Gullivers Travels

GULLIVER'S TRAVELS
BY JONATHAN SWIFT
PART I. A VOYAGE TO LILLIPUT.
CHAPTER I.
[The author gives some account of himself and family. His first inducements to travel. He is
shipwrecked, and swims for his life. Gets safe on shore in the country of Lilliput; is made a
prisoner, and carried up the country.]
My father had a small estate in Nottinghamshire: I was the third of five sons. He sent me to
Emanuel College in Cambridge at fourteen years old, where I resided three years, and applied
myself close to my studies; but the charge of maintaining me, although I had a very scanty
allowance, being too great for a narrow fortune, I was bound apprentice to Mr. James Bates, an
eminent surgeon in London, with whom I continued four years. My father now and then sending
me small sums of money, I laid them out in learning navigation, and other parts of the mathematics,
useful to those who intend to travel, as I always believed it would be, some time or other, my
fortune to do. When I left Mr. Bates, I went down to my father: where, by the assistance of him and
my uncle John, and some other relations, I got forty pounds, and a promise of thirty pounds a year
to maintain me at Leyden: there I studied physic two years and seven months, knowing it would be
useful in long voyages.
Soon after my return from Leyden, I was recommended by my good master, Mr. Bates, to be
surgeon to the Swallow, Captain Abraham Pannel, commander; with whom I continued three years
and a half, making a voyage or two into the Levant, and some other parts. When I came back I
resolved to settle in London; to which Mr. Bates, my master, encouraged me, and by him I was
recommended to several patients. I took part of a small house in the Old Jewry; and being advised
to alter my condition, I married Mrs. Mary Burton, second daughter to Mr. Edmund Burton, hosier,
in Newgate-street, with whom I received four hundred pounds for a portion.
But my good master Bates dying in two years after, and I having few friends, my business began to
fail; for my conscience would not suffer me to imitate the bad practice of too many among my
brethren. Having therefore consulted with my wife, and some of my acquaintance, I determined to
go again to sea. I was surgeon successively in two ships, and made several voyages, for six years,
to the East and West Indies, by which I got some addition to my fortune. My hours of leisure I
spent in reading the best authors, ancient and modern, being always provided with a good number
of books; and when I was ashore, in observing the manners and dispositions of the people, as well
as learning their language; wherein I had a great facility, by the strength of my memory.
The last of these voyages not proving very fortunate, I grew weary of the sea, and intended to stay
at home with my wife and family. I removed from the Old Jewry to Fetter Lane, and from thence to
Wapping, hoping to get business among the sailors; but it would not turn to account. After three
years expectation that things would mend, I accepted an advantageous offer from Captain William
Prichard, master of the Antelope, who was making a voyage to the South Sea. We set sail from
Bristol, May 4, 1699, and our voyage was at first very prosperous.
It would not be proper, for some reasons, to trouble the reader with the particulars of our
adventures in those seas; let it suffice to inform him, that in our passage from thence to the East
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Indies, we were driven by a violent storm to the north-west of Van Diemen's Land. By an
observation, we found ourselves in the latitude of 30 degrees 2 minutes south. Twelve of our crew
were dead by immoderate labour and ill food; the rest were in a very weak condition. On the 5th of
November, which was the beginning of summer in those parts, the weather being very hazy, the
seamen spied a rock within half a cable's length of the ship; but the wind was so strong, that we
were driven directly upon it, and immediately split. Six of the crew, of whom I was one, having let
down the boat into the sea, made a shift to get clear of the ship and the rock. We rowed, by my
computation, about three leagues, till we were able to work no longer, being already spent with
labour while we were in the ship. We therefore trusted ourselves to the mercy of the waves, and in
about half an hour the boat was overset by a sudden flurry from the north. What became of my
companions in the boat, as well as of those who escaped on the rock, or were left in the vessel, I
cannot tell; but conclude they were all lost. For my own part, I swam as fortune directed me, and
was pushed forward by wind and tide. I often let my legs drop, and could feel no bottom; but when
I was almost gone, and able to struggle no longer, I found myself within my depth; and by this time
the storm was much abated. The declivity was so small, that I walked near a mile before I got to the
shore, which I conjectured was about eight o'clock in the evening. I then advanced forward near
half a mile, but could not discover any sign of houses or inhabitants; at least I was in so weak a
condition, that I did not observe them. I was extremely tired, and with that, and the heat of the
weather, and about half a pint of brandy that I drank as I left the ship, I found myself much inclined
to sleep. I lay down on the grass, which was very short and soft, where I slept sounder than ever I
remembered to have done in my life, and, as I reckoned, about nine hours; for when I awaked, it
was just day-light. I attempted to rise, but was not able to stir: for, as I happened to lie on my back,
I found my arms and legs were strongly fastened on each side to the ground; and my hair, which
was long and thick, tied down in the same manner. I likewise felt several slender ligatures across
my body, from my arm-pits to my thighs. I could only look upwards; the sun began to grow hot,
and the light offended my eyes. I heard a confused noise about me; but in the posture I lay, could
see nothing except the sky. In a little time I felt something alive moving on my left leg, which
advancing gently forward over my breast, came almost up to my chin; when, bending my eyes
downwards as much as I could, I perceived it to be a human creature not six inches high, with a
bow and arrow in his hands, and a quiver at his back. In the mean time, I felt at least forty more of
the same kind (as I conjectured) following the first. I was in the utmost astonishment, and roared so
loud, that they all ran back in a fright; and some of them, as I was afterwards told, were hurt with
the falls they got by leaping from my sides upon the ground. However, they soon returned, and one
of them, who ventured so far as to get a full sight of my face, lifting up his hands and eyes by way
of admiration, cried out in a shrill but distinct voice, HEKINAH DEGUL: the others repeated the
same words several times, but then I knew not what they meant. I lay all this while, as the reader
may believe, in great uneasiness. At length, struggling to get loose, I had the fortune to break the
strings, and wrench out the pegs that fastened my left arm to the ground; for, by lifting it up to my
face, I discovered the methods they had taken to bind me, and at the same time with a violent pull,
which gave me excessive pain, I a little loosened the strings that tied down my hair on the left side,
so that I was just able to turn my head about two inches. But the creatures ran off a second time,
before I could seize them; whereupon there was a great shout in a very shrill accent, and after it
ceased I heard one of them cry aloud TOLGO PHONAC; when in an instant I felt above a hundred
arrows discharged on my left hand, which, pricked me like so many needles; and besides, they shot
another flight into the air, as we do bombs in Europe, whereof many, I suppose, fell on my body,
(though I felt them not), and some on my face, which I immediately covered with my left hand.
When this shower of arrows was over, I fell a groaning with grief and pain; and then striving again
to get loose, they discharged another volley larger than the first, and some of them attempted with
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spears to stick me in the sides; but by good luck I had on a buff jerkin, which they could not pierce.
I thought it the most prudent method to lie still, and my design was to continue so till night, when,
my left hand being already loose, I could easily free myself: and as for the inhabitants, I had reason
to believe I might be a match for the greatest army they could bring against me, if they were all of
the same size with him that I saw. But fortune disposed otherwise of me. When the people
observed I was quiet, they discharged no more arrows; but, by the noise I heard, I knew their
numbers increased; and about four yards from me, over against my right ear, I heard a knocking for
above an hour, like that of people at work; when turning my head that way, as well as the pegs and
strings would permit me, I saw a stage erected about a foot and a half from the ground, capable of
holding four of the inhabitants, with two or three ladders to mount it: from whence one of them,
who seemed to be a person of quality, made me a long speech, whereof I understood not one
syllable. But I should have mentioned, that before the principal person began his oration, he cried
out three times, LANGRO DEHUL SAN (these words and the former were afterwards repeated
and explained to me); whereupon, immediately, about fifty of the inhabitants came and cut the
strings that fastened the left side of my head, which gave me the liberty of turning it to the right,
and of observing the person and gesture of him that was to speak.
He appeared to be of a middle age, and taller than any of the other three who attended him, whereof
one was a page that held up his train, and seemed to be somewhat longer than my middle finger;
the other two stood one on each side to support him. He acted every part of an orator, and I could
observe many periods of threatenings, and others of promises, pity, and kindness. I answered in a
few words, but in the most submissive manner, lifting up my left hand, and both my eyes to the
sun, as calling him for a witness; and being almost famished with hunger, having not eaten a
morsel for some hours before I left the ship, I found the demands of nature so strong upon me, that
I could not forbear showing my impatience (perhaps against the strict rules of decency) by putting
my finger frequently to my mouth, to signify that I wanted food. The HURGO (for so they call a
great lord, as I afterwards learnt) understood me very well. He descended from the stage, and
commanded that several ladders should be applied to my sides, on which above a hundred of the
inhabitants mounted and walked towards my mouth, laden with baskets full of meat, which had
been provided and sent thither by the king's orders, upon the first intelligence he received of me. I
observed there was the flesh of several animals, but could not distinguish them by the taste. There
were shoulders, legs, and loins, shaped like those of mutton, and very well dressed, but smaller
than the wings of a lark. I ate them by two or three at a mouthful, and took three loaves at a time,
about the bigness of musket bullets.
They supplied me as fast as they could, showing a thousand marks of wonder and astonishment at
my bulk and appetite. I then made another sign, that I wanted drink. They found by my eating that a
small quantity would not suffice me; and being a most ingenious people, they slung up, with great
dexterity, one of their largest hogsheads, then rolled it towards my hand, and beat out the top; I
drank it off at a draught, which I might well do, for it did not hold half a pint, and tasted like a
small wine of Burgundy, but much more delicious. They brought me a second hogshead, which I
drank in the same manner, and made signs for more; but they had none to give me. When I had
performed these wonders, they shouted for joy, and danced upon my breast, repeating several times
as they did at first, HEKINAH DEGUL. They made me a sign that I should throw down the two
hogsheads, but first warning the people below to stand out of the way, crying aloud, BORACH
MEVOLAH; and when they saw the vessels in the air, there was a universal shout of HEKINAH
DEGUL. I confess I was often tempted, while they were passing backwards and forwards on my
body, to seize forty or fifty of the first that came in my reach, and dash them against the ground.
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But the remembrance of what I had felt, which probably might not be the worst they could do, and
the promise of honour I made them—for so I interpreted my submissive behaviour—soon drove
out these imaginations. Besides, I now considered myself as bound by the laws of hospitality, to a
people who had treated me with so much expense and magnificence. However, in my thoughts I
could not sufficiently wonder at the intrepidity of these diminutive mortals, who durst venture to
mount and walk upon my body, while one of my hands was at liberty, without trembling at the very
sight of so prodigious a creature as I must appear to them. After some time, when they observed
that I made no more demands for meat, there appeared before me a person of high rank from his
imperial majesty. His excellency, having mounted on the small of my right leg, advanced forwards
up to my face, with about a dozen of his retinue; and producing his credentials under the signet
royal, which he applied close to my eyes, spoke about ten minutes without any signs of anger, but
with a kind of determinate resolution, often pointing forwards, which, as I afterwards found, was
towards the capital city, about half a mile distant; whither it was agreed by his majesty in council
that I must be conveyed. I answered in few words, but to no purpose, and made a sign with my
hand that was loose, putting it to the other (but over his excellency's head for fear of hurting him or
his train) and then to my own head and body, to signify that I desired my liberty. It appeared that he
understood me well enough, for he shook his head by way of disapprobation, and held his hand in a
posture to show that I must be carried as a prisoner. However, he made other signs to let me
understand that I should have meat and drink enough, and very good treatment. Whereupon I once
more thought of attempting to break my bonds; but again, when I felt the smart of their arrows
upon my face and hands, which were all in blisters, and many of the darts still sticking in them, and
observing likewise that the number of my enemies increased, I gave tokens to let them know that
they might do with me what they pleased. Upon this, the HURGO and his train withdrew, with
much civility and cheerful countenances. Soon after I heard a general shout, with frequent
repetitions of the words PEPLOM SELAN; and I felt great numbers of people on my left side
relaxing the cords to such a degree, that I was able to turn upon my right, and to ease myself with
making water; which I very plentifully did, to the great astonishment of the people; who,
conjecturing by my motion what I was going to do, immediately opened to the right and left on that
side, to avoid the torrent, which fell with such noise and violence from me. But before this, they
had daubed my face and both my hands with a sort of ointment, very pleasant to the smell, which,
in a few minutes, removed all the smart of their arrows. These circumstances, added to the
refreshment I had received by their victuals and drink, which were very nourishing, disposed me to
sleep. I slept about eight hours, as I was afterwards assured; and it was no wonder, for the
physicians, by the emperor's order, had mingled a sleepy potion in the hogsheads of wine.
It seems, that upon the first moment I was discovered sleeping on the ground, after my landing, the
emperor had early notice of it by an express; and determined in council, that I should be tied in the
manner I have related, (which was done in the night while I slept;) that plenty of meat and drink
should be sent to me, and a machine prepared to carry me to the capital city.
This resolution perhaps may appear very bold and dangerous, and I am confident would not be
imitated by any prince in Europe on the like occasion. However, in my opinion, it was extremely
prudent, as well as generous: for, supposing these people had endeavoured to kill me with their
spears and arrows, while I was asleep, I should certainly have awaked with the first sense of smart,
which might so far have roused my rage and strength, as to have enabled me to break the strings
wherewith I was tied; after which, as they were not able to make resistance, so they could expect no
mercy.
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These people are most excellent mathematicians, and arrived to a great perfection in mechanics, by
the countenance and encouragement of the emperor, who is a renowned patron of learning. This
prince has several machines fixed on wheels, for the carriage of trees and other great weights. He
often builds his largest men of war, whereof some are nine feet long, in the woods where the timber
grows, and has them carried on these engines three or four hundred yards to the sea. Five hundred
carpenters and engineers were immediately set at work to prepare the greatest engine they had. It
was a frame of wood raised three inches from the ground, about seven feet long, and four wide,
moving upon twenty-two wheels. The shout I heard was upon the arrival of this engine, which, it
seems, set out in four hours after my landing. It was brought parallel to me, as I lay. But the
principal difficulty was to raise and place me in this vehicle. Eighty poles, each of one foot high,
were erected for this purpose, and very strong cords, of the bigness of packthread, were fastened by
hooks to many bandages, which the workmen had girt round my neck, my hands, my body, and my
legs. Nine hundred of the strongest men were employed to draw up these cords, by many pulleys
fastened on the poles; and thus, in less than three hours, I was raised and slung into the engine, and
there tied fast. All this I was told; for, while the operation was performing, I lay in a profound
sleep, by the force of that soporiferous medicine infused into my liquor. Fifteen hundred of the
emperor's largest horses, each about four inches and a half high, were employed to draw me
towards the metropolis, which, as I said, was half a mile distant.
About four hours after we began our journey, I awaked by a very ridiculous accident; for the
carriage being stopped a while, to adjust something that was out of order, two or three of the young
natives had the curiosity to see how I looked when I was asleep; they climbed up into the engine,
and advancing very softly to my face, one of them, an officer in the guards, put the sharp end of his
half-pike a good way up into my left nostril, which tickled my nose like a straw, and made me
sneeze violently; whereupon they stole off unperceived, and it was three weeks before I knew the
cause of my waking so suddenly. We made a long march the remaining part of the day, and, rested
at night with five hundred guards on each side of me, half with torches, and half with bows and
arrows, ready to shoot me if I should offer to stir. The next morning at sunrise we continued our
march, and arrived within two hundred yards of the city gates about noon. The emperor, and all his
court, came out to meet us; but his great officers would by no means suffer his majesty to endanger
his person by mounting on my body.
At the place where the carriage stopped there stood an ancient temple, esteemed to be the largest in
the whole kingdom; which, having been polluted some years before by an unnatural murder, was,
according to the zeal of those people, looked upon as profane, and therefore had been applied to
common use, and all the ornaments and furniture carried away. In this edifice it was determined I
should lodge. The great gate fronting to the north was about four feet high, and almost two feet
wide, through which I could easily creep. On each side of the gate was a small window, not above
six inches from the ground: into that on the left side, the king's smith conveyed four-score and
eleven chains, like those that hang to a lady's watch in Europe, and almost as large, which were
locked to my left leg with six-and-thirty padlocks. Over against this temple, on the other side of the
great highway, at twenty feet distance, there was a turret at least five feet high. Here the emperor
ascended, with many principal lords of his court, to have an opportunity of viewing me, as I was
told, for I could not see them. It was reckoned that above a hundred thousand inhabitants came out
of the town upon the same errand; and, in spite of my guards, I believe there could not be fewer
than ten thousand at several times, who mounted my body by the help of ladders. But a
proclamation was soon issued, to forbid it upon pain of death. When the workmen found it was
impossible for me to break loose, they cut all the strings that bound me; whereupon I rose up, with
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as melancholy a disposition as ever I had in my life. But the noise and astonishment of the people,
at seeing me rise and walk, are not to be expressed. The chains that held my left leg were about two
yards long, and gave me not only the liberty of walking backwards and forwards in a semicircle,
but, being fixed within four inches of the gate, allowed me to creep in, and lie at my full length in
the temple.
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CHAPTER II.
[The emperor of Lilliput, attended by several of the nobility, comes to see the author in his
confinement. The emperor's person and habit described. Learned men appointed to teach the author
their language. He gains favour by his mild disposition. His pockets are searched, and his sword
and pistols taken from him.]
When I found myself on my feet, I looked about me, and must confess I never beheld a more
entertaining prospect. The country around appeared like a continued garden, and the enclosed
fields, which were generally forty feet square, resembled so many beds of flowers. These fields
were intermingled with woods of half a stang, (1) and the tallest trees, as I could judge, appeared to
be seven feet high. I viewed the town on my left hand, which looked like the painted scene of a city
in a theatre.
I had been for some hours extremely pressed by the necessities of nature; which was no wonder, it
being almost two days since I had last disburdened myself. I was under great difficulties between
urgency and shame. The best expedient I could think of, was to creep into my house, which I
accordingly did; and shutting the gate after me, I went as far as the length of my chain would
suffer, and discharged my body of that uneasy load. But this was the only time I was ever guilty of
so uncleanly an action; for which I cannot but hope the candid reader will give some allowance,
after he has maturely and impartially considered my case, and the distress I was in. From this time
my constant practice was, as soon as I rose, to perform that business in open air, at the full extent of
my chain; and due care was taken every morning before company came, that the offensive matter
should be carried off in wheel-barrows, by two servants appointed for that purpose. I would not
have dwelt so long upon a circumstance that, perhaps, at first sight, may appear not very
momentous, if I had not thought it necessary to justify my character, in point of cleanliness, to the
world; which, I am told, some of my maligners have been pleased, upon this and other occasions,
to call in question.
When this adventure was at an end, I came back out of my house, having occasion for fresh air.
The emperor was already descended from the tower, and advancing on horse-back towards me,
which had like to have cost him dear; for the beast, though very well trained, yet wholly unused to
such a sight, which appeared as if a mountain moved before him, reared up on its hinder feet: but
that prince, who is an excellent horseman, kept his seat, till his attendants ran in, and held the
bridle, while his majesty had time to dismount. When he alighted, he surveyed me round with great
admiration; but kept beyond the length of my chain. He ordered his cooks and butlers, who were
already prepared, to give me victuals and drink, which they pushed forward in a sort of vehicles
upon wheels, till I could reach them. I took these vehicles and soon emptied them all; twenty of
them were filled with meat, and ten with liquor; each of the former afforded me two or three good
mouthfuls; and I emptied the liquor of ten vessels, which was contained in earthen vials, into one
vehicle, drinking it off at a draught; and so I did with the rest. The empress, and young princes of
the blood of both sexes, attended by many ladies, sat at some distance in their chairs; but upon the
accident that happened to the emperor's horse, they alighted, and came near his person, which I am
now going to describe. He is taller by almost the breadth of my nail, than any of his court; which
alone is enough to strike an awe into the beholders.
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His features are strong and masculine, with an Austrian lip and arched nose, his complexion olive,
his countenance erect, his body and limbs well proportioned, all his motions graceful, and his
deportment majestic. He was then past his prime, being twenty-eight years and three quarters old,
of which he had reigned about seven in great felicity, and generally victorious. For the better
convenience of beholding him, I lay on my side, so that my face was parallel to his, and he stood
but three yards off: however, I have had him since many times in my hand, and therefore cannot be
deceived in the description. His dress was very plain and simple, and the fashion of it between the
Asiatic and the European; but he had on his head a light helmet of gold, adorned with jewels, and a
plume on the crest. He held his sword drawn in his hand to defend himself, if I should happen to
break loose; it was almost three inches long; the hilt and scabbard were gold enriched with
diamonds. His voice was shrill, but very clear and articulate; and I could distinctly hear it when I
stood up. The ladies and courtiers were all most magnificently clad; so that the spot they stood
upon seemed to resemble a petticoat spread upon the ground, embroidered with figures of gold and
silver. His imperial majesty spoke often to me, and I returned answers: but neither of us could
understand a syllable. There were several of his priests and lawyers present (as I conjectured by
their habits), who were commanded to address themselves to me; and I spoke to them in as many
languages as I had the least smattering of, which were High and Low Dutch, Latin, French,
Spanish, Italian, and Lingua Franca, but all to no purpose. After about two hours the court retired,
and I was left with a strong guard, to prevent the impertinence, and probably the malice of the
rabble, who were very impatient to crowd about me as near as they durst; and some of them had the
impudence to shoot their arrows at me, as I sat on the ground by the door of my house, whereof one
very narrowly missed my left eye. But the colonel ordered six of the ringleaders to be seized, and
thought no punishment so proper as to deliver them bound into my hands; which some of his
soldiers accordingly did, pushing them forward with the butt-ends of their pikes into my reach. I
took them all in my right hand, put five of them into my coat-pocket; and as to the sixth, I made a
countenance as if I would eat him alive. The poor man squalled terribly, and the colonel and his
officers were in much pain, especially when they saw me take out my penknife: but I soon put them
out of fear; for, looking mildly, and immediately cutting the strings he was bound with, I set him
gently on the ground, and away he ran. I treated the rest in the same manner, taking them one by
one out of my pocket; and I observed both the soldiers and people were highly delighted at this
mark of my clemency, which was represented very much to my advantage at court.
Towards night I got with some difficulty into my house, where I lay on the ground, and continued
to do so about a fortnight; during which time, the emperor gave orders to have a bed prepared for
me. Six hundred beds of the common measure were brought in carriages, and worked up in my
house; a hundred and fifty of their beds, sewn together, made up the breadth and length; and these
were four double: which, however, kept me but very indifferently from the hardness of the floor,
that was of smooth stone. By the same computation, they provided me with sheets, blankets, and
coverlets, tolerable enough for one who had been so long inured to hardships.
As the news of my arrival spread through the kingdom, it brought prodigious numbers of rich, idle,
and curious people to see me; so that the villages were almost emptied; and great neglect of tillage
and household affairs must have ensued, if his imperial majesty had not provided, by several
proclamations and orders of state, against this inconveniency. He directed that those who had
already beheld me should return home, and not presume to come within fifty yards of my house,
without license from the court; whereby the secretaries of state got considerable fees.
