieved party in addition to an order of maintenance
under section 125 of the CrPC. Under the Act, economic exploitation of the aggrieved
is considered domestic violence u if the aggrieved and the other party have a domestic
relationship.
Under Section 2(f) of the Act, a domestic relationship encompasses a relationship in
the nature of marriage. To qualify for the benefit of a “relationship in the nature of
marriage,” the parties must meet the requirements for common law marriage, as well
as have lived together in a “shared household,” as specified in Section 2(s) of the Act.
DECISION IN D. VELUSAMY v. D. PATCHAIAMMAL CASE:
The Supreme Court opined that the High Court and the family Court Judge erred
in law by ruling that the appellant was not married to Lakshmi without even
giving her notice, which contradicts the principles of natural justice.
Thus, this finding must be overturned, and the case must be remanded to the Family
Court, which can serve notice on Lakshmi and, after hearing her, issue a new finding
under the law.
Only after the above finding can the matter of whether the appellant was
married to the respondent be determined because if the appellant had been
married to Lakshmi, then without the dissolution of that marriage, the marriage
between the appellant and the respondent would not have been legally valid.
The apex court further held that the learned Family Court Judge’s decision did not
determine whether the appellant and respondent had lived together in a
relationship for a reasonable period that was in the nature of marriage. Such a
finding was critical in reaching a decision in this case.
Therefore, the impugned judgments of the High Court and the Family Court
Judge, Coimbatore were reversed, and it remanded the case to the Family Court
Judge to determine the case anew under the law and considering the above
observations. The appeals were permitted.
CONCLUSION
The essentials to constitute “relationship in the nature of marriage” under the
Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005, laid down by the
Supreme Court in this case, is one of the most noteworthy facets of the judgment.
Despite widespread criticism that the judgment, in this case, confronted because of the
use of certain objectionable terms, the decision in D. Velusamy v. D.
Patchaiammal remains the definitive pronouncement for the phrase “relationship in
the nature of marriage,” as it has not been overturned by a larger bench of the
Supreme Court