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In the mean time the emperor held frequent councils, to debate what course should be taken with
me; and I was afterwards assured by a particular friend, a person of great quality, who was as much
in the secret as any, that the court was under many difficulties concerning me. They apprehended
my breaking loose; that my diet would be very expensive, and might cause a famine. Sometimes
they determined to starve me; or at least to shoot me in the face and hands with poisoned arrows,
which would soon despatch me; but again they considered, that the stench of so large a carcass
might produce a plague in the metropolis, and probably spread through the whole kingdom. In the
midst of these consultations, several officers of the army went to the door of the great council-
chamber, and two of them being admitted, gave an account of my behaviour to the six criminals
above-mentioned; which made so favourable an impression in the breast of his majesty and the
whole board, in my behalf, that an imperial commission was issued out, obliging all the villages,
nine hundred yards round the city, to deliver in every morning six beeves, forty sheep, and other
victuals for my sustenance; together with a proportionable quantity of bread, and wine, and other
liquors; for the due payment of which, his majesty gave assignments upon his treasury:—for this
prince lives chiefly upon his own demesnes; seldom, except upon great occasions, raising any
subsidies upon his subjects, who are bound to attend him in his wars at their own expense. An
establishment was also made of six hundred persons to be my domestics, who had board-wages
allowed for their maintenance, and tents built for them very conveniently on each side of my door.
It was likewise ordered, that three hundred tailors should make me a suit of clothes, after the
fashion of the country; that six of his majesty's greatest scholars should be employed to instruct me
in their language; and lastly, that the emperor's horses, and those of the nobility and troops of
guards, should be frequently exercised in my sight, to accustom themselves to me. All these orders
were duly put in execution; and in about three weeks I made a great progress in learning their
language; during which time the emperor frequently honoured me with his visits, and was pleased
to assist my masters in teaching me. We began already to converse together in some sort; and the
first words I learnt, were to express my desire "that he would please give me my liberty;" which I
every day repeated on my knees. His answer, as I could comprehend it, was, "that this must be a
work of time, not to be thought on without the advice of his council, and that first I must LUMOS
KELMIN PESSO DESMAR LON EMPOSO;" that is, swear a peace with him and his kingdom.
However, that I should be used with all kindness. And he advised me to "acquire, by my patience
and discreet behaviour, the good opinion of himself and his subjects." He desired "I would not take
it ill, if he gave orders to certain proper officers to search me; for probably I might carry about me
several weapons, which must needs be dangerous things, if they answered the bulk of so prodigious
a person." I said, "His majesty should be satisfied; for I was ready to strip myself, and turn up my
pockets before him." This I delivered part in words, and part in signs. He replied, "that, by the laws
of the kingdom, I must be searched by two of his officers; that he knew this could not be done
without my consent and assistance; and he had so good an opinion of my generosity and justice, as
to trust their persons in my hands; that whatever they took from me, should be returned when I left
the country, or paid for at the rate which I would set upon them." I took up the two officers in my
hands, put them first into my coat-pockets, and then into every other pocket about me, except my
two fobs, and another secret pocket, which I had no mind should be searched, wherein I had some
little necessaries that were of no consequence to any but myself. In one of my fobs there was a
silver watch, and in the other a small quantity of gold in a purse. These gentlemen, having pen, ink,
and paper, about them, made an exact inventory of every thing they saw; and when they had done,
desired I would set them down, that they might deliver it to the emperor. This inventory I
afterwards translated into English, and is, word for word, as follows:
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"IMPRIMIS, In the right coat-pocket of the great man-mountain" (for so I interpret the words
QUINBUS FLESTRIN,) "after the strictest search, we found only one great piece of coarse-cloth,
large enough to be a foot-cloth for your majesty's chief room of state. In the left pocket we saw a
huge silver chest, with a cover of the same metal, which we, the searchers, were not able to lift. We
desired it should be opened, and one of us stepping into it, found himself up to the mid leg in a sort
of dust, some part whereof flying up to our faces set us both a sneezing for several times together.
In his right waistcoat-pocket we found a prodigious bundle of white thin substances, folded one
over another, about the bigness of three men, tied with a strong cable, and marked with black
figures; which we humbly conceive to be writings, every letter almost half as large as the palm of
our hands. In the left there was a sort of engine, from the back of which were extended twenty long
poles, resembling the pallisados before your majesty's court: wherewith we conjecture the man-
mountain combs his head; for we did not always trouble him with questions, because we found it a
great difficulty to make him understand us. In the large pocket, on the right side of his middle
cover" (so I translate the word RANFULO, by which they meant my breeches,) "we saw a hollow
pillar of iron, about the length of a man, fastened to a strong piece of timber larger than the pillar;
and upon one side of the pillar, were huge pieces of iron sticking out, cut into strange figures,
which we know not what to make of. In the left pocket, another engine of the same kind. In the
smaller pocket on the right side, were several round flat pieces of white and red metal, of different
bulk; some of the white, which seemed to be silver, were so large and heavy, that my comrade and
I could hardly lift them. In the left pocket were two black pillars irregularly shaped: we could not,
without difficulty, reach the top of them, as we stood at the bottom of his pocket. One of them was
covered, and seemed all of a piece: but at the upper end of the other there appeared a white round
substance, about twice the bigness of our heads. Within each of these was enclosed a prodigious
plate of steel; which, by our orders, we obliged him to show us, because we apprehended they
might be dangerous engines. He took them out of their cases, and told us, that in his own country
his practice was to shave his beard with one of these, and cut his meat with the other. There were
two pockets which we could not enter: these he called his fobs; they were two large slits cut into
the top of his middle cover, but squeezed close by the pressure of his belly. Out of the right fob
hung a great silver chain, with a wonderful kind of engine at the bottom. We directed him to draw
out whatever was at the end of that chain; which appeared to be a globe, half silver, and half of
some transparent metal; for, on the transparent side, we saw certain strange figures circularly
drawn, and though we could touch them, till we found our fingers stopped by the lucid substance.
He put this engine into our ears, which made an incessant noise, like that of a water-mill: and we
conjecture it is either some unknown animal, or the god that he worships; but we are more inclined
to the latter opinion, because he assured us, (if we understood him right, for he expressed himself
very imperfectly) that he seldom did any thing without consulting it. He called it his oracle, and
said, it pointed out the time for every action of his life. From the left fob he took out a net almost
large enough for a fisherman, but contrived to open and shut like a purse, and served him for the
same use: we found therein several massy pieces of yellow metal, which, if they be real gold, must
be of immense value.
"Having thus, in obedience to your majesty's commands, diligently searched all his pockets, we
observed a girdle about his waist made of the hide of some prodigious animal, from which, on the
left side, hung a sword of the length of five men; and on the right, a bag or pouch divided into two
cells, each cell capable of holding three of your majesty's subjects. In one of these cells were
several globes, or balls, of a most ponderous metal, about the bigness of our heads, and requiring a
strong hand to lift them: the other cell contained a heap of certain black grains, but of no great bulk
or weight, for we could hold above fifty of them in the palms of our hands.
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"This is an exact inventory of what we found about the body of the man-mountain, who used us
with great civility, and due respect to your majesty's commission. Signed and sealed on the fourth
day of the eighty-ninth moon of your majesty's auspicious reign.
CLEFRIN FRELOCK, MARSI FRELOCK."
When this inventory was read over to the emperor, he directed me, although in very gentle terms, to
deliver up the several particulars. He first called for my scimitar, which I took out, scabbard and
all. In the mean time he ordered three thousand of his choicest troops (who then attended him) to
surround me at a distance, with their bows and arrows just ready to discharge; but I did not observe
it, for mine eyes were wholly fixed upon his majesty. He then desired me to draw my scimitar,
which, although it had got some rust by the sea water, was, in most parts, exceeding bright. I did
so, and immediately all the troops gave a shout between terror and surprise; for the sun shone clear,
and the reflection dazzled their eyes, as I waved the scimitar to and fro in my hand. His majesty,
who is a most magnanimous prince, was less daunted than I could expect: he ordered me to return
it into the scabbard, and cast it on the ground as gently as I could, about six feet from the end of my
chain. The next thing he demanded was one of the hollow iron pillars; by which he meant my
pocket pistols. I drew it out, and at his desire, as well as I could, expressed to him the use of it; and
charging it only with powder, which, by the closeness of my pouch, happened to escape wetting in
the sea (an inconvenience against which all prudent mariners take special care to provide,) I first
cautioned the emperor not to be afraid, and then I let it off in the air. The astonishment here was
much greater than at the sight of my scimitar. Hundreds fell down as if they had been struck dead;
and even the emperor, although he stood his ground, could not recover himself for some time. I
delivered up both my pistols in the same manner as I had done my scimitar, and then my pouch of
powder and bullets; begging him that the former might be kept from fire, for it would kindle with
the smallest spark, and blow up his imperial palace into the air. I likewise delivered up my watch,
which the emperor was very curious to see, and commanded two of his tallest yeomen of the guards
to bear it on a pole upon their shoulders, as draymen in England do a barrel of ale. He was amazed
at the continual noise it made, and the motion of the minute-hand, which he could easily discern;
for their sight is much more acute than ours: he asked the opinions of his learned men about it,
which were various and remote, as the reader may well imagine without my repeating; although
indeed I could not very perfectly understand them. I then gave up my silver and copper money, my
purse, with nine large pieces of gold, and some smaller ones; my knife and razor, my comb and
silver snuff-box, my handkerchief and journal-book. My scimitar, pistols, and pouch, were
conveyed in carriages to his majesty's stores; but the rest of my goods were returned me.
I had as I before observed, one private pocket, which escaped their search, wherein there was a pair
of spectacles (which I sometimes use for the weakness of mine eyes,) a pocket perspective, and
some other little conveniences; which, being of no consequence to the emperor, I did not think
myself bound in honour to discover, and I apprehended they might be lost or spoiled if I ventured
them out of my possession.
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CHAPTER III.
[The author diverts the emperor, and his nobility of both sexes, in a very uncommon manner. The
diversions of the court of Lilliput described. The author has his liberty granted him upon certain
conditions.]
My gentleness and good behaviour had gained so far on the emperor and his court, and indeed upon
the army and people in general, that I began to conceive hopes of getting my liberty in a short time.
I took all possible methods to cultivate this favourable disposition. The natives came, by degrees, to
be less apprehensive of any danger from me. I would sometimes lie down, and let five or six of
them dance on my hand; and at last the boys and girls would venture to come and play at hide-and-
seek in my hair. I had now made a good progress in understanding and speaking the language. The
emperor had a mind one day to entertain me with several of the country shows, wherein they
exceed all nations I have known, both for dexterity and magnificence. I was diverted with none so
much as that of the rope-dancers, performed upon a slender white thread, extended about two feet,
and twelve inches from the ground. Upon which I shall desire liberty, with the reader's patience, to
enlarge a little.
This diversion is only practised by those persons who are candidates for great employments, and
high favour at court. They are trained in this art from their youth, and are not always of noble birth,
or liberal education. When a great office is vacant, either by death or disgrace (which often
happens,) five or six of those candidates petition the emperor to entertain his majesty and the court
with a dance on the rope; and whoever jumps the highest, without falling, succeeds in the office.
Very often the chief ministers themselves are commanded to show their skill, and to convince the
emperor that they have not lost their faculty. Flimnap, the treasurer, is allowed to cut a caper on the
straight rope, at least an inch higher than any other lord in the whole empire. I have seen him do the
summerset several times together, upon a trencher fixed on a rope which is no thicker than a
common pack-thread in England. My friend Reldresal, principal secretary for private affairs, is, in
my opinion, if I am not partial, the second after the treasurer; the rest of the great officers are much
upon a par.
These diversions are often attended with fatal accidents, whereof great numbers are on record. I
myself have seen two or three candidates break a limb. But the danger is much greater, when the
ministers themselves are commanded to show their dexterity; for, by contending to excel
themselves and their fellows, they strain so far that there is hardly one of them who has not
received a fall, and some of them two or three. I was assured that, a year or two before my arrival,
Flimnap would infallibly have broke his neck, if one of the king's cushions, that accidentally lay on
the ground, had not weakened the force of his fall.
There is likewise another diversion, which is only shown before the emperor and empress, and first
minister, upon particular occasions. The emperor lays on the table three fine silken threads of six
inches long; one is blue, the other red, and the third green. These threads are proposed as prizes for
those persons whom the emperor has a mind to distinguish by a peculiar mark of his favour. The
ceremony is performed in his majesty's great chamber of state, where the candidates are to undergo
a trial of dexterity very different from the former, and such as I have not observed the least
resemblance of in any other country of the new or old world. The emperor holds a stick in his
PAGE 13 OF 165

hands, both ends parallel to the horizon, while the candidates advancing, one by one, sometimes
leap over the stick, sometimes creep under it, backward and forward, several times, according as
the stick is advanced or depressed. Sometimes the emperor holds one end of the stick, and his first
minister the other; sometimes the minister has it entirely to himself. Whoever performs his part
with most agility, and holds out the longest in leaping and creeping, is rewarded with the blue-
coloured silk; the red is given to the next, and the green to the third, which they all wear girt twice
round about the middle; and you see few great persons about this court who are not adorned with
one of these girdles.
The horses of the army, and those of the royal stables, having been daily led before me, were no
longer shy, but would come up to my very feet without starting. The riders would leap them over
my hand, as I held it on the ground; and one of the emperor's huntsmen, upon a large courser, took
my foot, shoe and all; which was indeed a prodigious leap. I had the good fortune to divert the
emperor one day after a very extraordinary manner. I desired he would order several sticks of two
feet high, and the thickness of an ordinary cane, to be brought me; whereupon his majesty
commanded the master of his woods to give directions accordingly; and the next morning six
woodmen arrived with as many carriages, drawn by eight horses to each. I took nine of these sticks,
and fixing them firmly in the ground in a quadrangular figure, two feet and a half square, I took
four other sticks, and tied them parallel at each corner, about two feet from the ground; then I
fastened my handkerchief to the nine sticks that stood erect; and extended it on all sides, till it was
tight as the top of a drum; and the four parallel sticks, rising about five inches higher than the
handkerchief, served as ledges on each side. When I had finished my work, I desired the emperor to
let a troop of his best horses twenty-four in number, come and exercise upon this plain. His majesty
approved of the proposal, and I took them up, one by one, in my hands, ready mounted and armed,
with the proper officers to exercise them. As soon as they got into order they divided into two
parties, performed mock skirmishes, discharged blunt arrows, drew their swords, fled and pursued,
attacked and retired, and in short discovered the best military discipline I ever beheld. The parallel
sticks secured them and their horses from falling over the stage; and the emperor was so much
delighted, that he ordered this entertainment to be repeated several days, and once was pleased to
be lifted up and give the word of command; and with great difficulty persuaded even the empress
herself to let me hold her in her close chair within two yards of the stage, when she was able to take
a full view of the whole performance. It was my good fortune, that no ill accident happened in
these entertainments; only once a fiery horse, that belonged to one of the captains, pawing with his
hoof, struck a hole in my handkerchief, and his foot slipping, he overthrew his rider and himself;
but I immediately relieved them both, and covering the hole with one hand, I set down the troop
with the other, in the same manner as I took them up. The horse that fell was strained in the left
shoulder, but the rider got no hurt; and I repaired my handkerchief as well as I could: however, I
would not trust to the strength of it any more, in such dangerous enterprises.
About two or three days before I was set at liberty, as I was entertaining the court with this kind of
feat, there arrived an express to inform his majesty, that some of his subjects, riding near the place
where I was first taken up, had seen a great black substance lying on the around, very oddly
shaped, extending its edges round, as wide as his majesty's bedchamber, and rising up in the middle
as high as a man; that it was no living creature, as they at first apprehended, for it lay on the grass
without motion; and some of them had walked round it several times; that, by mounting upon each
other's shoulders, they had got to the top, which was flat and even, and, stamping upon it, they
found that it was hollow within; that they humbly conceived it might be something belonging to the
man-mountain; and if his majesty pleased, they would undertake to bring it with only five horses. I
PAGE 14 OF 165

presently knew what they meant, and was glad at heart to receive this intelligence. It seems, upon
my first reaching the shore after our shipwreck, I was in such confusion, that before I came to the
place where I went to sleep, my hat, which I had fastened with a string to my head while I was
rowing, and had stuck on all the time I was swimming, fell off after I came to land; the string, as I
conjecture, breaking by some accident, which I never observed, but thought my hat had been lost at
sea. I entreated his imperial majesty to give orders it might be brought to me as soon as possible,
describing to him the use and the nature of it: and the next day the waggoners arrived with it, but
not in a very good condition; they had bored two holes in the brim, within an inch and half of the
edge, and fastened two hooks in the holes; these hooks were tied by a long cord to the harness, and
thus my hat was dragged along for above half an English mile; but, the ground in that country
being extremely smooth and level, it received less damage than I expected.
Two days after this adventure, the emperor, having ordered that part of his army which quarters in
and about his metropolis, to be in readiness, took a fancy of diverting himself in a very singular
manner. He desired I would stand like a Colossus, with my legs as far asunder as I conveniently
could. He then commanded his general (who was an old experienced leader, and a great patron of
mine) to draw up the troops in close order, and march them under me; the foot by twenty-four
abreast, and the horse by sixteen, with drums beating, colours flying, and pikes advanced. This
body consisted of three thousand foot, and a thousand horse. His majesty gave orders, upon pain of
death, that every soldier in his march should observe the strictest decency with regard to my
person; which however could not prevent some of the younger officers from turning up their eyes
as they passed under me: and, to confess the truth, my breeches were at that time in so ill a
condition, that they afforded some opportunities for laughter and admiration.
I had sent so many memorials and petitions for my liberty, that his majesty at length mentioned the
matter, first in the cabinet, and then in a full council; where it was opposed by none, except
Skyresh Bolgolam, who was pleased, without any provocation, to be my mortal enemy. But it was
carried against him by the whole board, and confirmed by the emperor. That minister was
GALBET, or admiral of the realm, very much in his master's confidence, and a person well versed
in affairs, but of a morose and sour complexion. However, he was at length persuaded to comply;
but prevailed that the articles and conditions upon which I should be set free, and to which I must
swear, should be drawn up by himself. These articles were brought to me by Skyresh Bolgolam in
person attended by two under-secretaries, and several persons of distinction. After they were read, I
was demanded to swear to the performance of them; first in the manner of my own country, and
afterwards in the method prescribed by their laws; which was, to hold my right foot in my left
hand, and to place the middle finger of my right hand on the crown of my head, and my thumb on
the tip of my right ear. But because the reader may be curious to have some idea of the style and
manner of expression peculiar to that people, as well as to know the article upon which I recovered
my liberty, I have made a translation of the whole instrument, word for word, as near as I was able,
which I here offer to the public.
"Golbasto Momarem Evlame Gurdilo Shefin Mully Ully Gue, most mighty Emperor of Lilliput,
delight and terror of the universe, whose dominions extend five thousand BLUSTRUGS (about
twelve miles in circumference) to the extremities of the globe; monarch of all monarchs, taller than
the sons of men; whose feet press down to the centre, and whose head strikes against the sun; at
whose nod the princes of the earth shake their knees; pleasant as the spring, comfortable as the
summer, fruitful as autumn, dreadful as winter: his most sublime majesty proposes to the man-
PAGE 15 OF 165

mountain, lately arrived at our celestial dominions, the following articles, which, by a solemn oath,
he shall be obliged to perform:—
"1st, The man-mountain shall not depart from our dominions, without our license under our great
seal.
"2d, He shall not presume to come into our metropolis, without our express order; at which time,
the inhabitants shall have two hours warning to keep within doors.
"3d, The said man-mountain shall confine his walks to our principal high roads, and not offer to
walk, or lie down, in a meadow or field of corn.
"4th, As he walks the said roads, he shall take the utmost care not to trample upon the bodies of any
of our loving subjects, their horses, or carriages, nor take any of our subjects into his hands without
their own consent.
"5th, If an express requires extraordinary despatch, the man-mountain shall be obliged to carry, in
his pocket, the messenger and horse a six days journey, once in every moon, and return the said
messenger back (if so required) safe to our imperial presence.
"6th, He shall be our ally against our enemies in the island of Blefuscu, and do his utmost to
destroy their fleet, which is now preparing to invade us.
"7th, That the said man-mountain shall, at his times of leisure, be aiding and assisting to our
workmen, in helping to raise certain great stones, towards covering the wall of the principal park,
and other our royal buildings.
"8th, That the said man-mountain shall, in two moons' time, deliver in an exact survey of the
circumference of our dominions, by a computation of his own paces round the coast.
"Lastly, That, upon his solemn oath to observe all the above articles, the said man-mountain shall
have a daily allowance of meat and drink sufficient for the support of 1724 of our subjects, with
free access to our royal person, and other marks of our favour. Given at our palace at Belfaborac,
the twelfth day of the ninety-first moon of our reign."
I swore and subscribed to these articles with great cheerfulness and content, although some of them
were not so honourable as I could have wished; which proceeded wholly from the malice of
Skyresh Bolgolam, the high-admiral: whereupon my chains were immediately unlocked, and I was
at full liberty. The emperor himself, in person, did me the honour to be by at the whole ceremony. I
made my acknowledgements by prostrating myself at his majesty's feet: but he commanded me to
rise; and after many gracious expressions, which, to avoid the censure of vanity, I shall not repeat,
he added, "that he hoped I should prove a useful servant, and well deserve all the favours he had
already conferred upon me, or might do for the future."
The reader may please to observe, that, in the last article of the recovery of my liberty, the emperor
stipulates to allow me a quantity of meat and drink sufficient for the support of 1724 Lilliputians.
Some time after, asking a friend at court how they came to fix on that determinate number, he told
me that his majesty's mathematicians, having taken the height of my body by the help of a
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quadrant, and finding it to exceed theirs in the proportion of twelve to one, they concluded from the
similarity of their bodies, that mine must contain at least 1724 of theirs, and consequently would
require as much food as was necessary to support that number of Lilliputians. By which the reader
may conceive an idea of the ingenuity of that people, as well as the prudent and exact economy of
so great a prince.
PAGE 17 OF 165

CHAPTER IV.
[Mildendo, the metropolis of Lilliput, described, together with the emperor's palace. A conversation
between the author and a principal secretary, concerning the affairs of that empire. The author's
offers to serve the emperor in his wars.]
The first request I made, after I had obtained my liberty, was, that I might have license to see
Mildendo, the metropolis; which the emperor easily granted me, but with a special charge to do no
hurt either to the inhabitants or their houses. The people had notice, by proclamation, of my design
to visit the town. The wall which encompassed it is two feet and a half high, and at least eleven
inches broad, so that a coach and horses may be driven very safely round it; and it is flanked with
strong towers at ten feet distance. I stepped over the great western gate, and passed very gently, and
sidling, through the two principal streets, only in my short waistcoat, for fear of damaging the roofs
and eaves of the houses with the skirts of my coat. I walked with the utmost circumspection, to
avoid treading on any stragglers who might remain in the streets, although the orders were very
strict, that all people should keep in their houses, at their own peril. The garret windows and tops of
houses were so crowded with spectators, that I thought in all my travels I had not seen a more
populous place. The city is an exact square, each side of the wall being five hundred feet long. The
two great streets, which run across and divide it into four quarters, are five feet wide. The lanes and
alleys, which I could not enter, but only view them as I passed, are from twelve to eighteen inches.
The town is capable of holding five hundred thousand souls: the houses are from three to five
stories: the shops and markets well provided.
The emperor's palace is in the centre of the city where the two great streets meet. It is enclosed by a
wall of two feet high, and twenty feet distance from the buildings. I had his majesty's permission to
step over this wall; and, the space being so wide between that and the palace, I could easily view it
on every side. The outward court is a square of forty feet, and includes two other courts: in the
inmost are the royal apartments, which I was very desirous to see, but found it extremely difficult;
for the great gates, from one square into another, were but eighteen inches high, and seven inches
wide. Now the buildings of the outer court were at least five feet high, and it was impossible for me
to stride over them without infinite damage to the pile, though the walls were strongly built of
hewn stone, and four inches thick. At the same time the emperor had a great desire that I should see
the magnificence of his palace; but this I was not able to do till three days after, which I spent in
cutting down with my knife some of the largest trees in the royal park, about a hundred yards
distant from the city. Of these trees I made two stools, each about three feet high, and strong
enough to bear my weight. The people having received notice a second time, I went again through
the city to the palace with my two stools in my hands. When I came to the side of the outer court, I
stood upon one stool, and took the other in my hand; this I lifted over the roof, and gently set it
down on the space between the first and second court, which was eight feet wide. I then stept over
the building very conveniently from one stool to the other, and drew up the first after me with a
hooked stick. By this contrivance I got into the inmost court; and, lying down upon my side, I
applied my face to the windows of the middle stories, which were left open on purpose, and
discovered the most splendid apartments that can be imagined. There I saw the empress and the
young princes, in their several lodgings, with their chief attendants about them. Her imperial
majesty was pleased to smile very graciously upon me, and gave me out of the window her hand to
kiss.
PAGE 18 OF 165

But I shall not anticipate the reader with further descriptions of this kind, because I reserve them
for a greater work, which is now almost ready for the press; containing a general description of this
empire, from its first erection, through along series of princes; with a particular account of their
wars and politics, laws, learning, and religion; their plants and animals; their peculiar manners and
customs, with other matters very curious and useful; my chief design at present being only to relate
such events and transactions as happened to the public or to myself during a residence of about
nine months in that empire.
One morning, about a fortnight after I had obtained my liberty, Reldresal, principal secretary (as
they style him) for private affairs, came to my house attended only by one servant. He ordered his
coach to wait at a distance, and desired I would give him an hours audience; which I readily
consented to, on account of his quality and personal merits, as well as of the many good offices he
had done me during my solicitations at court. I offered to lie down that he might the more
conveniently reach my ear, but he chose rather to let me hold him in my hand during our
conversation. He began with compliments on my liberty; said "he might pretend to some merit in
it;" but, however, added, "that if it had not been for the present situation of things at court, perhaps
I might not have obtained it so soon. For," said he, "as flourishing a condition as we may appear to
be in to foreigners, we labour under two mighty evils: a violent faction at home, and the danger of
an invasion, by a most potent enemy, from abroad. As to the first, you are to understand, that for
about seventy moons past there have been two struggling parties in this empire, under the names of
TRAMECKSAN and SLAMECKSAN, from the high and low heels of their shoes, by which they
distinguish themselves. It is alleged, indeed, that the high heels are most agreeable to our ancient
constitution; but, however this be, his majesty has determined to make use only of low heels in the
administration of the government, and all offices in the gift of the crown, as you cannot but
observe; and particularly that his majesty's imperial heels are lower at least by a DRURR than any
of his court (DRURR is a measure about the fourteenth part of an inch). The animosities between
these two parties run so high, that they will neither eat, nor drink, nor talk with each other. We
compute the TRAMECKSAN, or high heels, to exceed us in number; but the power is wholly on
our side. We apprehend his imperial highness, the heir to the crown, to have some tendency
towards the high heels; at least we can plainly discover that one of his heels is higher than the
other, which gives him a hobble in his gait. Now, in the midst of these intestine disquiets, we are
threatened with an invasion from the island of Blefuscu, which is the other great empire of the
universe, almost as large and powerful as this of his majesty. For as to what we have heard you
affirm, that there are other kingdoms and states in the world inhabited by human creatures as large
as yourself, our philosophers are in much doubt, and would rather conjecture that you dropped
from the moon, or one of the stars; because it is certain, that a hundred mortals of your bulk would
in a short time destroy all the fruits and cattle of his majesty's dominions: besides, our histories of
six thousand moons make no mention of any other regions than the two great empires of Lilliput
and Blefuscu. Which two mighty powers have, as I was going to tell you, been engaged in a most
obstinate war for six-and-thirty moons past. It began upon the following occasion. It is allowed on
all hands, that the primitive way of breaking eggs, before we eat them, was upon the larger end; but
his present majesty's grandfather, while he was a boy, going to eat an egg, and breaking it
according to the ancient practice, happened to cut one of his fingers. Whereupon the emperor his
father published an edict, commanding all his subjects, upon great penalties, to break the smaller
end of their eggs. The people so highly resented this law, that our histories tell us, there have been
six rebellions raised on that account; wherein one emperor lost his life, and another his crown.
These civil commotions were constantly fomented by the monarchs of Blefuscu; and when they
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were quelled, the exiles always fled for refuge to that empire. It is computed that eleven thousand
persons have at several times suffered death, rather than submit to break their eggs at the smaller
end. Many hundred large volumes have been published upon this controversy: but the books of the
Big-endians have been long forbidden, and the whole party rendered incapable by law of holding
employments. During the course of these troubles, the emperors of Blefusca did frequently
expostulate by their ambassadors, accusing us of making a schism in religion, by offending against
a fundamental doctrine of our great prophet Lustrog, in the fifty-fourth chapter of the Blundecral
(which is their Alcoran). This, however, is thought to be a mere strain upon the text; for the words
are these: 'that all true believers break their eggs at the convenient end.'
And which is the convenient end, seems, in my humble opinion to be left to every man's
conscience, or at least in the power of the chief magistrate to determine. Now, the Big-endian exiles
have found so much credit in the emperor of Blefuscu's court, and so much private assistance and
encouragement from their party here at home, that a bloody war has been carried on between the
two empires for six-and-thirty moons, with various success; during which time we have lost forty
capital ships, and a much a greater number of smaller vessels, together with thirty thousand of our
best seamen and soldiers; and the damage received by the enemy is reckoned to be somewhat
greater than ours. However, they have now equipped a numerous fleet, and are just preparing to
make a descent upon us; and his imperial majesty, placing great confidence in your valour and
strength, has commanded me to lay this account of his affairs before you."
I desired the secretary to present my humble duty to the emperor; and to let him know, "that I
thought it would not become me, who was a foreigner, to interfere with parties; but I was ready,
with the hazard of my life, to defend his person and state against all invaders."
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CHAPTER V.
[The author, by an extraordinary stratagem, prevents an invasion. A high title of honour is

conferred upon him. Ambassadors arrive from the emperor of Blefuscu, and sue for peace. The
empress's apartment on fire by an accident; the author instrumental in saving the rest of the palace.]
The empire of Blefuscu is an island situated to the north-east of Lilliput, from which it is parted
only by a channel of eight hundred yards wide. I had not yet seen it, and upon this notice of an
intended invasion, I avoided appearing on that side of the coast, for fear of being discovered, by
some of the enemy's ships, who had received no intelligence of me; all intercourse between the two
empires having been strictly forbidden during the war, upon pain of death, and an embargo laid by
our emperor upon all vessels whatsoever. I communicated to his majesty a project I had formed of
seizing the enemy's whole fleet; which, as our scouts assured us, lay at anchor in the harbour, ready
to sail with the first fair wind. I consulted the most experienced seamen upon the depth of the
channel, which they had often plumbed; who told me, that in the middle, at high-water, it was
seventy GLUMGLUFFS deep, which is about six feet of European measure; and the rest of it fifty
GLUMGLUFFS at most. I walked towards the north-east coast, over against Blefuscu, where, lying
down behind a hillock, I took out my small perspective glass, and viewed the enemy's fleet at
anchor, consisting of about fifty men of war, and a great number of transports: I then came back to
my house, and gave orders (for which I had a warrant) for a great quantity of the strongest cable
and bars of iron. The cable was about as thick as packthread and the bars of the length and size of a
knitting-needle. I trebled the cable to make it stronger, and for the same reason I twisted three of
the iron bars together, bending the extremities into a hook. Having thus fixed fifty hooks to as
many cables, I went back to the north-east coast, and putting off my coat, shoes, and stockings,
walked into the sea, in my leathern jerkin, about half an hour before high water. I waded with what
haste I could, and swam in the middle about thirty yards, till I felt ground. I arrived at the fleet in
less than half an hour. The enemy was so frightened when they saw me, that they leaped out of
their ships, and swam to shore, where there could not be fewer than thirty thousand souls. I then
took my tackling, and, fastening a hook to the hole at the prow of each, I tied all the cords together
at the end. While I was thus employed, the enemy discharged several thousand arrows, many of
which stuck in my hands and face, and, beside the excessive smart, gave me much disturbance in
my work. My greatest apprehension was for mine eyes, which I should have infallibly lost, if I had
not suddenly thought of an expedient. I kept, among other little necessaries, a pair of spectacles in a
private pocket, which, as I observed before, had escaped the emperor's searchers. These I took out
and fastened as strongly as I could upon my nose, and thus armed, went on boldly with my work, in
spite of the enemy's arrows, many of which struck against the glasses of my spectacles, but without
any other effect, further than a little to discompose them. I had now fastened all the hooks, and,
taking the knot in my hand, began to pull; but not a ship would stir, for they were all too fast held
by their anchors, so that the boldest part of my enterprise remained. I therefore let go the cord, and
leaving the looks fixed to the ships, I resolutely cut with my knife the cables that fastened the
anchors, receiving about two hundred shots in my face and hands; then I took up the knotted end of
the cables, to which my hooks were tied, and with great ease drew fifty of the enemy's largest men
of war after me.
The Blefuscudians, who had not the least imagination of what I intended, were at first confounded
with astonishment. They had seen me cut the cables, and thought my design was only to let the
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ships run adrift or fall foul on each other: but when they perceived the whole fleet moving in order,
and saw me pulling at the end, they set up such a scream of grief and despair as it is almost
impossible to describe or conceive. When I had got out of danger, I stopped awhile to pick out the
arrows that stuck in my hands and face; and rubbed on some of the same ointment that was given
me at my first arrival, as I have formerly mentioned. I then took off my spectacles, and waiting
about an hour, till the tide was a little fallen, I waded through the middle with my cargo, and
arrived safe at the royal port of Lilliput.
The emperor and his whole court stood on the shore, expecting the issue of this great adventure.
They saw the ships move forward in a large half-moon, but could not discern me, who was up to
my breast in water. When I advanced to the middle of the channel, they were yet more in pain,
because I was under water to my neck. The emperor concluded me to be drowned, and that the
enemy's fleet was approaching in a hostile manner: but he was soon eased of his fears; for the
channel growing shallower every step I made, I came in a short time within hearing, and holding up
the end of the cable, by which the fleet was fastened, I cried in a loud voice, "Long live the most
puissant king of Lilliput!" This great prince received me at my landing with all possible
encomiums, and created me a NARDAC upon the spot, which is the highest title of honour among
them.
His majesty desired I would take some other opportunity of bringing all the rest of his enemy's
ships into his ports. And so unmeasureable is the ambition of princes, that he seemed to think of
nothing less than reducing the whole empire of Blefuscu into a province, and governing it, by a
viceroy; of destroying the Big-endian exiles, and compelling that people to break the smaller end of
their eggs, by which he would remain the sole monarch of the whole world. But I endeavoured to
divert him from this design, by many arguments drawn from the topics of policy as well as justice;
and I plainly protested, "that I would never be an instrument of bringing a free and brave people
into slavery." And, when the matter was debated in council, the wisest part of the ministry were of
my opinion.
This open bold declaration of mine was so opposite to the schemes and politics of his imperial
majesty, that he could never forgive me. He mentioned it in a very artful manner at council, where I
was told that some of the wisest appeared, at least by their silence, to be of my opinion; but others,
who were my secret enemies, could not forbear some expressions which, by a side-wind, reflected
on me. And from this time began an intrigue between his majesty and a junto of ministers,
maliciously bent against me, which broke out in less than two months, and had like to have ended
in my utter destruction. Of so little weight are the greatest services to princes, when put into the
balance with a refusal to gratify their passions.
About three weeks after this exploit, there arrived a solemn embassy from Blefuscu, with humble
offers of a peace, which was soon concluded, upon conditions very advantageous to our emperor,
wherewith I shall not trouble the reader. There were six ambassadors, with a train of about five
hundred persons, and their entry was very magnificent, suitable to the grandeur of their master, and
the importance of their business. When their treaty was finished, wherein I did them several good
offices by the credit I now had, or at least appeared to have, at court, their excellencies, who were
privately told how much I had been their friend, made me a visit in form. They began with many
compliments upon my valour and generosity, invited me to that kingdom in the emperor their
master's name, and desired me to show them some proofs of my prodigious strength, of which they
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had heard so many wonders; wherein I readily obliged them, but shall not trouble the reader with
the particulars.
When I had for some time entertained their excellencies, to their infinite satisfaction and surprise, I
desired they would do me the honour to present my most humble respects to the emperor their
master, the renown of whose virtues had so justly filled the whole world with admiration, and
whose royal person I resolved to attend, before I returned to my own country. Accordingly, the
next time I had the honour to see our emperor, I desired his general license to wait on the
Blefuscudian monarch, which he was pleased to grant me, as I could perceive, in a very cold
manner; but could not guess the reason, till I had a whisper from a certain person, "that Flimnap
and Bolgolam had represented my intercourse with those ambassadors as a mark of disaffection;"
from which I am sure my heart was wholly free. And this was the first time I began to conceive
some imperfect idea of courts and ministers.
It is to be observed, that these ambassadors spoke to me, by an interpreter, the languages of both
empires differing as much from each other as any two in Europe, and each nation priding itself
upon the antiquity, beauty, and energy of their own tongue, with an avowed contempt for that of
their neighbour; yet our emperor, standing upon the advantage he had got by the seizure of their
fleet, obliged them to deliver their credentials, and make their speech, in the Lilliputian tongue.
And it must be confessed, that from the great intercourse of trade and commerce between both
realms, from the continual reception of exiles which is mutual among them, and from the custom,
in each empire, to send their young nobility and richer gentry to the other, in order to polish
themselves by seeing the world, and understanding men and manners; there are few persons of
distinction, or merchants, or seamen, who dwell in the maritime parts, but what can hold
conversation in both tongues; as I found some weeks after, when I went to pay my respects to the
emperor of Blefuscu, which, in the midst of great misfortunes, through the malice of my enemies,
proved a very happy adventure to me, as I shall relate in its proper place.
The reader may remember, that when I signed those articles upon which I recovered my liberty,
there were some which I disliked, upon account of their being too servile; neither could anything
but an extreme necessity have forced me to submit. But being now a NARDAC of the highest rank
in that empire, such offices were looked upon as below my dignity, and the emperor (to do him
justice), never once mentioned them to me. However, it was not long before I had an opportunity of
doing his majesty, at least as I then thought, a most signal service. I was alarmed at midnight with
the cries of many hundred people at my door; by which, being suddenly awaked, I was in some
kind of terror. I heard the word BURGLUM repeated incessantly: several of the emperor's court,
making their way through the crowd, entreated me to come immediately to the palace, where her
imperial majesty's apartment was on fire, by the carelessness of a maid of honour, who fell asleep
while she was reading a romance. I got up in an instant; and orders being given to clear the way
before me, and it being likewise a moonshine night, I made a shift to get to the palace without
trampling on any of the people. I found they had already applied ladders to the walls of the
apartment, and were well provided with buckets, but the water was at some distance. These buckets
were about the size of large thimbles, and the poor people supplied me with them as fast as they
could: but the flame was so violent that they did little good. I might easily have stifled it with my
coat, which I unfortunately left behind me for haste, and came away only in my leathern jerkin. The
case seemed wholly desperate and deplorable; and this magnificent palace would have infallibly
been burnt down to the ground, if, by a presence of mind unusual to me, I had not suddenly thought
of an expedient. I had, the evening before, drunk plentifully of a most delicious wine called
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GLIMIGRIM, (the Blefuscudians call it FLUNEC, but ours is esteemed the better sort,) which is
very diuretic. By the luckiest chance in the world, I had not discharged myself of any part of it. The
heat I had contracted by coming very near the flames, and by labouring to quench them, made the
wine begin to operate by urine; which I voided in such a quantity, and applied so well to the proper
places, that in three minutes the fire was wholly extinguished, and the rest of that noble pile, which
had cost so many ages in erecting, preserved from destruction.
It was now day-light, and I returned to my house without waiting to congratulate with the emperor:
because, although I had done a very eminent piece of service, yet I could not tell how his majesty
might resent the manner by which I had performed it: for, by the fundamental laws of the realm, it
is capital in any person, of what quality soever, to make water within the precincts of the palace.
But I was a little comforted by a message from his majesty, "that he would give orders to the grand
justiciary for passing my pardon in form:" which, however, I could not obtain; and I was privately
assured, "that the empress, conceiving the greatest abhorrence of what I had done, removed to the
most distant side of the court, firmly resolved that those buildings should never be repaired for her
use: and, in the presence of her chief confidents could not forbear vowing revenge."
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CHAPTER VI.
[Of the inhabitants of Lilliput; their learning, laws, and customs; the manner of educating their
children. The author's way of living in that country. His vindication of a great lady.]
Although I intend to leave the description of this empire to a particular treatise, yet, in the mean
time, I am content to gratify the curious reader with some general ideas. As the common size of the
natives is somewhat under six inches high, so there is an exact proportion in all other animals, as
well as plants and trees: for instance, the tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches in
height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so
the several gradations downwards till you come to the smallest, which to my sight, were almost
invisible; but nature has adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper for their view:
they see with great exactness, but at no great distance. And, to show the sharpness of their sight
towards objects that are near, I have been much pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark, which
was not so large as a common fly; and a young girl threading an invisible needle with invisible silk.
Their tallest trees are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the great royal park, the tops
whereof I could but just reach with my fist clenched. The other vegetables are in the same
proportion; but this I leave to the reader's imagination.
I shall say but little at present of their learning, which, for many ages, has flourished in all its
branches among them: but their manner of writing is very peculiar, being neither from the left to
the right, like the Europeans, nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from up to down,
like the Chinese, but aslant, from one corner of the paper to the other, like ladies in England.
They bury their dead with their heads directly downward, because they hold an opinion, that in
eleven thousand moons they are all to rise again; in which period the earth (which they conceive to
be flat) will turn upside down, and by this means they shall, at their resurrection, be found ready
standing on their feet. The learned among them confess the absurdity of this doctrine; but the
practice still continues, in compliance to the vulgar.
There are some laws and customs in this empire very peculiar; and if they were not so directly
contrary to those of my own dear country, I should be tempted to say a little in their justification. It
is only to be wished they were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to informers. All
crimes against the state, are punished here with the utmost severity; but, if the person accused
makes his innocence plainly to appear upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an
ignominious death; and out of his goods or lands the innocent person is quadruply recompensed for
the loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for the hardship of his imprisonment, and for all
the charges he has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be deficient, it is largely supplied
by the crown. The emperor also confers on him some public mark of his favour, and proclamation
is made of his innocence through the whole city.
They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft, and therefore seldom fail to punish it with
death; for they allege, that care and vigilance, with a very common understanding, may preserve a
man's goods from thieves, but honesty has no defence against superior cunning; and, since it is
necessary that there should be a perpetual intercourse of buying and selling, and dealing upon
credit, where fraud is permitted and connived at, or has no law to punish it, the honest dealer is
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always undone, and the knave gets the advantage. I remember, when I was once interceding with
the emperor for a criminal who had wronged his master of a great sum of money, which he had
received by order and ran away with; and happening to tell his majesty, by way of extenuation, that
it was only a breach of trust, the emperor thought it monstrous in me to offer as a defence the
greatest aggravation of the crime; and truly I had little to say in return, farther than the common
answer, that different nations had different customs; for, I confess, I was heartily ashamed. (2)
Although we usually call reward and punishment the two hinges upon which all government turns,
yet I could never observe this maxim to be put in practice by any nation except that of Lilliput.
Whoever can there bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly observed the laws of his country for
seventy-three moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to his quality or condition of life,
with a proportionable sum of money out of a fund appropriated for that use: he likewise acquires
the title of SNILPALL, or legal, which is added to his name, but does not descend to his posterity.
And these people thought it a prodigious defect of policy among us, when I told them that our laws
were enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It is upon this account that the
image of Justice, in their courts of judicature, is formed with six eyes, two before, as many behind,
and on each side one, to signify circumspection; with a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a
sword sheathed in her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to punish.
In choosing persons for all employments, they have more regard to good morals than to great
abilities; for, since government is necessary to mankind, they believe, that the common size of
human understanding is fitted to some station or other; and that Providence never intended to make
the management of public affairs a mystery to be comprehended only by a few persons of sublime
genius, of which there seldom are three born in an age: but they suppose truth, justice, temperance,
and the like, to be in every man's power; the practice of which virtues, assisted by experience and a
good intention, would qualify any man for the service of his country, except where a course of
study is required. But they thought the want of moral virtues was so far from being supplied by
superior endowments of the mind, that employments could never be put into such dangerous hands
as those of persons so qualified; and, at least, that the mistakes committed by ignorance, in a
virtuous disposition, would never be of such fatal consequence to the public weal, as the practices
of a man, whose inclinations led him to be corrupt, and who had great abilities to manage, to
multiply, and defend his corruptions.
In like manner, the disbelief of a Divine Providence renders a man incapable of holding any public
station; for, since kings avow themselves to be the deputies of Providence, the Lilliputians think
nothing can be more absurd than for a prince to employ such men as disown the authority under
which he acts.
In relating these and the following laws, I would only be understood to mean the original
institutions, and not the most scandalous corruptions, into which these people are fallen by the
degenerate nature of man. For, as to that infamous practice of acquiring great employments by
dancing on the ropes, or badges of favour and distinction by leaping over sticks and creeping under
them, the reader is to observe, that they were first introduced by the grandfather of the emperor
now reigning, and grew to the present height by the gradual increase of party and faction.
Ingratitude is among them a capital crime, as we read it to have been in some other countries: for
they reason thus; that whoever makes ill returns to his benefactor, must needs be a common enemy
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to the rest of mankind, from whom he has received no obligation, and therefore such a man is not
fit to live.
Their notions relating to the duties of parents and children differ extremely from ours. For, since
the conjunction of male and female is founded upon the great law of nature, in order to propagate
and continue the species, the Lilliputians will needs have it, that men and women are joined
together, like other animals, by the motives of concupiscence; and that their tenderness towards
their young proceeds from the like natural principle: for which reason they will never allow that a
child is under any obligation to his father for begetting him, or to his mother for bringing him into
the world; which, considering the miseries of human life, was neither a benefit in itself, nor
intended so by his parents, whose thoughts, in their love encounters, were otherwise employed.
Upon these, and the like reasonings, their opinion is, that parents are the last of all others to be
trusted with the education of their own children; and therefore they have in every town public
nurseries, where all parents, except cottagers and labourers, are obliged to send their infants of both
sexes to be reared and educated, when they come to the age of twenty moons, at which time they
are supposed to have some rudiments of docility. These schools are of several kinds, suited to
different qualities, and both sexes. They have certain professors well skilled in preparing children
for such a condition of life as befits the rank of their parents, and their own capacities, as well as
inclinations. I shall first say something of the male nurseries, and then of the female.
The nurseries for males of noble or eminent birth, are provided with grave and learned professors,
and their several deputies. The clothes and food of the children are plain and simple. They are bred
up in the principles of honour, justice, courage, modesty, clemency, religion, and love of their
country; they are always employed in some business, except in the times of eating and sleeping,
which are very short, and two hours for diversions consisting of bodily exercises. They are dressed
by men till four years of age, and then are obliged to dress themselves, although their quality be
ever so great; and the women attendant, who are aged proportionably to ours at fifty, perform only
the most menial offices. They are never suffered to converse with servants, but go together in
smaller or greater numbers to take their diversions, and always in the presence of a professor, or
one of his deputies; whereby they avoid those early bad impressions of folly and vice, to which our
children are subject.
Their parents are suffered to see them only twice a year; the visit is to last but an hour; they are
allowed to kiss the child at meeting and parting; but a professor, who always stands by on those
occasions, will not suffer them to whisper, or use any fondling expressions, or bring any presents of
toys, sweetmeats, and the like.
The pension from each family for the education and entertainment of a child, upon failure of due
payment, is levied by the emperor's officers.
The nurseries for children of ordinary gentlemen, merchants, traders, and handicrafts, are managed
proportionably after the same manner; only those designed for trades are put out apprentices at
eleven years old, whereas those of persons of quality continue in their exercises till fifteen, which
answers to twenty-one with us: but the confinement is gradually lessened for the last three years.
In the female nurseries, the young girls of quality are educated much like the males, only they are
dressed by orderly servants of their own sex; but always in the presence of a professor or deputy,
till they come to dress themselves, which is at five years old. And if it be found that these nurses
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ever presume to entertain the girls with frightful or foolish stories, or the common follies practised
by chambermaids among us, they are publicly whipped thrice about the city, imprisoned for a year,
and banished for life to the most desolate part of the country. Thus the young ladies are as much
ashamed of being cowards and fools as the men, and despise all personal ornaments, beyond
decency and cleanliness: neither did I perceive any difference in their education made by their
difference of sex, only that the exercises of the females were not altogether so robust; and that
some rules were given them relating to domestic life, and a smaller compass of learning was
enjoined them: for their maxim is, that among peoples of quality, a wife should be always a
reasonable and agreeable companion, because she cannot always be young. When the girls are
twelve years old, which among them is the marriageable age, their parents or guardians take them
home, with great expressions of gratitude to the professors, and seldom without tears of the young
lady and her companions.
In the nurseries of females of the meaner sort, the children are instructed in all kinds of works
proper for their sex, and their several degrees: those intended for apprentices are dismissed at seven
years old, the rest are kept to eleven.
The meaner families who have children at these nurseries, are obliged, besides their annual
pension, which is as low as possible, to return to the steward of the nursery a small monthly share
of their gettings, to be a portion for the child; and therefore all parents are limited in their expenses
by the law. For the Lilliputians think nothing can be more unjust, than for people, in subservience
to their own appetites, to bring children into the world, and leave the burthen of supporting them on
the public. As to persons of quality, they give security to appropriate a certain sum for each child,
suitable to their condition; and these funds are always managed with good husbandry and the most
exact justice.
The cottagers and labourers keep their children at home, their business being only to till and
cultivate the earth, and therefore their education is of little consequence to the public:
but the old and diseased among them, are supported by hospitals; for begging is a trade unknown in
this empire.
And here it may, perhaps, divert the curious reader, to give some account of my domestics, and my
manner of living in this country, during a residence of nine months, and thirteen days. Having a
head mechanically turned, and being likewise forced by necessity, I had made for myself a table
and chair convenient enough, out of the largest trees in the royal park. Two hundred sempstresses
were employed to make me shirts, and linen for my bed and table, all of the strongest and coarsest
kind they could get; which, however, they were forced to quilt together in several folds, for the
thickest was some degrees finer than lawn. Their linen is usually three inches wide, and three feet
make a piece. The sempstresses took my measure as I lay on the ground, one standing at my neck,
and another at my mid-leg, with a strong cord extended, that each held by the end, while a third
measured the length of the cord with a rule of an inch long. Then they measured my right thumb,
and desired no more; for by a mathematical computation, that twice round the thumb is once round
the wrist, and so on to the neck and the waist, and by the help of my old shirt, which I displayed on
the ground before them for a pattern, they fitted me exactly. Three hundred tailors were employed
in the same manner to make me clothes; but they had another contrivance for taking my measure. I
kneeled down, and they raised a ladder from the ground to my neck; upon this ladder one of them
mounted, and let fall a plumb-line from my collar to the floor, which just answered the length of
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my coat: but my waist and arms I measured myself. When my clothes were finished, which was
done in my house (for the largest of theirs would not have been able to hold them), they looked like
the patch-work made by the ladies in England, only that mine were all of a colour.
I had three hundred cooks to dress my victuals, in little convenient huts built about my house,
where they and their families lived, and prepared me two dishes a-piece. I took up twenty waiters
in my hand, and placed them on the table: a hundred more attended below on the ground, some
with dishes of meat, and some with barrels of wine and other liquors slung on their shoulders; all
which the waiters above drew up, as I wanted, in a very ingenious manner, by certain cords, as we
draw the bucket up a well in Europe. A dish of their meat was a good mouthful, and a barrel of
their liquor a reasonable draught. Their mutton yields to ours, but their beef is excellent. I have had
a sirloin so large, that I have been forced to make three bites of it; but this is rare. My servants were
astonished to see me eat it, bones and all, as in our country we do the leg of a lark. Their geese and
turkeys I usually ate at a mouthful, and I confess they far exceed ours. Of their smaller fowl I could
take up twenty or thirty at the end of my knife.
One day his imperial majesty, being informed of my way of living, desired "that himself and his
royal consort, with the young princes of the blood of both sexes, might have the happiness," as he
was pleased to call it, "of dining with me." They came accordingly, and I placed them in chairs of
state, upon my table, just over against me, with their guards about them. Flimnap, the lord high
treasurer, attended there likewise with his white staff; and I observed he often looked on me with a
sour countenance, which I would not seem to regard, but ate more than usual, in honour to my dear
country, as well as to fill the court with admiration. I have some private reasons to believe, that this
visit from his majesty gave Flimnap an opportunity of doing me ill offices to his master. That
minister had always been my secret enemy, though he outwardly caressed me more than was usual
to the moroseness of his nature. He represented to the emperor "the low condition of his treasury;
that he was forced to take up money at a great discount; that exchequer bills would not circulate
under nine per cent. below par; that I had cost his majesty above a million and a half of SPRUGS"
(their greatest gold coin, about the bigness of a spangle) "and, upon the whole, that it would be
advisable in the emperor to take the first fair occasion of dismissing me."
I am here obliged to vindicate the reputation of an excellent lady, who was an innocent sufferer
upon my account. The treasurer took a fancy to be jealous of his wife, from the malice of some evil
tongues, who informed him that her grace had taken a violent affection for my person; and the
court scandal ran for some time, that she once came privately to my lodging. This I solemnly
declare to be a most infamous falsehood, without any grounds, further than that her grace was
pleased to treat me with all innocent marks of freedom and friendship. I own she came often to my
house, but always publicly, nor ever without three more in the coach, who were usually her sister
and young daughter, and some particular acquaintance; but this was common to many other ladies
of the court. And I still appeal to my servants round, whether they at any time saw a coach at my
door, without knowing what persons were in it. On those occasions, when a servant had given me
notice, my custom was to go immediately to the door, and, after paying my respects, to take up the
coach and two horses very carefully in my hands (for, if there were six horses, the postillion always
unharnessed four,) and place them on a table, where I had fixed a movable rim quite round, of five
inches high, to prevent accidents. And I have often had four coaches and horses at once on my
table, full of company, while I sat in my chair, leaning my face towards them; and when I was
engaged with one set, the coachmen would gently drive the others round my table. I have passed
many an afternoon very agreeably in these conversations. But I defy the treasurer, or his two
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informers (I will name them, and let them make the best of it) Clustril and Drunlo, to prove that
any person ever came to me INCOGNITO, except the secretary Reldresal, who was sent by express
command of his imperial majesty, as I have before related. I should not have dwelt so long upon
this particular, if it had not been a point wherein the reputation of a great lady is so nearly
concerned, to say nothing of my own; though I then had the honour to be a NARDAC, which the
treasurer himself is not; for all the world knows, that he is only a GLUMGLUM, a title inferior by
one degree, as that of a marquis is to a duke in England; yet I allow he preceded me in right of his
post. These false informations, which I afterwards came to the knowledge of by an accident not
proper to mention, made the treasurer show his lady for some time an ill countenance, and me a
worse; and although he was at last undeceived and reconciled to her, yet I lost all credit with him,
and found my interest decline very fast with the emperor himself, who was, indeed, too much
governed by that favourite.
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CHAPTER VII.
[The author, being informed of a design to accuse him of high-treason, makes his escape to
Blefuscu. His reception there.]
Before I proceed to give an account of my leaving this kingdom, it may be proper to inform the
reader of a private intrigue which had been for two months forming against me.
I had been hitherto, all my life, a stranger to courts, for which I was unqualified by the meanness of
my condition. I had indeed heard and read enough of the dispositions of great princes and
ministers, but never expected to have found such terrible effects of them, in so remote a country,
governed, as I thought, by very different maxims from those in Europe.
When I was just preparing to pay my attendance on the emperor of Blefuscu, a considerable person
at court (to whom I had been very serviceable, at a time when he lay under the highest displeasure
of his imperial majesty) came to my house very privately at night, in a close chair, and, without
sending his name, desired admittance. The chairmen were dismissed; I put the chair, with his
lordship in it, into my coat-pocket: and, giving orders to a trusty servant, to say I was indisposed
and gone to sleep, I fastened the door of my house, placed the chair on the table, according to my
usual custom, and sat down by it. After the common salutations were over, observing his lordship's
countenance full of concern, and inquiring into the reason, he desired "I would hear him with
patience, in a matter that highly concerned my honour and my life." His speech was to the
following effect, for I took notes of it as soon as he left me:-
"You are to know," said he, "that several committees of council have been lately called, in the most
private manner, on your account; and it is but two days since his majesty came to a full resolution.
"You are very sensible that Skyresh Bolgolam" (GALBET, or high-admiral) "has been your mortal
enemy, almost ever since your arrival. His original reasons I know not; but his hatred is increased
since your great success against Blefuscu, by which his glory as admiral is much obscured. This
lord, in conjunction with Flimnap the high-treasurer, whose enmity against you is notorious on
account of his lady, Limtoc the general, Lalcon the chamberlain, and Balmuff the grand justiciary,
have prepared articles of impeachment against you, for treason and other capital crimes."
This preface made me so impatient, being conscious of my own merits and innocence, that I was
going to interrupt him; when he entreated me to be silent, and thus proceeded:—
"Out of gratitude for the favours you have done me, I procured information of the whole
proceedings, and a copy of the articles; wherein I venture my head for your service.
"'Articles of Impeachment against QUINBUS FLESTRIN, (the Man-Mountain.)
ARTICLE I.
"'Whereas, by a statute made in the reign of his imperial majesty Calin Deffar Plune, it is enacted,
that, whoever shall make water within the precincts of the royal palace, shall be liable to the pains
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and penalties of high-treason; notwithstanding, the said Quinbus Flestrin, in open breach of the said
law, under colour of extinguishing the fire kindled in the apartment of his majesty's most dear
imperial consort, did maliciously, traitorously, and devilishly, by discharge of his urine, put out the
said fire kindled in the said apartment, lying and being within the precincts of the said royal palace,
against the statute in that case provided, etc. against the duty, etc.
ARTICLE II.
"'That the said Quinbus Flestrin, having brought the imperial fleet of Blefuscu into the royal port,
and being afterwards commanded by his imperial majesty to seize all the other ships of the said
empire of Blefuscu, and reduce that empire to a province, to be governed by a viceroy from hence,
and to destroy and put to death, not only all the Big-endian exiles, but likewise all the people of
that empire who would not immediately forsake the Big-endian heresy, he, the said Flestrin, like a
false traitor against his most auspicious, serene, imperial majesty, did petition to be excused from
the said service, upon pretence of unwillingness to force the consciences, or destroy the liberties
and lives of an innocent people.
ARTICLE III.
"'That, whereas certain ambassadors arrived from the Court of Blefuscu, to sue for peace in his
majesty's court, he, the said Flestrin, did, like a false traitor, aid, abet, comfort, and divert, the said
ambassadors, although he knew them to be servants to a prince who was lately an open enemy to
his imperial majesty, and in an open war against his said majesty.
ARTICLE IV.
"'That the said Quinbus Flestrin, contrary to the duty of a faithful subject, is now preparing to make
a voyage to the court and empire of Blefuscu, for which he has received only verbal license from
his imperial majesty; and, under colour of the said license, does falsely and traitorously intend to
take the said voyage, and thereby to aid, comfort, and abet the emperor of Blefuscu, so lately an
enemy, and in open war with his imperial majesty aforesaid.'
"There are some other articles; but these are the most important, of which I have read you an
abstract.
"In the several debates upon this impeachment, it must be confessed that his majesty gave many
marks of his great lenity; often urging the services you had done him, and endeavouring to
extenuate your crimes. The treasurer and admiral insisted that you should be put to the most painful
and ignominious death, by setting fire to your house at night, and the general was to attend with
twenty thousand men, armed with poisoned arrows, to shoot you on the face and hands. Some of
your servants were to have private orders to strew a poisonous juice on your shirts and sheets,
which would soon make you tear your own flesh, and die in the utmost torture. The general came
into the same opinion; so that for a long time there was a majority against you; but his majesty
resolving, if possible, to spare your life, at last brought off the chamberlain.
"Upon this incident, Reldresal, principal secretary for private affairs, who always approved himself
your true friend, was commanded by the emperor to deliver his opinion, which he accordingly did;
and therein justified the good thoughts you have of him. He allowed your crimes to be great, but
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that still there was room for mercy, the most commendable virtue in a prince, and for which his
majesty was so justly celebrated. He said, the friendship between you and him was so well known
to the world, that perhaps the most honourable board might think him partial; however, in
obedience to the command he had received, he would freely offer his sentiments. That if his
majesty, in consideration of your services, and pursuant to his own merciful disposition, would
please to spare your life, and only give orders to put out both your eyes, he humbly conceived, that
by this expedient justice might in some measure be satisfied, and all the world would applaud the
lenity of the emperor, as well as the fair and generous proceedings of those who have the honour to
be his counsellors. That the loss of your eyes would be no impediment to your bodily strength, by
which you might still be useful to his majesty; that blindness is an addition to courage, by
concealing dangers from us; that the fear you had for your eyes, was the greatest difficulty in
bringing over the enemy's fleet, and it would be sufficient for you to see by the eyes of the
ministers, since the greatest princes do no more.
"This proposal was received with the utmost disapprobation by the whole board. Bolgolam, the
admiral, could not preserve his temper, but, rising up in fury, said, he wondered how the secretary
durst presume to give his opinion for preserving the life of a traitor; that the services you had
performed were, by all true reasons of state, the great aggravation of your crimes; that you, who
were able to extinguish the fire by discharge of urine in her majesty's apartment (which he
mentioned with horror), might, at another time, raise an inundation by the same means, to drown
the whole palace; and the same strength which enabled you to bring over the enemy's fleet, might
serve, upon the first discontent, to carry it back; that he had good reasons to think you were a Big-
endian in your heart; and, as treason begins in the heart, before it appears in overt-acts, so he
accused you as a traitor on that account, and therefore insisted you should be put to death.
"The treasurer was of the same opinion: he showed to what straits his majesty's revenue was
reduced, by the charge of maintaining you, which would soon grow insupportable; that the
secretary's expedient of putting out your eyes, was so far from being a remedy against this evil, that
it would probably increase it, as is manifest from the common practice of blinding some kind of
fowls, after which they fed the faster, and grew sooner fat; that his sacred majesty and the council,
who are your judges, were, in their own consciences, fully convinced of your guilt, which was a
sufficient argument to condemn you to death, without the formal proofs required by the strict letter
of the law.
"But his imperial majesty, fully determined against capital punishment, was graciously pleased to
say, that since the council thought the loss of your eyes too easy a censure, some other way may be
inflicted hereafter. And your friend the secretary, humbly desiring to be heard again, in answer to
what the treasurer had objected, concerning the great charge his majesty was at in maintaining you,
said, that his excellency, who had the sole disposal of the emperor's revenue, might easily provide
against that evil, by gradually lessening your establishment; by which, for want of sufficient for
you would grow weak and faint, and lose your appetite, and consequently, decay, and consume in a
few months; neither would the stench of your carcass be then so dangerous, when it should become
more than half diminished; and immediately upon your death five or six thousand of his majesty's
subjects might, in two or three days, cut your flesh from your bones, take it away by cart-loads, and
bury it in distant parts, to prevent infection, leaving the skeleton as a monument of admiration to
posterity.
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"Thus, by the great friendship of the secretary, the whole affair was compromised. It was strictly
enjoined, that the project of starving you by degrees should be kept a secret; but the sentence of
putting out your eyes was entered on the books; none dissenting, except Bolgolam the admiral,
who, being a creature of the empress, was perpetually instigated by her majesty to insist upon your
death, she having borne perpetual malice against you, on account of that infamous and illegal
method you took to extinguish the fire in her apartment.
"In three days your friend the secretary will be directed to come to your house, and read before you
the articles of impeachment; and then to signify the great lenity and favour of his majesty and
council, whereby you are only condemned to the loss of your eyes, which his majesty does not
question you will gratefully and humbly submit to; and twenty of his majesty's surgeons will
attend, in order to see the operation well performed, by discharging very sharp-pointed arrows into
the balls of your eyes, as you lie on the ground.
"I leave to your prudence what measures you will take; and to avoid suspicion, I must immediately
return in as private a manner as I came."
His lordship did so; and I remained alone, under many doubts and perplexities of mind.
It was a custom introduced by this prince and his ministry (very different, as I have been assured,
from the practice of former times,) that after the court had decreed any cruel execution, either to
gratify the monarch's resentment, or the malice of a favourite, the emperor always made a speech to
his whole council, expressing his great lenity and tenderness, as qualities known and confessed by
all the world. This speech was immediately published throughout the kingdom; nor did any thing
terrify the people so much as those encomiums on his majesty's mercy; because it was observed,
that the more these praises were enlarged and insisted on, the more inhuman was the punishment,
and the sufferer more innocent. Yet, as to myself, I must confess, having never been designed for a
courtier, either by my birth or education, I was so ill a judge of things, that I could not discover the
lenity and favour of this sentence, but conceived it (perhaps erroneously) rather to be rigorous than
gentle. I sometimes thought of standing my trial, for, although I could not deny the facts alleged in
the several articles, yet I hoped they would admit of some extenuation. But having in my life
perused many state-trials, which I ever observed to terminate as the judges thought fit to direct, I
durst not rely on so dangerous a decision, in so critical a juncture, and against such powerful
enemies. Once I was strongly bent upon resistance, for, while I had liberty the whole strength of
that empire could hardly subdue me, and I might easily with stones pelt the metropolis to pieces;
but I soon rejected that project with horror, by remembering the oath I had made to the emperor,
the favours I received from him, and the high title of NARDAC he conferred upon me. Neither had
I so soon learned the gratitude of courtiers, to persuade myself, that his majesty's present seventies
acquitted me of all past obligations.
At last, I fixed upon a resolution, for which it is probable I may incur some censure, and not
unjustly; for I confess I owe the preserving of mine eyes, and consequently my liberty, to my own
great rashness and want of experience; because, if I had then known the nature of princes and
ministers, which I have since observed in many other courts, and their methods of treating
criminals less obnoxious than myself, I should, with great alacrity and readiness, have submitted to
so easy a punishment. But hurried on by the precipitancy of youth, and having his imperial
majesty's license to pay my attendance upon the emperor of Blefuscu, I took this opportunity,
before the three days were elapsed, to send a letter to my friend the secretary, signifying my
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resolution of setting out that morning for Blefuscu, pursuant to the leave I had got; and, without
waiting for an answer, I went to that side of the island where our fleet lay. I seized a large man of
war, tied a cable to the prow, and, lifting up the anchors, I stripped myself, put my clothes (together
with my coverlet, which I carried under my arm) into the vessel, and, drawing it after me, between
wading and swimming arrived at the royal port of Blefuscu, where the people had long expected
me: they lent me two guides to direct me to the capital city, which is of the same name. I held them
in my hands, till I came within two hundred yards of the gate, and desired them "to signify my
arrival to one of the secretaries, and let him know, I there waited his majesty's command." I had an
answer in about an hour, "that his majesty, attended by the royal family, and great officers of the
court, was coming out to receive me." I advanced a hundred yards. The emperor and his train
alighted from their horses, the empress and ladies from their coaches, and I did not perceive they
were in any fright or concern. I lay on the ground to kiss his majesty's and the empress's hands. I
told his majesty, "that I was come according to my promise, and with the license of the emperor my
master, to have the honour of seeing so mighty a monarch, and to offer him any service in my
power, consistent with my duty to my own prince;" not mentioning a word of my disgrace, because
I had hitherto no regular information of it, and might suppose myself wholly ignorant of any such
design; neither could I reasonably conceive that the emperor would discover the secret, while I was
out of his power; wherein, however, it soon appeared I was deceived.
I shall not trouble the reader with the particular account of my reception at this court, which was
suitable to the generosity of so great a prince; nor of the difficulties I was in for want of a house
and bed, being forced to lie on the ground, wrapped up in my coverlet.
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CHAPTER VIII.
[The author, by a lucky accident, finds means to leave Blefuscu; and, after some difficulties,
returns safe to his native country.]
Three days after my arrival, walking out of curiosity to the north-east coast of the island, I
observed, about half a league off in the sea, somewhat that looked like a boat overturned. I pulled
off my shoes and stockings, and, wailing two or three hundred yards, I found the object to approach
nearer by force of the tide; and then plainly saw it to be a real boat, which I supposed might by
some tempest have been driven from a ship. Whereupon, I returned immediately towards the city,
and desired his imperial majesty to lend me twenty of the tallest vessels he had left, after the loss of
his fleet, and three thousand seamen, under the command of his vice-admiral. This fleet sailed
round, while I went back the shortest way to the coast, where I first discovered the boat. I found the
tide had driven it still nearer. The seamen were all provided with cordage, which I had beforehand
twisted to a sufficient strength. When the ships came up, I stripped myself, and waded till I came
within a hundred yards off the boat, after which I was forced to swim till I got up to it. The seamen
threw me the end of the cord, which I fastened to a hole in the fore-part of the boat, and the other
end to a man of war; but I found all my labour to little purpose; for, being out of my depth, I was
not able to work. In this necessity I was forced to swim behind, and push the boat forward, as often
as I could, with one of my hands; and the tide favouring me, I advanced so far that I could just hold
up my chin and feel the ground. I rested two or three minutes, and then gave the boat another
shove, and so on, till the sea was no higher than my arm-pits; and now, the most laborious part
being over, I took out my other cables, which were stowed in one of the ships, and fastened them
first to the boat, and then to nine of the vessels which attended me; the wind being favourable, the
seamen towed, and I shoved, until we arrived within forty yards of the shore; and, waiting till the
tide was out, I got dry to the boat, and by the assistance of two thousand men, with ropes and
engines, I made a shift to turn it on its bottom, and found it was but little damaged.
I shall not trouble the reader with the difficulties I was under, by the help of certain paddles, which
cost me ten days making, to get my boat to the royal port of Blefuscu, where a mighty concourse of
people appeared upon my arrival, full of wonder at the sight of so prodigious a vessel. I told the
emperor "that my good fortune had thrown this boat in my way, to carry me to some place whence
I might return into my native country; and begged his majesty's orders for getting materials to fit it
up, together with his license to depart;" which, after some kind expostulations, he was pleased to
grant.
I did very much wonder, in all this time, not to have heard of any express relating to me from our
emperor to the court of Blefuscu. But I was afterward given privately to understand, that his
imperial majesty, never imagining I had the least notice of his designs, believed I was only gone to
Blefuscu in performance of my promise, according to the license he had given me, which was well
known at our court, and would return in a few days, when the ceremony was ended. But he was at
last in pain at my long absence; and after consulting with the treasurer and the rest of that cabal, a
person of quality was dispatched with the copy of the articles against me. This envoy had
instructions to represent to the monarch of Blefuscu, "the great lenity of his master, who was
content to punish me no farther than with the loss of mine eyes; that I had fled from justice; and if I
did not return in two hours, I should be deprived of my title of NARDAC, and declared a traitor."
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The envoy further added, "that in order to maintain the peace and amity between both empires, his
master expected that his brother of Blefuscu would give orders to have me sent back to Lilliput,
bound hand and foot, to be punished as a traitor."
The emperor of Blefuscu, having taken three days to consult, returned an answer consisting of
many civilities and excuses. He said, "that as for sending me bound, his brother knew it was
impossible; that, although I had deprived him of his fleet, yet he owed great obligations to me for
many good offices I had done him in making the peace. That, however, both their majesties would
soon be made easy; for I had found a prodigious vessel on the shore, able to carry me on the sea,
which he had given orders to fit up, with my own assistance and direction; and he hoped, in a few
weeks, both empires would be freed from so insupportable an encumbrance."
With this answer the envoy returned to Lilliput; and the monarch of Blefuscu related to me all that
had passed; offering me at the same time (but under the strictest confidence) his gracious
protection, if I would continue in his service; wherein, although I believed him sincere, yet I
resolved never more to put any confidence in princes or ministers, where I could possibly avoid it;
and therefore, with all due acknowledgments for his favourable intentions, I humbly begged to be
excused. I told him, "that since fortune, whether good or evil, had thrown a vessel in my way, I was
resolved to venture myself on the ocean, rather than be an occasion of difference between two such
mighty monarchs." Neither did I find the emperor at all displeased; and I discovered, by a certain
accident, that he was very glad of my resolution, and so were most of his ministers.
These considerations moved me to hasten my departure somewhat sooner than I intended; to which
the court, impatient to have me gone, very readily contributed. Five hundred workmen were
employed to make two sails to my boat, according to my directions, by quilting thirteen folds of
their strongest linen together. I was at the pains of making ropes and cables, by twisting ten,
twenty, or thirty of the thickest and strongest of theirs. A great stone that I happened to find, after a
long search, by the sea-shore, served me for an anchor. I had the tallow of three hundred cows, for
greasing my boat, and other uses. I was at incredible pains in cutting down some of the largest
timber-trees, for oars and masts, wherein I was, however, much assisted by his majesty's ship-
carpenters, who helped me in smoothing them, after I had done the rough work.
In about a month, when all was prepared, I sent to receive his majesty's commands, and to take my
leave. The emperor and royal family came out of the palace; I lay down on my face to kiss his
hand, which he very graciously gave me: so did the empress and young princes of the blood. His
majesty presented me with fifty purses of two hundred SPRUGS a-piece, together with his picture
at full length, which I put immediately into one of my gloves, to keep it from being hurt. The
ceremonies at my departure were too many to trouble the reader with at this time.
I stored the boat with the carcases of a hundred oxen, and three hundred sheep, with bread and
drink proportionable, and as much meat ready dressed as four hundred cooks could provide. I took
with me six cows and two bulls alive, with as many ewes and rams, intending to carry them into
my own country, and propagate the breed. And to feed them on board, I had a good bundle of hay,
and a bag of corn. I would gladly have taken a dozen of the natives, but this was a thing the
emperor would by no means permit; and, besides a diligent search into my pockets, his majesty
engaged my honour "not to carry away any of his subjects, although with their own consent and
desire."
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Having thus prepared all things as well as I was able, I set sail on the twenty-fourth day of
September 1701, at six in the morning; and when I had gone about four-leagues to the northward,
the wind being at south-east, at six in the evening I descried a small island, about half a league to
the north-west. I advanced forward, and cast anchor on the lee-side of the island, which seemed to
be uninhabited. I then took some refreshment, and went to my rest. I slept well, and as I
conjectured at least six hours, for I found the day broke in two hours after I awaked. It was a clear
night. I ate my breakfast before the sun was up; and heaving anchor, the wind being favourable, I
steered the same course that I had done the day before, wherein I was directed by my pocket
compass. My intention was to reach, if possible, one of those islands. which I had reason to believe
lay to the north-east of Van Diemen's Land. I discovered nothing all that day; but upon the next,
about three in the afternoon, when I had by my computation made twenty-four leagues from
Blefuscu, I descried a sail steering to the south-east; my course was due east. I hailed her, but could
get no answer; yet I found I gained upon her, for the wind slackened. I made all the sail I could, and
in half an hour she spied me, then hung out her ancient, and discharged a gun. It is not easy to
express the joy I was in, upon the unexpected hope of once more seeing my beloved country, and
the dear pledges I left in it. The ship slackened her sails, and I came up with her between five and
six in the evening, September 26th; but my heart leaped within me to see her English colours. I put
my cows and sheep into my coat-pockets, and got on board with all my little cargo of provisions.
The vessel was an English merchantman, returning from Japan by the North and South seas; the
captain, Mr. John Biddel, of Deptford, a very civil man, and an excellent sailor.
We were now in the latitude of 30 degrees south; there were about fifty men in the ship; and here I
met an old comrade of mine, one Peter Williams, who gave me a good character to the captain.
This gentleman treated me with kindness, and desired I would let him know what place I came
from last, and whither I was bound; which I did in a few words, but he thought I was raving, and
that the dangers I underwent had disturbed my head; whereupon I took my black cattle and sheep
out of my pocket, which, after great astonishment, clearly convinced him of my veracity. I then
showed him the gold given me by the emperor of Blefuscu, together with his majesty's picture at
full length, and some other rarities of that country. I gave him two purses of two hundreds
SPRUGS each, and promised, when we arrived in England, to make him a present of a cow and a
sheep big with young.
I shall not trouble the reader with a particular account of this voyage, which was very prosperous
for the most part. We arrived in the Downs on the 13th of April, 1702. I had only one misfortune,
that the rats on board carried away one of my sheep; I found her bones in a hole, picked clean from
the flesh. The rest of my cattle I got safe ashore, and set them a-grazing in a bowling-green at
Greenwich, where the fineness of the grass made them feed very heartily, though I had always
feared the contrary:
neither could I possibly have preserved them in so long a voyage, if the captain had not allowed me
some of his best biscuit, which, rubbed to powder, and mingled with water, was their constant food.
The short time I continued in England, I made a considerable profit by showing my cattle to many
persons of quality and others: and before I began my second voyage, I sold them for six hundred
pounds. Since my last return I find the breed is considerably increased, especially the sheep, which
I hope will prove much to the advantage of the woollen manufacture, by the fineness of the fleeces.
I stayed but two months with my wife and family, for my insatiable desire of seeing foreign
countries, would suffer me to continue no longer. I left fifteen hundred pounds with my wife, and
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fixed her in a good house at Redriff. My remaining stock I carried with me, part in money and part
in goods, in hopes to improve my fortunes. My eldest uncle John had left me an estate in land, near
Epping, of about thirty pounds a year; and I had a long lease of the Black Bull in Fetter-Lane,
which yielded me as much more; so that I was not in any danger of leaving my family upon the
parish. My son Johnny, named so after his uncle, was at the grammar-school, and a towardly child.
My daughter Betty (who is now well married, and has children) was then at her needle-work. I took
leave of my wife, and boy and girl, with tears on both sides, and went on board the Adventure, a
merchant ship of three hundred tons, bound for Surat, captain John Nicholas, of Liverpool,
commander. But my account of this voyage must be referred to the Second Part of my Travels.
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PART II. A VOYAGE TO BROBDINGNAG.
CHAPTER I.
[A great storm described; the long boat sent to fetch water; the author goes with it to discover the
country. He is left on shore, is seized by one of the natives, and carried to a farmer's house. His
reception, with several accidents that happened there.
A description of the inhabitants.]
Having been condemned, by nature and fortune, to active and restless life, in two months after my
return, I again left my native country, and took shipping in the Downs, on the 20th day of June,
1702, in the Adventure, Captain John Nicholas, a Cornish man, commander, bound for Surat. We
had a very prosperous gale, till we arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, where we landed for fresh
water; but discovering a leak, we unshipped our goods and wintered there; for the captain falling
sick of an ague, we could not leave the Cape till the end of March. We then set sail, and had a good
voyage till we passed the Straits of Madagascar; but having got northward of that island, and to
about five degrees south latitude, the winds, which in those seas are observed to blow a constant
equal gale between the north and west, from the beginning of December to the beginning of May,
on the 19th of April began to blow with much greater violence, and more westerly than usual,
continuing so for twenty days together: during which time, we were driven a little to the east of the
Molucca Islands, and about three degrees northward of the line, as our captain found by an
observation he took the 2nd of May, at which time the wind ceased, and it was a perfect calm,
whereat I was not a little rejoiced. But he, being a man well experienced in the navigation of those
seas, bid us all prepare against a storm, which accordingly happened the day following: for the
southern wind, called the southern monsoon, began to set in.
Finding it was likely to overblow, we took in our sprit-sail, and stood by to hand the fore-sail; but
making foul weather, we looked the guns were all fast, and handed the mizen. The ship lay very
broad off, so we thought it better spooning before the sea, than trying or hulling. We reefed the
fore-sail and set him, and hauled aft the fore-sheet; the helm was hard a-weather. The ship wore
bravely. We belayed the fore down-haul; but the sail was split, and we hauled down the yard, and
got the sail into the ship, and unbound all the things clear of it. It was a very fierce storm; the sea
broke strange and dangerous. We hauled off upon the laniard of the whip-staff, and helped the man
at the helm. We would not get down our topmast, but let all stand, because she scudded before the
sea very well, and we knew that the top-mast being aloft, the ship was the wholesomer, and made
better way through the sea, seeing we had sea-room. When the storm was over, we set fore-sail and
main-sail, and brought the ship to. Then we set the mizen, main-top-sail, and the fore-top-sail. Our
course was east-north-east, the wind was at south-west. We got the starboard tacks aboard, we cast
off our weather-braces and lifts; we set in the lee-braces, and hauled forward by the weather-
bowlings, and hauled them tight, and belayed them, and hauled over the mizen tack to windward,
and kept her full and by as near as she would lie.
During this storm, which was followed by a strong wind west-south-west, we were carried, by my
computation, about five hundred leagues to the east, so that the oldest sailor on board could not tell
in what part of the world we were. Our provisions held out well, our ship was staunch, and our
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crew all in good health; but we lay in the utmost distress for water. We thought it best to hold on
the same course, rather than turn more northerly, which might have brought us to the north-west
part of Great Tartary, and into the Frozen Sea.
On the 16th day of June, 1703, a boy on the top-mast discovered land. On the 17th, we came in full
view of a great island, or continent (for we knew not whether;) on the south side whereof was a
small neck of land jutting out into the sea, and a creek too shallow to hold a ship of above one
hundred tons. We cast anchor within a league of this creek, and our captain sent a dozen of his men
well armed in the long-boat, with vessels for water, if any could be found. I desired his leave to go
with them, that I might see the country, and make what discoveries I could. When we came to land
we saw no river or spring, nor any sign of inhabitants. Our men therefore wandered on the shore to
find out some fresh water near the sea, and I walked alone about a mile on the other side, where I
observed the country all barren and rocky. I now began to be weary, and seeing nothing to entertain
my curiosity, I returned gently down towards the creek; and the sea being full in my view, I saw
our men already got into the boat, and rowing for life to the ship. I was going to halloo after them,
although it had been to little purpose, when I observed a huge creature walking after them in the
sea, as fast as he could: he waded not much deeper than his knees, and took prodigious strides: but
our men had the start of him half a league, and, the sea thereabouts being full of sharp-pointed
rocks, the monster was not able to overtake the boat. This I was afterwards told, for I durst not stay
to see the issue of the adventure; but ran as fast as I could the way I first went, and then climbed up
a steep hill, which gave me some prospect of the country. I found it fully cultivated; but that which
first surprised me was the length of the grass, which, in those grounds that seemed to be kept for
hay, was about twenty feet high.
I fell into a high road, for so I took it to be, though it served to the inhabitants only as a foot-path
through a field of barley. Here I walked on for some time, but could see little on either side, it
being now near harvest, and the corn rising at least forty feet. I was an hour walking to the end of
this field, which was fenced in with a hedge of at least one hundred and twenty feet high, and the
trees so lofty that I could make no computation of their altitude. There was a stile to pass from this
field into the next. It had four steps, and a stone to cross over when you came to the uppermost. It
was impossible for me to climb this stile, because every step was six-feet high, and the upper stone
about twenty. I was endeavouring to find some gap in the hedge, when I discovered one of the
inhabitants in the next field, advancing towards the stile, of the same size with him whom I saw in
the sea pursuing our boat. He appeared as tall as an ordinary spire steeple, and took about ten yards
at every stride, as near as I could guess. I was struck with the utmost fear and astonishment, and ran
to hide myself in the corn, whence I saw him at the top of the stile looking back into the next field
on the right hand, and heard him call in a voice many degrees louder than a speaking-trumpet: but
the noise was so high in the air, that at first I certainly thought it was thunder. Whereupon seven
monsters, like himself, came towards him with reaping-hooks in their hands, each hook about the
largeness of six scythes. These people were not so well clad as the first, whose servants or
labourers they seemed to be; for, upon some words he spoke, they went to reap the corn in the field
where I lay. I kept from them at as great a distance as I could, but was forced to move with extreme
difficulty, for the stalks of the corn were sometimes not above a foot distant, so that I could hardly
squeeze my body betwixt them. However, I made a shift to go forward, till I came to a part of the
field where the corn had been laid by the rain and wind. Here it was impossible for me to advance a
step; for the stalks were so interwoven, that I could not creep through, and the beards of the fallen
ears so strong and pointed, that they pierced through my clothes into my flesh. At the same time I
heard the reapers not a hundred yards behind me. Being quite dispirited with toil, and wholly
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overcome by grief and dispair, I lay down between two ridges, and heartily wished I might there
end my days. I bemoaned my desolate widow and fatherless children. I lamented my own folly and
wilfulness, in attempting a second voyage, against the advice of all my friends and relations. In this
terrible agitation of mind, I could not forbear thinking of Lilliput, whose inhabitants looked upon
me as the greatest prodigy that ever appeared in the world; where I was able to draw an imperial
fleet in my hand, and perform those other actions, which will be recorded for ever in the chronicles
of that empire, while posterity shall hardly believe them, although attested by millions. I reflected
what a mortification it must prove to me, to appear as inconsiderable in this nation, as one single
Lilliputian would be among us. But this I conceived was to be the least of my misfortunes; for, as
human creatures are observed to be more savage and cruel in proportion to their bulk, what could I
expect but to be a morsel in the mouth of the first among these enormous barbarians that should
happen to seize me? Undoubtedly philosophers are in the right, when they tell us that nothing is
great or little otherwise than by comparison. It might have pleased fortune, to have let the
Lilliputians find some nation, where the people were as diminutive with respect to them, as they
were to me. And who knows but that even this prodigious race of mortals might be equally
overmatched in some distant part of the world, whereof we have yet no discovery.
Scared and confounded as I was, I could not forbear going on with these reflections, when one of
the reapers, approaching within ten yards of the ridge where I lay, made me apprehend that with the
next step I should be squashed to death under his foot, or cut in two with his reaping-hook. And
therefore, when he was again about to move, I screamed as loud as fear could make me: whereupon
the huge creature trod short, and, looking round about under him for some time, at last espied me as
I lay on the ground. He considered awhile, with the caution of one who endeavours to lay hold on a
small dangerous animal in such a manner that it shall not be able either to scratch or bite him, as I
myself have sometimes done with a weasel in England. At length he ventured to take me behind,
by the middle, between his fore-finger and thumb, and brought me within three yards of his eyes,
that he might behold my shape more perfectly. I guessed his meaning, and my good fortune gave
me so much presence of mind, that I resolved not to struggle in the least as he held me in the air
above sixty feet from the ground, although he grievously pinched my sides, for fear I should slip
through his fingers. All I ventured was to raise mine eyes towards the sun, and place my hands
together in a supplicating posture, and to speak some words in a humble melancholy tone, suitable
to the condition I then was in: for I apprehended every moment that he would dash me against the
ground, as we usually do any little hateful animal, which we have a mind to destroy. But my good
star would have it, that he appeared pleased with my voice and gestures, and began to look upon
me as a curiosity, much wondering to hear me pronounce articulate words, although he could not
understand them. In the mean time I was not able to forbear groaning and shedding tears, and
turning my head towards my sides; letting him know, as well as I could, how cruelly I was hurt by
the pressure of his thumb and finger. He seemed to apprehend my meaning; for, lifting up the
lappet of his coat, he put me gently into it, and immediately ran along with me to his master, who
was a substantial farmer, and the same person I had first seen in the field.
The farmer having (as I suppose by their talk) received such an account of me as his servant could
give him, took a piece of a small straw, about the size of a walking-staff, and therewith lifted up the
lappets of my coat; which it seems he thought to be some kind of covering that nature had given
me. He blew my hairs aside to take a better view of my face. He called his hinds about him, and
asked them, as I afterwards learned, whether they had ever seen in the fields any little creature that
resembled me. He then placed me softly on the ground upon all fours, but I got immediately up,
and walked slowly backward and forward, to let those people see I had no intent to run away. They
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all sat down in a circle about me, the better to observe my motions. I pulled off my hat, and made a
low bow towards the farmer. I fell on my knees, and lifted up my hands and eyes, and spoke
several words as loud as I could: I took a purse of gold out of my pocket, and humbly presented it
to him. He received it on the palm of his hand, then applied it close to his eye to see what it was,
and afterwards turned it several times with the point of a pin (which he took out of his sleeve,) but
could make nothing of it. Whereupon I made a sign that he should place his hand on the ground. I
then took the purse, and, opening it, poured all the gold into his palm. There were six Spanish
pieces of four pistoles each, beside twenty or thirty smaller coins. I saw him wet the tip of his little
finger upon his tongue, and take up one of my largest pieces, and then another; but he seemed to be
wholly ignorant what they were. He made me a sign to put them again into my purse, and the purse
again into my pocket, which, after offering it to him several times, I thought it best to do.
The farmer, by this time, was convinced I must be a rational creature. He spoke often to me; but the
sound of his voice pierced my ears like that of a water-mill, yet his words were articulate enough. I
answered as loud as I could in several languages, and he often laid his ear within two yards of me:
but all in vain, for we were wholly unintelligible to each other. He then sent his servants to their
work, and taking his handkerchief out of his pocket, he doubled and spread it on his left hand,
which he placed flat on the ground with the palm upward, making me a sign to step into it, as I
could easily do, for it was not above a foot in thickness. I thought it my part to obey, and, for fear
of falling, laid myself at full length upon the handkerchief, with the remainder of which he lapped
me up to the head for further security, and in this manner carried me home to his house. There he
called his wife, and showed me to her; but she screamed and ran back, as women in England do at
the sight of a toad or a spider. However, when she had a while seen my behaviour, and how well I
observed the signs her husband made, she was soon reconciled, and by degrees grew extremely
tender of me.
It was about twelve at noon, and a servant brought in dinner. It was only one substantial dish of
meat (fit for the plain condition of a husbandman,) in a dish of about four-and-twenty feet diameter.
The company were, the farmer and his wife, three children, and an old grandmother. When they
were sat down, the farmer placed me at some distance from him on the table, which was thirty feet
high from the floor. I was in a terrible fright, and kept as far as I could from the edge, for fear of
falling. The wife minced a bit of meat, then crumbled some bread on a trencher, and placed it
before me. I made her a low bow, took out my knife and fork, and fell to eat, which gave them
exceeding delight. The mistress sent her maid for a small dram cup, which held about two gallons,
and filled it with drink; I took up the vessel with much difficulty in both hands, and in a most
respectful manner drank to her ladyship's health, expressing the words as loud as I could in English,
which made the company laugh so heartily, that I was almost deafened with the noise. This liquor
tasted like a small cider, and was not unpleasant. Then the master made me a sign to come to his
trencher side; but as I walked on the table, being in great surprise all the time, as the indulgent
reader will easily conceive and excuse, I happened to stumble against a crust, and fell flat on my
face, but received no hurt. I got up immediately, and observing the good people to be in much
concern, I took my hat (which I held under my arm out of good manners,) and waving it over my
head, made three huzzas, to show I had got no mischief by my fall. But advancing forward towards
my master (as I shall henceforth call him,) his youngest son, who sat next to him, an arch boy of
about ten years old, took me up by the legs, and held me so high in the air, that I trembled every
limb: but his father snatched me from him, and at the same time gave him such a box on the left
ear, as would have felled an European troop of horse to the earth, ordering him to be taken from the
table. But being afraid the boy might owe me a spite, and well remembering how mischievous all
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children among us naturally are to sparrows, rabbits, young kittens, and puppy dogs, I fell on my
knees, and pointing to the boy, made my master to understand, as well as I could, that I desired his
son might be pardoned. The father complied, and the lad took his seat again, whereupon I went to
him, and kissed his hand, which my master took, and made him stroke me gently with it.
In the midst of dinner, my mistress's favourite cat leaped into her lap. I heard a noise behind me
like that of a dozen stocking-weavers at work; and turning my head, I found it proceeded from the
purring of that animal, who seemed to be three times larger than an ox, as I computed by the view
of her head, and one of her paws, while her mistress was feeding and stroking her. The fierceness
of this creature's countenance altogether discomposed me; though I stood at the farther end of the
table, above fifty feet off; and although my mistress held her fast, for fear she might give a spring,
and seize me in her talons. But it happened there was no danger, for the cat took not the least notice
of me when my master placed me within three yards of her. And as I have been always told, and
found true by experience in my travels, that flying or discovering fear before a fierce animal, is a
certain way to make it pursue or attack you, so I resolved, in this dangerous juncture, to show no
manner of concern. I walked with intrepidity five or six times before the very head of the cat, and
came within half a yard of her; whereupon she drew herself back, as if she were more afraid of me:
I had less apprehension concerning the dogs, whereof three or four came into the room, as it is
usual in farmers' houses; one of which was a mastiff, equal in bulk to four elephants, and another a
greyhound, somewhat taller than the mastiff, but not so large.
When dinner was almost done, the nurse came in with a child of a year old in her arms, who
immediately spied me, and began a squall that you might have heard from London-Bridge to
Chelsea, after the usual oratory of infants, to get me for a plaything. The mother, out of pure
indulgence, took me up, and put me towards the child, who presently seized me by the middle, and
got my head into his mouth, where I roared so loud that the urchin was frighted, and let me drop,
and I should infallibly have broke my neck, if the mother had not held her apron under me. The
nurse, to quiet her babe, made use of a rattle which was a kind of hollow vessel filled with great
stones, and fastened by a cable to the child's waist: but all in vain; so that she was forced to apply
the last remedy by giving it suck. I must confess no object ever disgusted me so much as the sight
of her monstrous breast, which I cannot tell what to compare with, so as to give the curious reader
an idea of its bulk, shape, and colour. It stood prominent six feet, and could not be less than sixteen
in circumference. The nipple was about half the bigness of my head, and the hue both of that and
the dug, so varied with spots, pimples, and freckles, that nothing could appear more nauseous: for I
had a near sight of her, she sitting down, the more conveniently to give suck, and I standing on the
table. This made me reflect upon the fair skins of our English ladies, who appear so beautiful to us,
only because they are of our own size, and their defects not to be seen but through a magnifying
glass; where we find by experiment that the smoothest and whitest skins look rough, and coarse,
and ill-coloured.
I remember when I was at Lilliput, the complexion of those diminutive people appeared to me the
fairest in the world; and talking upon this subject with a person of learning there, who was an
intimate friend of mine, he said that my face appeared much fairer and smoother when he looked
on me from the ground, than it did upon a nearer view, when I took him up in my hand, and
brought him close, which he confessed was at first a very shocking sight. He said, "he could
discover great holes in my skin; that the stumps of my beard were ten times stronger than the
bristles of a boar, and my complexion made up of several colours altogether disagreeable:"
although I must beg leave to say for myself, that I am as fair as most of my sex and country, and
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very little sunburnt by all my travels. On the other side, discoursing of the ladies in that emperor's
court, he used to tell me, "one had freckles; another too wide a mouth; a third too large a nose;"
nothing of which I was able to distinguish. I confess this reflection was obvious enough; which,
however, I could not forbear, lest the reader might think those vast creatures were actually
deformed: for I must do them the justice to say, they are a comely race of people, and particularly
the features of my master's countenance, although he was but a farmer, when I beheld him from the
height of sixty feet, appeared very well proportioned.
When dinner was done, my master went out to his labourers, and, as I could discover by his voice
and gesture, gave his wife strict charge to take care of me. I was very much tired, and disposed to
sleep, which my mistress perceiving, she put me on her own bed, and covered me with a clean
white handkerchief, but larger and coarser than the mainsail of a man-of-war.
I slept about two hours, and dreamt I was at home with my wife and children, which aggravated my
sorrows when I awaked, and found myself alone in a vast room, between two and three hundred
feet wide, and above two hundred high, lying in a bed twenty yards wide. My mistress was gone
about her household affairs, and had locked me in. The bed was eight yards from the floor. Some
natural necessities required me to get down; I durst not presume to call; and if I had, it would have
been in vain, with such a voice as mine, at so great a distance from the room where I lay to the
kitchen where the family kept. While I was under these circumstances, two rats crept up the
curtains, and ran smelling back-wards and forwards on the bed. One of them came up almost to my
face, whereupon I rose in a fright, and drew out my hanger to defend myself. These horrible
animals had the boldness to attack me on both sides, and one of them held his fore-feet at my
collar; but I had the good fortune to rip up his belly before he could do me any mischief. He fell
down at my feet; and the other, seeing the fate of his comrade, made his escape, but not without
one good wound on the back, which I gave him as he fled, and made the blood run trickling from
him. After this exploit, I walked gently to and fro on the bed, to recover my breath and loss of
spirits. These creatures were of the size of a large mastiff, but infinitely more nimble and fierce; so
that if I had taken off my belt before I went to sleep, I must have infallibly been torn to pieces and
devoured. I measured the tail of the dead rat, and found it to be two yards long, wanting an inch;
but it went against my stomach to drag the carcass off the bed, where it lay still bleeding; I
observed it had yet some life, but with a strong slash across the neck, I thoroughly despatched it.
Soon after my mistress came into the room, who seeing me all bloody, ran and took me up in her
hand. I pointed to the dead rat, smiling, and making other signs to show I was not hurt; whereat she
was extremely rejoiced, calling the maid to take up the dead rat with a pair of tongs, and throw it
out of the window. Then she set me on a table, where I showed her my hanger all bloody, and
wiping it on the lappet of my coat, returned it to the scabbard. I was pressed to do more than one
thing which another could not do for me, and therefore endeavoured to make my mistress
understand, that I desired to be set down on the floor; which after she had done, my bashfulness
would not suffer me to express myself farther, than by pointing to the door, and bowing several
times. The good woman, with much difficulty, at last perceived what I would be at, and taking me
up again in her hand, walked into the garden, where she set me down. I went on one side about two
hundred yards, and beckoning to her not to look or to follow me, I hid myself between two leaves
of sorrel, and there discharged the necessities of nature.
I hope the gentle reader will excuse me for dwelling on these and the like particulars, which,
however insignificant they may appear to groveling vulgar minds, yet will certainly help a
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philosopher to enlarge his thoughts and imagination, and apply them to the benefit of public as well
as private life, which was my sole design in presenting this and other accounts of my travels to the
world; wherein I have been chiefly studious of truth, without affecting any ornaments of learning or
of style. But the whole scene of this voyage made so strong an impression on my mind, and is so
deeply fixed in my memory, that, in committing it to paper I did not omit one material
circumstance: however, upon a strict review, I blotted out several passages. Of less moment which
were in my first copy, for fear of being censured as tedious and trifling, whereof travellers are
often, perhaps not without justice, accused.
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CHAPTER II.
[A description of the farmer's daughter. The author carried to a market-town, and then to the
metropolis. The particulars of his journey.]
My mistress had a daughter of nine years old, a child of towardly parts for her age, very dexterous
at her needle, and skilful in dressing her baby. Her mother and she contrived to fit up the baby's
cradle for me against night: the cradle was put into a small drawer of a cabinet, and the drawer
placed upon a hanging shelf for fear of the rats. This was my bed all the time I staid with those
people, though made more convenient by degrees, as I began to learn their language and make my
wants known. This young girl was so handy, that after I had once or twice pulled off my clothes
before her, she was able to dress and undress me, though I never gave her that trouble when she
would let me do either myself. She made me seven shirts, and some other linen, of as fine cloth as
could be got, which indeed was coarser than sackcloth; and these she constantly washed for me
with her own hands. She was likewise my school-mistress, to teach me the language: when I
pointed to any thing, she told me the name of it in her own tongue, so that in a few days I was able
to call for whatever I had a mind to. She was very good-natured, and not above forty feet high,
being little for her age. She gave me the name of GRILDRIG, which the family took up, and
afterwards the whole kingdom. The word imports what the Latins call NANUNCULUS, the
Italians HOMUNCELETINO, and the English MANNIKIN. To her I chiefly owe my preservation
in that country: we never parted while I was there; I called her my GLUMDALCLITCH, or little
nurse; and should be guilty of great ingratitude, if I omitted this honourable mention of her care and
affection towards me, which I heartily wish it lay in my power to requite as she deserves, instead of
being the innocent, but unhappy instrument of her disgrace, as I have too much reason to fear.
It now began to be known and talked of in the neighbourhood, that my master had found a strange
animal in the field, about the bigness of a SPLACNUCK, but exactly shaped in every part like a
human creature; which it likewise imitated in all its actions; seemed to speak in a little language of
its own, had already learned several words of theirs, went erect upon two legs, was tame and
gentle, would come when it was called, do whatever it was bid, had the finest limbs in the world,
and a complexion fairer than a nobleman's daughter of three years old. Another farmer, who lived
hard by, and was a particular friend of my master, came on a visit on purpose to inquire into the
truth of this story. I was immediately produced, and placed upon a table, where I walked as I was
commanded, drew my hanger, put it up again, made my reverence to my master's guest, asked him
in his own language how he did, and told him HE WAS WELCOME, just as my little nurse had
instructed me. This man, who was old and dim-sighted, put on his spectacles to behold me better; at
which I could not forbear laughing very heartily, for his eyes appeared like the full moon shining
into a chamber at two windows. Our people, who discovered the cause of my mirth, bore me
company in laughing, at which the old fellow was fool enough to be angry and out of countenance.
He had the character of a great miser; and, to my misfortune, he well deserved it, by the cursed
advice he gave my master, to show me as a sight upon a market-day in the next town, which was
half an hour's riding, about two-and-twenty miles from our house. I guessed there was some
mischief when I observed my master and his friend whispering together, sometimes pointing at me;
and my fears made me fancy that I overheard and understood some of their words. But the next
morning Glumdalclitch, my little nurse, told me the whole matter, which she had cunningly picked
out from her mother. The poor girl laid me on her bosom, and fell a weeping with shame and grief.
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She apprehended some mischief would happen to me from rude vulgar folks, who might squeeze
me to death, or break one of my limbs by taking me in their hands. She had also observed how
modest I was in my nature, how nicely I regarded my honour, and what an indignity I should
conceive it, to be exposed for money as a public spectacle, to the meanest of the people. She said,
her papa and mamma had promised that Grildrig should be hers; but now she found they meant to
serve her as they did last year, when they pretended to give her a lamb, and yet, as soon as it was
fat, sold it to a butcher. For my own part, I may truly affirm, that I was less concerned than my
nurse. I had a strong hope, which never left me, that I should one day recover my liberty: and as to
the ignominy of being carried about for a monster, I considered myself to be a perfect stranger in
the country, and that such a misfortune could never be charged upon me as a reproach, if ever I
should return to England, since the king of Great Britain himself, in my condition, must have
undergone the same distress.
My master, pursuant to the advice of his friend, carried me in a box the next market-day to the
neighbouring town, and took along with him his little daughter, my nurse, upon a pillion behind
him. The box was close on every side, with a little door for me to go in and out, and a few gimlet
holes to let in air. The girl had been so careful as to put the quilt of her baby's bed into it, for me to
lie down on. However, I was terribly shaken and discomposed in this journey, though it was but of
half an hour: for the horse went about forty feet at every step and trotted so high, that the agitation
was equal to the rising and falling of a ship in a great storm, but much more frequent. Our journey
was somewhat farther than from London to St. Alban's. My master alighted at an inn which he used
to frequent; and after consulting awhile with the inn-keeper, and making some necessary
preparations, he hired the GRULTRUD, or crier, to give notice through the town of a strange
creature to be seen at the sign of the Green Eagle, not so big as a SPLACNUCK (an animal in that
country very finely shaped, about six feet long,) and in every part of the body resembling a human
creature, could speak several words, and perform a hundred diverting tricks.
I was placed upon a table in the largest room of the inn, which might be near three hundred feet
square. My little nurse stood on a low stool close to the table, to take care of me, and direct what I
should do. My master, to avoid a crowd, would suffer only thirty people at a time to see me. I
walked about on the table as the girl commanded; she asked me questions, as far as she knew my
understanding of the language reached, and I answered them as loud as I could. I turned about
several times to the company, paid my humble respects, said THEY WERE WELCOME, and used
some other speeches I had been taught. I took up a thimble filled with liquor, which Glumdalclitch
had given me for a cup, and drank their health, I drew out my hanger, and flourished with it after
the manner of fencers in England. My nurse gave me a part of a straw, which I exercised as a pike,
having learnt the art in my youth. I was that day shown to twelve sets of company, and as often
forced to act over again the same fopperies, till I was half dead with weariness and vexation; for
those who had seen me made such wonderful reports, that the people were ready to break down the
doors to come in. My master, for his own interest, would not suffer any one to touch me except my
nurse; and to prevent danger, benches were set round the table at such a distance as to put me out of
every body's reach. However, an unlucky school-boy aimed a hazel nut directly at my head, which
very narrowly missed me; otherwise it came with so much violence, that it would have infallibly
knocked out my brains, for it was almost as large as a small pumpkin, but I had the satisfaction to
see the young rogue well beaten, and turned out of the room.
My master gave public notice that he would show me again the next market-day; and in the
meantime he prepared a convenient vehicle for me, which he had reason enough to do; for I was so
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tired with my first journey, and with entertaining company for eight hours together, that I could
hardly stand upon my legs, or speak a word. It was at least three days before I recovered my
strength; and that I might have no rest at home, all the neighbouring gentlemen from a hundred
miles round, hearing of my fame, came to see me at my master's own house. There could not be
fewer than thirty persons with their wives and children (for the country is very populous;) and my
master demanded the rate of a full room whenever he showed me at home, although it were only to
a single family; so that for some time I had but little ease every day of the week (except
Wednesday, which is their Sabbath,) although I were not carried to the town.
My master, finding how profitable I was likely to be, resolved to carry me to the most considerable
cities of the kingdom. Having therefore provided himself with all things necessary for a long
journey, and settled his affairs at home, he took leave of his wife, and upon the 17th of August,
1703, about two months after my arrival, we set out for the metropolis, situate near the middle of
that empire, and about three thousand miles distance from our house. My master made his daughter
Glumdalclitch ride behind him. She carried me on her lap, in a box tied about her waist. The girl
had lined it on all sides with the softest cloth she could get, well quilted underneath, furnished it
with her baby's bed, provided me with linen and other necessaries, and made everything as
convenient as she could. We had no other company but a boy of the house, who rode after us with
the luggage.
My master's design was to show me in all the towns by the way, and to step out of the road for fifty
or a hundred miles, to any village, or person of quality's house, where he might expect custom. We
made easy journeys, of not above seven or eight score miles a-day; for Glumdalclitch, on purpose
to spare me, complained she was tired with the trotting of the horse. She often took me out of my
box, at my own desire, to give me air, and show me the country, but always held me fast by a
leading-string. We passed over five or six rivers, many degrees broader and deeper than the Nile or
the Ganges: and there was hardly a rivulet so small as the Thames at London-bridge. We were ten
weeks in our journey, and I was shown in eighteen large towns, besides many villages, and private
families.
On the 26th day of October we arrived at the metropolis, called in their language
LORBRULGRUD, or Pride of the Universe. My master took a lodging in the principal street of the
city, not far from the royal palace, and put out bills in the usual form, containing an exact
description of my person and parts. He hired a large room between three and four hundred feet
wide. He provided a table sixty feet in diameter, upon which I was to act my part, and pallisadoed it
round three feet from the edge, and as many high, to prevent my falling over. I was shown ten
times a-day, to the wonder and satisfaction of all people. I could now speak the language tolerably
well, and perfectly understood every word, that was spoken to me. Besides, I had learnt their
alphabet, and could make a shift to explain a sentence here and there; for Glumdalclitch had been
my instructor while we were at home, and at leisure hours during our journey. She carried a little
book in her pocket, not much larger than a Sanson's Atlas; it was a common treatise for the use of
young girls, giving a short account of their religion: out of this she taught me my letters, and
interpreted the words.
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CHAPTER III.
[The author sent for to court. The queen buys him of his master the farmer, and presents him to the
king. He disputes with his majesty's great scholars. An apartment at court provided for the author.
He is in high favour with the queen. He stands up for the honour of his own country. His quarrels
with the queen's dwarf.]
The frequent labours I underwent every day, made, in a few weeks, a very considerable change in
my health: the more my master got by me, the more insatiable he grew. I had quite lost my
stomach, and was almost reduced to a skeleton. The farmer observed it, and concluding I must soon
die, resolved to make as good a hand of me as he could. While he was thus reasoning and resolving
with himself, a SARDRAL, or gentleman-usher, came from court, commanding my master to carry
me immediately thither for the diversion of the queen and her ladies. Some of the latter had already
been to see me, and reported strange things of my beauty, behaviour, and good sense. Her majesty,
and those who attended her, were beyond measure delighted with my demeanour. I fell on my
knees, and begged the honour of kissing her imperial foot; but this gracious princess held out her
little finger towards me, after I was set on the table, which I embraced in both my arms, and put the
tip of it with the utmost respect to my lip. She made me some general questions about my country
and my travels, which I answered as distinctly, and in as few words as I could. She asked, "whether
I could be content to live at court?" I bowed down to the board of the table, and humbly answered
"that I was my master's slave: but, if I were at my own disposal, I should be proud to devote my life
to her majesty's service." She then asked my master, "whether he was willing to sell me at a good
price?" He, who apprehended I could not live a month, was ready enough to part with me, and
demanded a thousand pieces of gold, which were ordered him on the spot, each piece being about
the bigness of eight hundred moidores; but allowing for the proportion of all things between that
country and Europe, and the high price of gold among them, was hardly so great a sum as a
thousand guineas would be in England. I then said to the queen, "since I was now her majesty's
most humble creature and vassal, I must beg the favour, that Glumdalclitch, who had always tended
me with so much care and kindness, and understood to do it so well, might be admitted into her
service, and continue to be my nurse and instructor."
Her majesty agreed to my petition, and easily got the farmer's consent, who was glad enough to
have his daughter preferred at court, and the poor girl herself was not able to hide her joy. My late
master withdrew, bidding me farewell, and saying he had left me in a good service; to which I
replied not a word, only making him a slight bow.
The queen observed my coldness; and, when the farmer was gone out of the apartment, asked me
the reason. I made bold to tell her majesty, "that I owed no other obligation to my late master, than
his not dashing out the brains of a poor harmless creature, found by chance in his fields: which
obligation was amply recompensed, by the gain he had made in showing me through half the
kingdom, and the price he had now sold me for. That the life I had since led was laborious enough
to kill an animal of ten times my strength. That my health was much impaired, by the continual
drudgery of entertaining the rabble every hour of the day; and that, if my master had not thought
my life in danger, her majesty would not have got so cheap a bargain. But as I was out of all fear of
being ill-treated under the protection of so great and good an empress, the ornament of nature, the
darling of the world, the delight of her subjects, the phoenix of the creation, so I hoped my late
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master's apprehensions would appear to be groundless; for I already found my spirits revive, by the
influence of her most august presence."
This was the sum of my speech, delivered with great improprieties and hesitation. The latter part
was altogether framed in the style peculiar to that people, whereof I learned some phrases from
Glumdalclitch, while she was carrying me to court.
The queen, giving great allowance for my defectiveness in speaking, was, however, surprised at so
much wit and good sense in so diminutive an animal. She took me in her own hand, and carried me
to the king, who was then retired to his cabinet. His majesty, a prince of much gravity and austere
countenance, not well observing my shape at first view, asked the queen after a cold manner "how
long it was since she grew fond of a SPLACNUCK?" for such it seems he took me to be, as I lay
upon my breast in her majesty's right hand. But this princess, who has an infinite deal of wit and
humour, set me gently on my feet upon the scrutoire, and commanded me to give his majesty an
account of myself, which I did in a very few words: and Glumdalclitch who attended at the cabinet
door, and could not endure I should be out of her sight, being admitted, confirmed all that had
passed from my arrival at her father's house.
The king, although he be as learned a person as any in his dominions, had been educated in the
study of philosophy, and particularly mathematics; yet when he observed my shape exactly, and
saw me walk erect, before I began to speak, conceived I might be a piece of clock-work (which is
in that country arrived to a very great perfection) contrived by some ingenious artist. But when he
heard my voice, and found what I delivered to be regular and rational, he could not conceal his
astonishment. He was by no means satisfied with the relation I gave him of the manner I came into
his kingdom, but thought it a story concerted between Glumdalclitch and her father, who had
taught me a set of words to make me sell at a better price. Upon this imagination, he put several
other questions to me, and still received rational answers: no otherwise defective than by a foreign
accent, and an imperfect knowledge in the language, with some rustic phrases which I had learned
at the farmer's house, and did not suit the polite style of a court.
His majesty sent for three great scholars, who were then in their weekly waiting, according to the
custom in that country. These gentlemen, after they had a while examined my shape with much
nicety, were of different opinions concerning me. They all agreed that I could not be produced
according to the regular laws of nature, because I was not framed with a capacity of preserving my
life, either by swiftness, or climbing of trees, or digging holes in the earth. They observed by my
teeth, which they viewed with great exactness, that I was a carnivorous animal; yet most
quadrupeds being an overmatch for me, and field mice, with some others, too nimble, they could
not imagine how I should be able to support myself, unless I fed upon snails and other insects,
which they offered, by many learned arguments, to evince that I could not possibly do. One of
these virtuosi seemed to think that I might be an embryo, or abortive birth. But this opinion was
rejected by the other two, who observed my limbs to be perfect and finished; and that I had lived
several years, as it was manifest from my beard, the stumps whereof they plainly discovered
through a magnifying glass. They would not allow me to be a dwarf, because my littleness was
beyond all degrees of comparison; for the queen's favourite dwarf, the smallest ever known in that
kingdom, was near thirty feet high. After much debate, they concluded unanimously, that I was
only RELPLUM SCALCATH, which is interpreted literally LUSUS NATURAE; a determination
exactly agreeable to the modern philosophy of Europe, whose professors, disdaining the old
evasion of occult causes, whereby the followers of Aristotle endeavoured in vain to disguise their
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ignorance, have invented this wonderful solution of all difficulties, to the unspeakable advancement
of human knowledge.
After this decisive conclusion, I entreated to be heard a word or two. I applied myself to the king,
and assured his majesty, "that I came from a country which abounded with several millions of both
sexes, and of my own stature; where the animals, trees, and houses, were all in proportion, and
where, by consequence, I might be as able to defend myself, and to find sustenance, as any of his
majesty's subjects could do here; which I took for a full answer to those gentlemen's arguments."
To this they only replied with a smile of contempt, saying, "that the farmer had instructed me very
well in my lesson." The king, who had a much better understanding, dismissing his learned men,
sent for the farmer, who by good fortune was not yet gone out of town. Having therefore first
examined him privately, and then confronted him with me and the young girl, his majesty began to
think that what we told him might possibly be true. He desired the queen to order that a particular
care should be taken of me; and was of opinion that Glumdalclitch should still continue in her
office of tending me, because he observed we had a great affection for each other. A convenient
apartment was provided for her at court: she had a sort of governess appointed to take care of her
education, a maid to dress her, and two other servants for menial offices; but the care of me was
wholly appropriated to herself. The queen commanded her own cabinet-maker to contrive a box,
that might serve me for a bedchamber, after the model that Glumdalclitch and I should agree upon.
This man was a most ingenious artist, and according to my direction, in three weeks finished for
me a wooden chamber of sixteen feet square, and twelve high, with sash-windows, a door, and two
closets, like a London bed-chamber.
The board, that made the ceiling, was to be lifted up and down by two hinges, to put in a bed ready
furnished by her majesty's upholsterer, which Glumdalclitch took out every day to air, made it with
her own hands, and letting it down at night, locked up the roof over me. A nice workman, who was
famous for little curiosities, undertook to make me two chairs, with backs and frames, of a
substance not unlike ivory, and two tables, with a cabinet to put my things in. The room was
quilted on all sides, as well as the floor and the ceiling, to prevent any accident from the
carelessness of those who carried me, and to break the force of a jolt, when I went in a coach. I
desired a lock for my door, to prevent rats and mice from coming in. The smith, after several
attempts, made the smallest that ever was seen among them, for I have known a larger at the gate of
a gentleman's house in England. I made a shift to keep the key in a pocket of my own, fearing
Glumdalclitch might lose it. The queen likewise ordered the thinnest silks that could be gotten, to
make me clothes, not much thicker than an English blanket, very cumbersome till I was
accustomed to them. They were after the fashion of the kingdom, partly resembling the Persian,
and partly the Chinese, and are a very grave and decent habit.
The queen became so fond of my company, that she could not dine without me. I had a table placed
upon the same at which her majesty ate, just at her left elbow, and a chair to sit on. Glumdalclitch
stood on a stool on the floor near my table, to assist and take care of me. I had an entire set of silver
dishes and plates, and other necessaries, which, in proportion to those of the queen, were not much
bigger than what I have seen in a London toy-shop for the furniture of a baby-house: these my little
nurse kept in her pocket in a silver box, and gave me at meals as I wanted them, always cleaning
them herself. No person dined with the queen but the two princesses royal, the eldest sixteen years
old, and the younger at that time thirteen and a month. Her majesty used to put a bit of meat upon
one of my dishes, out of which I carved for myself, and her diversion was to see me eat in
miniature: for the queen (who had indeed but a weak stomach) took up, at one mouthful, as much
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as a dozen English farmers could eat at a meal, which to me was for some time a very nauseous
sight. She would craunch the wing of a lark, bones and all, between her teeth, although it were nine
times as large as that of a full-grown turkey; and put a bit of bread into her mouth as big as two
twelve-penny loaves. She drank out of a golden cup, above a hogshead at a draught. Her knives
were twice as long as a scythe, set straight upon the handle. The spoons, forks, and other
instruments, were all in the same proportion. I remember when Glumdalclitch carried me, out of
curiosity, to see some of the tables at court, where ten or a dozen of those enormous knives and
forks were lifted up together, I thought I had never till then beheld so terrible a sight.
It is the custom, that every Wednesday (which, as I have observed, is their Sabbath) the king and
queen, with the royal issue of both sexes, dine together in the apartment of his majesty, to whom I
was now become a great favourite; and at these times, my little chair and table were placed at his
left hand, before one of the salt-cellars. This prince took a pleasure in conversing with me,
inquiring into the manners, religion, laws, government, and learning of Europe; wherein I gave him
the best account I was able. His apprehension was so clear, and his judgment so exact, that he made
very wise reflections and observations upon all I said. But I confess, that, after I had been a little
too copious in talking of my own beloved country, of our trade and wars by sea and land, of our
schisms in religion, and parties in the state; the prejudices of his education prevailed so far, that he
could not forbear taking me up in his right hand, and stroking me gently with the other, after a
hearty fit of laughing, asked me, "whether I was a whig or tory?" Then turning to his first minister,
who waited behind him with a white staff, near as tall as the mainmast of the Royal Sovereign, he
observed "how contemptible a thing was human grandeur, which could be mimicked by such
diminutive insects as I: and yet," says he, "I dare engage these creatures have their titles and
distinctions of honour; they contrive little nests and burrows, that they call houses and cities; they
make a figure in dress and equipage; they love, they fight, they dispute, they cheat, they betray!"
And thus he continued on, while my colour came and went several times, with indignation, to hear
our noble country, the mistress of arts and arms, the scourge of France, the arbitress of Europe, the
seat of virtue, piety, honour, and truth, the pride and envy of the world, so contemptuously treated.
But as I was not in a condition to resent injuries, so upon mature thoughts I began to doubt whether
I was injured or no. For, after having been accustomed several months to the sight and converse of
this people, and observed every object upon which I cast mine eyes to be of proportionable
magnitude, the horror I had at first conceived from their bulk and aspect was so far worn off, that if
I had then beheld a company of English lords and ladies in their finery and birth-day clothes, acting
their several parts in the most courtly manner of strutting, and bowing, and prating, to say the truth,
I should have been strongly tempted to laugh as much at them as the king and his grandees did at
me. Neither, indeed, could I forbear smiling at myself, when the queen used to place me upon her
hand towards a looking-glass, by which both our persons appeared before me in full view together;
and there could be nothing more ridiculous than the comparison; so that I really began to imagine
myself dwindled many degrees below my usual size.
Nothing angered and mortified me so much as the queen's dwarf; who being of the lowest stature
that was ever in that country (for I verily think he was not full thirty feet high), became so insolent
at seeing a creature so much beneath him, that he would always affect to swagger and look big as
he passed by me in the queen's antechamber, while I was standing on some table talking with the
lords or ladies of the court, and he seldom failed of a smart word or two upon my littleness; against
which I could only revenge myself by calling him brother, challenging him to wrestle, and such
repartees as are usually in the mouths of court pages. One day, at dinner, this malicious little cub
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was so nettled with something I had said to him, that, raising himself upon the frame of her
majesty's chair, he took me up by the middle, as I was sitting down, not thinking any harm, and let
me drop into a large silver bowl of cream, and then ran away as fast as he could. I fell over head
and ears, and, if I had not been a good swimmer, it might have gone very hard with me; for
Glumdalclitch in that instant happened to be at the other end of the room, and the queen was in
such a fright, that she wanted presence of mind to assist me. But my little nurse ran to my relief,
and took me out, after I had swallowed above a quart of cream. I was put to bed: however, I
received no other damage than the loss of a suit of clothes, which was utterly spoiled. The dwarf
was soundly whipt, and as a farther punishment, forced to drink up the bowl of cream into which he
had thrown me: neither was he ever restored to favour; for soon after the queen bestowed him on a
lady of high quality, so that I saw him no more, to my very great satisfaction; for I could not tell to
what extremities such a malicious urchin might have carried his resentment.
He had before served me a scurvy trick, which set the queen a-laughing, although at the same time
she was heartily vexed, and would have immediately cashiered him, if I had not been so generous
as to intercede. Her majesty had taken a marrow-bone upon her plate, and, after knocking out the
marrow, placed the bone again in the dish erect, as it stood before; the dwarf, watching his
opportunity, while Glumdalclitch was gone to the side-board, mounted the stool that she stood on
to take care of me at meals, took me up in both hands, and squeezing my legs together, wedged
them into the marrow bone above my waist, where I stuck for some time, and made a very
ridiculous figure. I believe it was near a minute before any one knew what was become of me; for I
thought it below me to cry out. But, as princes seldom get their meat hot, my legs were not scalded,
only my stockings and breeches in a sad condition. The dwarf, at my entreaty, had no other
punishment than a sound whipping.
I was frequently rallied by the queen upon account of my fearfulness; and she used to ask me
whether the people of my country were as great cowards as myself? The occasion was this: the
kingdom is much pestered with flies in summer; and these odious insects, each of them as big as a
Dunstable lark, hardly gave me any rest while I sat at dinner, with their continual humming and
buzzing about mine ears. They would sometimes alight upon my victuals, and leave their
loathsome excrement, or spawn behind, which to me was very visible, though not to the natives of
that country, whose large optics were not so acute as mine, in viewing smaller objects. Sometimes
they would fix upon my nose, or forehead, where they stung me to the quick, smelling very
offensively; and I could easily trace that viscous matter, which, our naturalists tell us, enables those
creatures to walk with their feet upwards upon a ceiling. I had much ado to defend myself against
these detestable animals, and could not forbear starting when they came on my face. It was the
common practice of the dwarf, to catch a number of these insects in his hand, as schoolboys do
among us, and let them out suddenly under my nose, on purpose to frighten me, and divert the
queen. My remedy was to cut them in pieces with my knife, as they flew in the air, wherein my
dexterity was much admired.
I remember, one morning, when Glumdalclitch had set me in a box upon a window, as she usually
did in fair days to give me air (for I durst not venture to let the box be hung on a nail out of the
window, as we do with cages in England), after I had lifted up one of my sashes, and sat down at
my table to eat a piece of sweet cake for my breakfast, above twenty wasps, allured by the smell,
came flying into the room, humming louder than the drones of as many bagpipes. Some of them
seized my cake, and carried it piecemeal away; others flew about my head and face, confounding
me with the noise, and putting me in the utmost terror of their stings. However, I had the courage to
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rise and draw my hanger, and attack them in the air. I dispatched four of them, but the rest got
away, and I presently shut my window. These insects were as large as partridges: I took out their
stings, found them an inch and a half long, and as sharp as needles. I carefully preserved them all;
and having since shown them, with some other curiosities, in several parts of Europe, upon my
return to England I gave three of them to Gresham College, and kept the fourth for myself.
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CHAPTER IV.
[The country described. A proposal for correcting modern maps. The king's palace; and some
account of the metropolis. The author's way of travelling. The chief temple described.]
I now intend to give the reader a short description of this country, as far as I travelled in it, which
was not above two thousand miles round Lorbrulgrud, the metropolis. For the queen, whom I
always attended, never went farther when she accompanied the king in his progresses, and there
staid till his majesty returned from viewing his frontiers. The whole extent of this prince's
dominions reaches about six thousand miles in length, and from three to five in breadth: whence I
cannot but conclude, that our geographers of Europe are in a great error, by supposing nothing but
sea between Japan and California; for it was ever my opinion, that there must be a balance of earth
to counterpoise the great continent of Tartary; and therefore they ought to correct their maps and
charts, by joining this vast tract of land to the north-west parts of America, wherein I shall be ready
to lend them my assistance.
The kingdom is a peninsula, terminated to the north-east by a ridge of mountains thirty miles high,
which are altogether impassable, by reason of the volcanoes upon the tops: neither do the most
learned know what sort of mortals inhabit beyond those mountains, or whether they be inhabited at
all. On the three other sides, it is bounded by the ocean. There is not one sea-port in the whole
kingdom: and those parts of the coasts into which the rivers issue, are so full of pointed rocks, and
the sea generally so rough, that there is no venturing with the smallest of their boats; so that these
people are wholly excluded from any commerce with the rest of the world. But the large rivers are
full of vessels, and abound with excellent fish; for they seldom get any from the sea, because the
sea fish are of the same size with those in Europe, and consequently not worth catching; whereby it
is manifest, that nature, in the production of plants and animals of so extraordinary a bulk, is
wholly confined to this continent, of which I leave the reasons to be determined by philosophers.
However, now and then they take a whale that happens to be dashed against the rocks, which the
common people feed on heartily. These whales I have known so large, that a man could hardly
carry one upon his shoulders; and sometimes, for curiosity, they are brought in hampers to
Lorbrulgrud; I saw one of them in a dish at the king's table, which passed for a rarity, but I did not
observe he was fond of it; for I think, indeed, the bigness disgusted him, although I have seen one
somewhat larger in Greenland.
The country is well inhabited, for it contains fifty-one cities, near a hundred walled towns, and a
great number of villages. To satisfy my curious reader, it may be sufficient to describe Lorbrulgrud.
This city stands upon almost two equal parts, on each side the river that passes through. It contains
above eighty thousand houses, and about six hundred thousand inhabitants. It is in length three
GLOMGLUNGS (which make about fifty-four English miles,) and two and a half in breadth; as I
measured it myself in the royal map made by the king's order, which was laid on the ground on
purpose for me, and extended a hundred feet: I paced the diameter and circumference several times
barefoot, and, computing by the scale, measured it pretty exactly.
The king's palace is no regular edifice, but a heap of buildings, about seven miles round: the chief
rooms are generally two hundred and forty feet high, and broad and long in proportion. A coach
was allowed to Glumdalclitch and me, wherein her governess frequently took her out to see the
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town, or go among the shops; and I was always of the party, carried in my box; although the girl, at
my own desire, would often take me out, and hold me in her hand, that I might more conveniently
view the houses and the people, as we passed along the streets. I reckoned our coach to be about a
square of Westminster-hall, but not altogether so high: however, I cannot be very exact. One day
the governess ordered our coachman to stop at several shops, where the beggars, watching their
opportunity, crowded to the sides of the coach, and gave me the most horrible spectacle that ever a
European eye beheld. There was a woman with a cancer in her breast, swelled to a monstrous size,
full of holes, in two or three of which I could have easily crept, and covered my whole body. There
was a fellow with a wen in his neck, larger than five wool-packs; and another, with a couple of
wooden legs, each about twenty feet high. But the most hateful sight of all, was the lice crawling
on their clothes. I could see distinctly the limbs of these vermin with my naked eye, much better
than those of a European louse through a microscope, and their snouts with which they rooted like
swine. They were the first I had ever beheld, and I should have been curious enough to dissect one
of them, if I had had proper instruments, which I unluckily left behind me in the ship, although,
indeed, the sight was so nauseous, that it perfectly turned my stomach.
Besides the large box in which I was usually carried, the queen ordered a smaller one to be made
for me, of about twelve feet square, and ten high, for the convenience of travelling; because the
other was somewhat too large for Glumdalclitch's lap, and cumbersome in the coach; it was made
by the same artist, whom I directed in the whole contrivance. This travelling-closet was an exact
square, with a window in the middle of three of the squares, and each window was latticed with
iron wire on the outside, to prevent accidents in long journeys. On the fourth side, which had no
window, two strong staples were fixed, through which the person that carried me, when I had a
mind to be on horseback, put a leathern belt, and buckled it about his waist. This was always the
office of some grave trusty servant, in whom I could confide, whether I attended the king and
queen in their progresses, or were disposed to see the gardens, or pay a visit to some great lady or
minister of state in the court, when Glumdalclitch happened to be out of order; for I soon began to
be known and esteemed among the greatest officers, I suppose more upon account of their
majesties' favour, than any merit of my own. In journeys, when I was weary of the coach, a servant
on horseback would buckle on my box, and place it upon a cushion before him; and there I had a
full prospect of the country on three sides, from my three windows. I had, in this closet, a field-bed
and a hammock, hung from the ceiling, two chairs and a table, neatly screwed to the floor, to
prevent being tossed about by the agitation of the horse or the coach. And having been long used to
sea-voyages, those motions, although sometimes very violent, did not much discompose me.
Whenever I had a mind to see the town, it was always in my travelling-closet; which Glumdalclitch
held in her lap in a kind of open sedan, after the fashion of the country, borne by four men, and
attended by two others in the queen's livery. The people, who had often heard of me, were very
curious to crowd about the sedan, and the girl was complaisant enough to make the bearers stop,
and to take me in her hand, that I might be more conveniently seen.
I was very desirous to see the chief temple, and particularly the tower belonging to it, which is
reckoned the highest in the kingdom. Accordingly one day my nurse carried me thither, but I may
truly say I came back disappointed; for the height is not above three thousand feet, reckoning from
the ground to the highest pinnacle top; which, allowing for the difference between the size of those
people and us in Europe, is no great matter for admiration, nor at all equal in proportion (if I rightly
remember) to Salisbury steeple. But, not to detract from a nation, to which, during my life, I shall
acknowledge myself extremely obliged, it must be allowed, that whatever this famous tower wants
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in height, is amply made up in beauty and strength: for the walls are near a hundred feet thick, built
of hewn stone, whereof each is about forty feet square, and adorned on all sides with statues of
gods and emperors, cut in marble, larger than the life, placed in their several niches. I measured a
little finger which had fallen down from one of these statues, and lay unperceived among some
rubbish, and found it exactly four feet and an inch in length. Glumdalclitch wrapped it up in her
handkerchief, and carried it home in her pocket, to keep among other trinkets, of which the girl was
very fond, as children at her age usually are.
The king's kitchen is indeed a noble building, vaulted at top, and about six hundred feet high. The
great oven is not so wide, by ten paces, as the cupola at St. Paul's: for I measured the latter on
purpose, after my return. But if I should describe the kitchen grate, the prodigious pots and kettles,
the joints of meat turning on the spits, with many other particulars, perhaps I should be hardly
believed; at least a severe critic would be apt to think I enlarged a little, as travellers are often
suspected to do. To avoid which censure I fear I have run too much into the other extreme; and that
if this treatise should happen to be translated into the language of Brobdingnag (which is the
general name of that kingdom,) and transmitted thither, the king and his people would have reason
to complain that I had done them an injury, by a false and diminutive representation.
His majesty seldom keeps above six hundred horses in his stables: they are generally from fifty-
four to sixty feet high. But, when he goes abroad on solemn days, he is attended, for state, by a
military guard of five hundred horse, which, indeed, I thought was the most splendid sight that
could be ever beheld, till I saw part of his army in battalia, whereof I shall find another occasion to
speak.
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CHAPTER V.
[Several adventurers that happened to the author. The execution of a criminal. The author shows
his skill in navigation.]
I should have lived happy enough in that country, if my littleness had not exposed me to several
ridiculous and troublesome accidents; some of which I shall venture to relate. Glumdalclitch often
carried me into the gardens of the court in my smaller box, and would sometimes take me out of it,
and hold me in her hand, or set me down to walk. I remember, before the dwarf left the queen, he
followed us one day into those gardens, and my nurse having set me down, he and I being close
together, near some dwarf apple trees, I must needs show my wit, by a silly allusion between him
and the trees, which happens to hold in their language as it does in ours. Whereupon, the malicious
rogue, watching his opportunity, when I was walking under one of them, shook it directly over my
head, by which a dozen apples, each of them near as large as a Bristol barrel, came tumbling about
my ears; one of them hit me on the back as I chanced to stoop, and knocked me down flat on my
face; but I received no other hurt, and the dwarf was pardoned at my desire, because I had given the
provocation.
Another day, Glumdalclitch left me on a smooth grass-plot to divert myself, while she walked at
some distance with her governess. In the meantime, there suddenly fell such a violent shower of
hail, that I was immediately by the force of it, struck to the ground: and when I was down, the
hailstones gave me such cruel bangs all over the body, as if I had been pelted with tennis-balls;
however, I made a shift to creep on all fours, and shelter myself, by lying flat on my face, on the
lee-side of a border of lemon-thyme, but so bruised from head to foot, that I could not go abroad in
ten days. Neither is this at all to be wondered at, because nature, in that country, observing the
same proportion through all her operations, a hailstone is near eighteen hundred times as large as
one in Europe; which I can assert upon experience, having been so curious as to weigh and measure
them.
But a more dangerous accident happened to me in the same garden, when my little nurse, believing
she had put me in a secure place (which I often entreated her to do, that I might enjoy my own
thoughts,) and having left my box at home, to avoid the trouble of carrying it, went to another part
of the garden with her governess and some ladies of her acquaintance. While she was absent, and
out of hearing, a small white spaniel that belonged to one of the chief gardeners, having got by
accident into the garden, happened to range near the place where I lay: the dog, following the scent,
came directly up, and taking me in his mouth, ran straight to his master wagging his tail, and set me
gently on the ground. By good fortune he had been so well taught, that I was carried between his
teeth without the least hurt, or even tearing my clothes. But the poor gardener, who knew me well,
and had a great kindness for me, was in a terrible fright: he gently took me up in both his hands,
and asked me how I did? but I was so amazed and out of breath, that I could not speak a word. In a
few minutes I came to myself, and he carried me safe to my little nurse, who, by this time, had
returned to the place where she left me, and was in cruel agonies when I did not appear, nor answer
when she called. She severely reprimanded the gardener on account of his dog. But the thing was
hushed up, and never known at court, for the girl was afraid of the queen's anger; and truly, as to
myself, I thought it would not be for my reputation, that such a story should go about.
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This accident absolutely determined Glumdalclitch never to trust me abroad for the future out of
her sight. I had been long afraid of this resolution, and therefore concealed from her some little
unlucky adventures, that happened in those times when I was left by myself. Once a kite, hovering
over the garden, made a stoop at me, and if I had not resolutely drawn my hanger, and run under a
thick espalier, he would have certainly carried me away in his talons. Another time, walking to the
top of a fresh mole-hill, I fell to my neck in the hole, through which that animal had cast up the
earth, and coined some lie, not worth remembering, to excuse myself for spoiling my clothes. I
likewise broke my right shin against the shell of a snail, which I happened to stumble over, as I was
walking alone and thinking on poor England.
I cannot tell whether I were more pleased or mortified to observe, in those solitary walks, that the
smaller birds did not appear to be at all afraid of me, but would hop about within a yard's distance,
looking for worms and other food, with as much indifference and security as if no creature at all
were near them. I remember, a thrush had the confidence to snatch out of my hand, with his bill, a
of cake that Glumdalclitch had just given me for my breakfast. When I attempted to catch any of
these birds, they would boldly turn against me, endeavouring to peck my fingers, which I durst not
venture within their reach; and then they would hop back unconcerned, to hunt for worms or snails,
as they did before. But one day, I took a thick cudgel, and threw it with all my strength so luckily,
at a linnet, that I knocked him down, and seizing him by the neck with both my hands, ran with him
in triumph to my nurse. However, the bird, who had only been stunned, recovering himself gave
me so many boxes with his wings, on both sides of my head and body, though I held him at arm's-
length, and was out of the reach of his claws, that I was twenty times thinking to let him go. But I
was soon relieved by one of our servants, who wrung off the bird's neck, and I had him next day for
dinner, by the queen's command. This linnet, as near as I can remember, seemed to be somewhat
larger than an English swan.
The maids of honour often invited Glumdalclitch to their apartments, and desired she would bring
me along with her, on purpose to have the pleasure of seeing and touching me. They would often
strip me naked from top to toe, and lay me at full length in their bosoms; wherewith I was much
disgusted because, to say the truth, a very offensive smell came from their skins; which I do not
mention, or intend, to the disadvantage of those excellent ladies, for whom I have all manner of
respect; but I conceive that my sense was more acute in proportion to my littleness, and that those
illustrious persons were no more disagreeable to their lovers, or to each other, than people of the
same quality are with us in England. And, after all, I found their natural smell was much more
supportable, than when they used perfumes, under which I immediately swooned away. I cannot
forget, that an intimate friend of mine in Lilliput, took the freedom in a warm day, when I had used
a good deal of exercise, to complain of a strong smell about me, although I am as little faulty that
way, as most of my sex: but I suppose his faculty of smelling was as nice with regard to me, as
mine was to that of this people. Upon this point, I cannot forbear doing justice to the queen my
mistress, and Glumdalclitch my nurse, whose persons were as sweet as those of any lady in
England.
That which gave me most uneasiness among these maids of honour (when my nurse carried me to
visit then) was, to see them use me without any manner of ceremony, like a creature who had no
sort of consequence: for they would strip themselves to the skin, and put on their smocks in my
presence, while I was placed on their toilet, directly before their naked bodies, which I am sure to
me was very far from being a tempting sight, or from giving me any other emotions than those of
horror and disgust: their skins appeared so coarse and uneven, so variously coloured, when I saw
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them near, with a mole here and there as broad as a trencher, and hairs hanging from it thicker than
packthreads, to say nothing farther concerning the rest of their persons. Neither did they at all
scruple, while I was by, to discharge what they had drank, to the quantity of at least two hogsheads,
in a vessel that held above three tuns. The handsomest among these maids of honour, a pleasant,
frolicsome girl of sixteen, would sometimes set me astride upon one of her nipples, with many
other tricks, wherein the reader will excuse me for not being over particular. But I was so much
displeased, that I entreated Glumdalclitch to contrive some excuse for not seeing that young lady
any more.
One day, a young gentleman, who was nephew to my nurse's governess, came and pressed them
both to see an execution. It was of a man, who had murdered one of that gentleman's intimate
acquaintance. Glumdalclitch was prevailed on to be of the company, very much against her
inclination, for she was naturally tender-hearted: and, as for myself, although I abhorred such kind
of spectacles, yet my curiosity tempted me to see something that I thought must be extraordinary.
The malefactor was fixed in a chair upon a scaffold erected for that purpose, and his head cut off at
one blow, with a sword of about forty feet long. The veins and arteries spouted up such a
prodigious quantity of blood, and so high in the air, that the great JET D'EAU at Versailles was not
equal to it for the time it lasted: and the head, when it fell on the scaffold floor, gave such a bounce
as made me start, although I was at least half an English mile distant.
The queen, who often used to hear me talk of my sea-voyages, and took all occasions to divert me
when I was melancholy, asked me whether I understood how to handle a sail or an oar, and whether
a little exercise of rowing might not be convenient for my health? I answered, that I understood
both very well: for although my proper employment had been to be surgeon or doctor to the ship,
yet often, upon a pinch, I was forced to work like a common mariner. But I could not see how this
could be done in their country, where the smallest wherry was equal to a first-rate man of war
among us; and such a boat as I could manage would never live in any of their rivers. Her majesty
said, if I would contrive a boat, her own joiner should make it, and she would provide a place for
me to sail in. The fellow was an ingenious workman, and by my instructions, in ten days, finished a
pleasure-boat with all its tackling, able conveniently to hold eight Europeans. When it was finished,
the queen was so delighted, that she ran with it in her lap to the king, who ordered it to be put into a
cistern full of water, with me in it, by way of trial, where I could not manage my two sculls, or little
oars, for want of room. But the queen had before contrived another project. She ordered the joiner
to make a wooden trough of three hundred feet long, fifty broad, and eight deep; which, being well
pitched, to prevent leaking, was placed on the floor, along the wall, in an outer room of the palace.
It had a cock near the bottom to let out the water, when it began to grow stale; and two servants
could easily fill it in half an hour. Here I often used to row for my own diversion, as well as that of
the queen and her ladies, who thought themselves well entertained with my skill and agility.
Sometimes I would put up my sail, and then my business was only to steer, while the ladies gave
me a gale with their fans; and, when they were weary, some of their pages would blow my sail
forward with their breath, while I showed my art by steering starboard or larboard as I pleased.
When I had done, Glumdalclitch always carried back my boat into her closet, and hung it on a nail
to dry.
In this exercise I once met an accident, which had like to have cost me my life; for, one of the
pages having put my boat into the trough, the governess who attended Glumdalclitch very
officiously lifted me up, to place me in the boat: but I happened to slip through her fingers, and
should infallibly have fallen down forty feet upon the floor, if, by the luckiest chance in the world,
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I had not been stopped by a corking-pin that stuck in the good gentlewoman's stomacher; the head
of the pin passing between my shirt and the waistband of my breeches, and thus I was held by the
middle in the air, till Glumdalclitch ran to my relief.
Another time, one of the servants, whose office it was to fill my trough every third day with fresh
water, was so careless as to let a huge frog (not perceiving it) slip out of his pail. The frog lay
concealed till I was put into my boat, but then, seeing a resting-place, climbed up, and made it lean
so much on one side, that I was forced to balance it with all my weight on the other, to prevent
overturning. When the frog was got in, it hopped at once half the length of the boat, and then over
my head, backward and forward, daubing my face and clothes with its odious slime. The largeness
of its features made it appear the most deformed animal that can be conceived. However, I desired
Glumdalclitch to let me deal with it alone. I banged it a good while with one of my sculls, and at
last forced it to leap out of the boat.
But the greatest danger I ever underwent in that kingdom, was from a monkey, who belonged to
one of the clerks of the kitchen. Glumdalclitch had locked me up in her closet, while she went
somewhere upon business, or a visit. The weather being very warm, the closet-window was left
open, as well as the windows and the door of my bigger box, in which I usually lived, because of
its largeness and conveniency. As I sat quietly meditating at my table, I heard something bounce in
at the closet-window, and skip about from one side to the other: whereat, although I was much
alarmed, yet I ventured to look out, but not stirring from my seat; and then I saw this frolicsome
animal frisking and leaping up and down, till at last he came to my box, which he seemed to view
with great pleasure and curiosity, peeping in at the door and every window. I retreated to the farther
corner of my room; or box; but the monkey looking in at every side, put me in such a fright, that I
wanted presence of mind to conceal myself under the bed, as I might easily have done. After some
time spent in peeping, grinning, and chattering, he at last espied me; and reaching one of his paws
in at the door, as a cat does when she plays with a mouse, although I often shifted place to avoid
him, he at length seized the lappet of my coat (which being made of that country silk, was very
thick and strong), and dragged me out. He took me up in his right fore-foot and held me as a nurse
does a child she is going to suckle, just as I have seen the same sort of creature do with a kitten in
Europe; and when I offered to struggle he squeezed me so hard, that I thought it more prudent to
submit. I have good reason to believe, that he took me for a young one of his own species, by his
often stroking my face very gently with his other paw. In these diversions he was interrupted by a
noise at the closet door, as if somebody were opening it: whereupon he suddenly leaped up to the
window at which he had come in, and thence upon the leads and gutters, walking upon three legs,
and holding me in the fourth, till he clambered up to a roof that was next to ours. I heard
Glumdalclitch give a shriek at the moment he was carrying me out. The poor girl was almost
distracted: that quarter of the palace was all in an uproar; the servants ran for ladders; the monkey
was seen by hundreds in the court, sitting upon the ridge of a building, holding me like a baby in
one of his forepaws, and feeding me with the other, by cramming into my mouth some victuals he
had squeezed out of the bag on one side of his chaps, and patting me when I would not eat; whereat
many of the rabble below could not forbear laughing; neither do I think they justly ought to be
blamed, for, without question, the sight was ridiculous enough to every body but myself. Some of
the people threw up stones, hoping to drive the monkey down; but this was strictly forbidden, or
else, very probably, my brains had been dashed out.
The ladders were now applied, and mounted by several men; which the monkey observing, and
finding himself almost encompassed, not being able to make speed enough with his three legs, let
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me drop on a ridge tile, and made his escape. Here I sat for some time, five hundred yards from the
ground, expecting every moment to be blown down by the wind, or to fall by my own giddiness,
and come tumbling over and over from the ridge to the eaves; but an honest lad, one of my nurse's
footmen, climbed up, and putting me into his breeches pocket, brought me down safe.
I was almost choked with the filthy stuff the monkey had crammed down my throat: but my dear
little nurse picked it out of my mouth with a small needle, and then I fell a-vomiting, which gave
me great relief. Yet I was so weak and bruised in the sides with the squeezes given me by this
odious animal, that I was forced to keep my bed a fortnight. The king, queen, and all the court, sent
every day to inquire after my health; and her majesty made me several visits during my sickness.
The monkey was killed, and an order made, that no such animal should be kept about the palace.
When I attended the king after my recovery, to return him thanks for his favours, he was pleased to
rally me a good deal upon this adventure. He asked me, "what my thoughts and speculations were,
while I lay in the monkey's paw; how I liked the victuals he gave me; his manner of feeding; and
whether the fresh air on the roof had sharpened my stomach." He desired to know, "what I would
have done upon such an occasion in my own country." I told his majesty, "that in Europe we had no
monkeys, except such as were brought for curiosity from other places, and so small, that I could
deal with a dozen of them together, if they presumed to attack me. And as for that monstrous
animal with whom I was so lately engaged (it was indeed as large as an elephant), if my fears had
suffered me to think so far as to make use of my hanger," (looking fiercely, and clapping my hand
on the hilt, as I spoke) "when he poked his paw into my chamber, perhaps I should have given him
such a wound, as would have made him glad to withdraw it with more haste than he put it in." This
I delivered in a firm tone, like a person who was jealous lest his courage should be called in
question. However, my speech produced nothing else beside a laud laughter, which all the respect
due to his majesty from those about him could not make them contain. This made me reflect, how
vain an attempt it is for a man to endeavour to do himself honour among those who are out of all
degree of equality or comparison with him. And yet I have seen the moral of my own behaviour
very frequent in England since my return; where a little contemptible varlet, without the least title
to birth, person, wit, or common sense, shall presume to look with importance, and put himself
upon a foot with the greatest persons of the kingdom.
I was every day furnishing the court with some ridiculous story: and Glumdalclitch, although she
loved me to excess, yet was arch enough to inform the queen, whenever I committed any folly that
she thought would be diverting to her majesty. The girl, who had been out of order, was carried by
her governess to take the air about an hour's distance, or thirty miles from town. They alighted out
of the coach near a small foot-path in a field, and Glumdalclitch setting down my travelling box, I
went out of it to walk. There was a cow-dung in the path, and I must need try my activity by
attempting to leap over it. I took a run, but unfortunately jumped short, and found myself just in the
middle up to my knees. I waded through with some difficulty, and one of the footmen wiped me as
clean as he could with his handkerchief, for I was filthily bemired; and my nurse confined me to
my box, till we returned home; where the queen was soon informed of what had passed, and the
footmen spread it about the court: so that all the mirth for some days was at my expense.
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CHAPTER VI.
[Several contrivances of the author to please the king and queen. He shows his skill in music. The
king inquires into the state of England, which the author relates to him. The king's observations
thereon.]
I used to attend the king's levee once or twice a week, and had often seen him under the barber's
hand, which indeed was at first very terrible to behold; for the razor was almost twice as long as an
ordinary scythe. His majesty, according to the custom of the country, was only shaved twice a-
week. I once prevailed on the barber to give me some of the suds or lather, out of which I picked
forty or fifty of the strongest stumps of hair. I then took a piece of fine wood, and cut it like the
back of a comb, making several holes in it at equal distances with as small a needle as I could get
from Glumdalclitch. I fixed in the stumps so artificially, scraping and sloping them with my knife
toward the points, that I made a very tolerable comb; which was a seasonable supply, my own
being so much broken in the teeth, that it was almost useless: neither did I know any artist in that
country so nice and exact, as would undertake to make me another.
And this puts me in mind of an amusement, wherein I spent many of my leisure hours. I desired the
queen's woman to save for me the combings of her majesty's hair, whereof in time I got a good
quantity; and consulting with my friend the cabinet-maker, who had received general orders to do
little jobs for me, I directed him to make two chair-frames, no larger than those I had in my box,
and to bore little holes with a fine awl, round those parts where I designed the backs and seats;
through these holes I wove the strongest hairs I could pick out, just after the manner of cane chairs
in England. When they were finished, I made a present of them to her majesty; who kept them in
her cabinet, and used to show them for curiosities, as indeed they were the wonder of every one
that beheld them. The queen would have me sit upon one of these chairs, but I absolutely refused to
obey her, protesting I would rather die than place a dishonourable part of my body on those
precious hairs, that once adorned her majesty's head. Of these hairs (as I had always a mechanical
genius) I likewise made a neat little purse, about five feet long, with her majesty's name deciphered
in gold letters, which I gave to Glumdalclitch, by the queen's consent. To say the truth, it was more
for show than use, being not of strength to bear the weight of the larger coins, and therefore she
kept nothing in it but some little toys that girls are fond of.
The king, who delighted in music, had frequent concerts at court, to which I was sometimes
carried, and set in my box on a table to hear them: but the noise was so great that I could hardly
distinguish the tunes. I am confident that all the drums and trumpets of a royal army, beating and
sounding together just at your ears, could not equal it. My practice was to have my box removed
from the place where the performers sat, as far as I could, then to shut the doors and windows of it,
and draw the window curtains; after which I found their music not disagreeable.
I had learned in my youth to play a little upon the spinet. Glumdalclitch kept one in her chamber,
and a master attended twice a-week to teach her: I called it a spinet, because it somewhat resembled
that instrument, and was played upon in the same manner. A fancy came into my head, that I would
entertain the king and queen with an English tune upon this instrument. But this appeared
extremely difficult: for the spinet was near sixty feet long, each key being almost a foot wide, so
that with my arms extended I could not reach to above five keys, and to press them down required a
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good smart stroke with my fist, which would be too great a labour, and to no purpose. The method I
contrived was this: I prepared two round sticks, about the bigness of common cudgels; they were
thicker at one end than the other, and I covered the thicker ends with pieces of a mouse's skin, that
by rapping on them I might neither damage the tops of the keys nor interrupt the sound. Before the
spinet a bench was placed, about four feet below the keys, and I was put upon the bench. I ran
sideling upon it, that way and this, as fast as I could, banging the proper keys with my two sticks,
and made a shift to play a jig, to the great satisfaction of both their majesties; but it was the most
violent exercise I ever underwent; and yet I could not strike above sixteen keys, nor consequently
play the bass and treble together, as other artists do; which was a great disadvantage to my
performance.
The king, who, as I before observed, was a prince of excellent understanding, would frequently
order that I should be brought in my box, and set upon the table in his closet: he would then
command me to bring one of my chairs out of the box, and sit down within three yards distance
upon the top of the cabinet, which brought me almost to a level with his face. In this manner I had
several conversations with him. I one day took the freedom to tell his majesty, "that the contempt
he discovered towards Europe, and the rest of the world, did not seem answerable to those excellent
qualities of mind that he was master of; that reason did not extend itself with the bulk of the body;
on the contrary, we observed in our country, that the tallest persons were usually the least provided
with it; that among other animals, bees and ants had the reputation of more industry, art, and
sagacity, than many of the larger kinds; and that, as inconsiderable as he took me to be, I hoped I
might live to do his majesty some signal service." The king heard me with attention, and began to
conceive a much better opinion of me than he had ever before. He desired "I would give him as
exact an account of the government of England as I possibly could; because, as fond as princes
commonly are of their own customs (for so he conjectured of other monarchs, by my former
discourses), he should be glad to hear of any thing that might deserve imitation."
Imagine with thyself, courteous reader, how often I then wished for the tongue of Demosthenes or
Cicero, that might have enabled me to celebrate the praise of my own dear native country in a style
equal to its merits and felicity.
I began my discourse by informing his majesty, that our dominions consisted of two islands, which
composed three mighty kingdoms, under one sovereign, beside our plantations in America. I dwelt
long upon the fertility of our soil, and the temperature of our climate. I then spoke at large upon the
constitution of an English parliament; partly made up of an illustrious body called the House of
Peers; persons of the noblest blood, and of the most ancient and ample patrimonies. I described that
extraordinary care always taken of their education in arts and arms, to qualify them for being
counsellors both to the king and kingdom; to have a share in the legislature; to be members of the
highest court of judicature, whence there can be no appeal; and to be champions always ready for
the defence of their prince and country, by their valour, conduct, and fidelity. That these were the
ornament and bulwark of the kingdom, worthy followers of their most renowned ancestors, whose
honour had been the reward of their virtue, from which their posterity were never once known to
degenerate. To these were joined several holy persons, as part of that assembly, under the title of
bishops, whose peculiar business is to take care of religion, and of those who instruct the people
therein. These were searched and sought out through the whole nation, by the prince and his wisest
counsellors, among such of the priesthood as were most deservedly distinguished by the sanctity of
their lives, and the depth of their erudition; who were indeed the spiritual fathers of the clergy and
the people.
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That the other part of the parliament consisted of an assembly called the House of Commons, who
were all principal gentlemen, freely picked and culled out by the people themselves, for their great
abilities and love of their country, to represent the wisdom of the whole nation. And that these two
bodies made up the most august assembly in Europe; to whom, in conjunction with the prince, the
whole legislature is committed.
I then descended to the courts of justice; over which the judges, those venerable sages and
interpreters of the law, presided, for determining the disputed rights and properties of men, as well
as for the punishment of vice and protection of innocence. I mentioned the prudent management of
our treasury; the valour and achievements of our forces, by sea and land. I computed the number of
our people, by reckoning how many millions there might be of each religious sect, or political party
among us. I did not omit even our sports and pastimes, or any other particular which I thought
might redound to the honour of my country. And I finished all with a brief historical account of
affairs and events in England for about a hundred years past.
This conversation was not ended under five audiences, each of several hours; and the king heard
the whole with great attention, frequently taking notes of what I spoke, as well as memorandums of
what questions he intended to ask me.
When I had put an end to these long discources, his majesty, in a sixth audience, consulting his
notes, proposed many doubts, queries, and objections, upon every article. He asked, "What
methods were used to cultivate the minds and bodies of our young nobility, and in what kind of
business they commonly spent the first and teachable parts of their lives? What course was taken to
supply that assembly, when any noble family became extinct? What qualifications were necessary
in those who are to be created new lords: whether the humour of the prince, a sum of money to a
court lady, or a design of strengthening a party opposite to the public interest, ever happened to be
the motive in those advancements? What share of knowledge these lords had in the laws of their
country, and how they came by it, so as to enable them to decide the properties of their fellow-
subjects in the last resort? Whether they were always so free from avarice, partialities, or want, that
a bribe, or some other sinister view, could have no place among them? Whether those holy lords I
spoke of were always promoted to that rank upon account of their knowledge in religious matters,
and the sanctity of their lives; had never been compliers with the times, while they were common
priests; or slavish prostitute chaplains to some nobleman, whose opinions they continued servilely
to follow, after they were admitted into that assembly?"
He then desired to know, "What arts were practised in electing those whom I called commoners:
whether a stranger, with a strong purse, might not influence the vulgar voters to choose him before
their own landlord, or the most considerable gentleman in the neighbourhood? How it came to
pass, that people were so violently bent upon getting into this assembly, which I allowed to be a
great trouble and expense, often to the ruin of their families, without any salary or pension?
because this appeared such an exalted strain of virtue and public spirit, that his majesty seemed to
doubt it might possibly not be always sincere."
And he desired to know, "Whether such zealous gentlemen could have any views of refunding
themselves for the charges and trouble they were at by sacrificing the public good to the designs of
a weak and vicious prince, in conjunction with a corrupted ministry?" He multiplied his questions,
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and sifted me thoroughly upon every part of this head, proposing numberless inquiries and
objections, which I think it not prudent or convenient to repeat.
Upon what I said in relation to our courts of justice, his majesty desired to be satisfied in several
points: and this I was the better able to do, having been formerly almost ruined by a long suit in
chancery, which was decreed for me with costs. He asked, "What time was usually spent in
determining between right and wrong, and what degree of expense? Whether advocates and orators
had liberty to plead in causes manifestly known to be unjust, vexatious, or oppressive? Whether
party, in religion or politics, were observed to be of any weight in the scale of justice? Whether
those pleading orators were persons educated in the general knowledge of equity, or only in
provincial, national, and other local customs? Whether they or their judges had any part in penning
those laws, which they assumed the liberty of interpreting, and glossing upon at their pleasure?
Whether they had ever, at different times, pleaded for and against the same cause, and cited
precedents to prove contrary opinions? Whether they were a rich or a poor corporation? Whether
they received any pecuniary reward for pleading, or delivering their opinions? And particularly,
whether they were ever admitted as members in the lower senate?"
He fell next upon the management of our treasury; and said, "he thought my memory had failed
me, because I computed our taxes at about five or six millions a-year, and when I came to mention
the issues, he found they sometimes amounted to more than double; for the notes he had taken were
very particular in this point, because he hoped, as he told me, that the knowledge of our conduct
might be useful to him, and he could not be deceived in his calculations. But, if what I told him
were true, he was still at a loss how a kingdom could run out of its estate, like a private person." He
asked me, "who were our creditors; and where we found money to pay them?" He wondered to
hear me talk of such chargeable and expensive wars; "that certainly we must be a quarrelsome
people, or live among very bad neighbours, and that our generals must needs be richer than our
kings." He asked, what business we had out of our own islands, unless upon the score of trade, or
treaty, or to defend the coasts with our fleet?" Above all, he was amazed to hear me talk of a
mercenary standing army, in the midst of peace, and among a free people. He said, "if we were
governed by our own consent, in the persons of our representatives, he could not imagine of whom
we were afraid, or against whom we were to fight; and would hear my opinion, whether a private
man's house might not be better defended by himself, his children, and family, than by half-a-dozen
rascals, picked up at a venture in the streets for small wages, who might get a hundred times more
by cutting their throats?"
He laughed at my "odd kind of arithmetic," as he was pleased to call it, "in reckoning the numbers
of our people, by a computation drawn from the several sects among us, in religion and politics."
He said, "he knew no reason why those, who entertain opinions prejudicial to the public, should be
obliged to change, or should not be obliged to conceal them. And as it was tyranny in any
government to require the first, so it was weakness not to enforce the second: for a man may be
allowed to keep poisons in his closet, but not to vend them about for cordials."
He observed, "that among the diversions of our nobility and gentry, I had mentioned gaming: he
desired to know at what age this entertainment was usually taken up, and when it was laid down;
how much of their time it employed; whether it ever went so high as to affect their fortunes;
whether mean, vicious people, by their dexterity in that art, might not arrive at great riches, and
sometimes keep our very nobles in dependence, as well as habituate them to vile companions,
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wholly take them from the improvement of their minds, and force them, by the losses they
received, to learn and practise that infamous dexterity upon others?"
He was perfectly astonished with the historical account gave him of our affairs during the last
century; protesting "it was only a heap of conspiracies, rebellions, murders, massacres, revolutions,
banishments, the very worst effects that avarice, faction, hypocrisy, perfidiousness, cruelty, rage,
madness, hatred, envy, lust, malice, and ambition, could produce."
His majesty, in another audience, was at the pains to recapitulate the sum of all I had spoken;
compared the questions he made with the answers I had given; then taking me into his hands, and
stroking me gently, delivered himself in these words, which I shall never forget, nor the manner he
spoke them in: "My little friend Grildrig, you have made a most admirable panegyric upon your
country; you have clearly proved, that ignorance, idleness, and vice, are the proper ingredients for
qualifying a legislator; that laws are best explained, interpreted, and applied, by those whose
interest and abilities lie in perverting, confounding, and eluding them. I observe among you some
lines of an institution, which, in its original, might have been tolerable, but these half erased, and
the rest wholly blurred and blotted by corruptions. It does not appear, from all you have said, how
any one perfection is required toward the procurement of any one station among you; much less,
that men are ennobled on account of their virtue; that priests are advanced for their piety or
learning; soldiers, for their conduct or valour; judges, for their integrity; senators, for the love of
their country; or counsellors for their wisdom. As for yourself," continued the king, "who have
spent the greatest part of your life in travelling, I am well disposed to hope you may hitherto have
escaped many vices of your country. But by what I have gathered from your own relation, and the
answers I have with much pains wrung and extorted from you, I cannot but conclude the bulk of
your natives to be the most pernicious race of little odious vermin that nature ever suffered to crawl
upon the surface of the earth."
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CHAPTER VII.
[The author's love of his country. He makes a proposal of much advantage to the king, which is
rejected. The king's great ignorance in politics. The learning of that country very imperfect and
confined. The laws, and military affairs, and parties in the state.]
Nothing but an extreme love of truth could have hindered me from concealing this part of my story.
It was in vain to discover my resentments, which were always turned into ridicule; and I was forced
to rest with patience, while my noble and beloved country was so injuriously treated. I am as
heartily sorry as any of my readers can possibly be, that such an occasion was given: but this prince
happened to be so curious and inquisitive upon every particular, that it could not consist either with
gratitude or good manners, to refuse giving him what satisfaction I was able. Yet thus much I may
be allowed to say in my own vindication, that I artfully eluded many of his questions, and gave to
every point a more favourable turn, by many degrees, than the strictness of truth would allow. For I
have always borne that laudable partiality to my own country, which Dionysius Halicarnassensis,
with so much justice, recommends to an historian: I would hide the frailties and deformities of my
political mother, and place her virtues and beauties in the most advantageous light. This was my
sincere endeavour in those many discourses I had with that monarch, although it unfortunately
failed of success.
But great allowances should be given to a king, who lives wholly secluded from the rest of the
world, and must therefore be altogether unacquainted with the manners and customs that most
prevail in other nations: the want of which knowledge will ever produce many prejudices, and a
certain narrowness of thinking, from which we, and the politer countries of Europe, are wholly
exempted. And it would be hard indeed, if so remote a prince's notions of virtue and vice were to
be offered as a standard for all mankind.
To confirm what I have now said, and further to show the miserable effects of a confined
education, I shall here insert a passage, which will hardly obtain belief. In hopes to ingratiate
myself further into his majesty's favour, I told him of "an invention, discovered between three and
four hundred years ago, to make a certain powder, into a heap of which, the smallest spark of fire
falling, would kindle the whole in a moment, although it were as big as a mountain, and make it all
fly up in the air together, with a noise and agitation greater than thunder. That a proper quantity of
this powder rammed into a hollow tube of brass or iron, according to its bigness, would drive a ball
of iron or lead, with such violence and speed, as nothing was able to sustain its force. That the
largest balls thus discharged, would not only destroy whole ranks of an army at once, but batter the
strongest walls to the ground, sink down ships, with a thousand men in each, to the bottom of the
sea, and when linked together by a chain, would cut through masts and rigging, divide hundreds of
bodies in the middle, and lay all waste before them. That we often put this powder into large
hollow balls of iron, and discharged them by an engine into some city we were besieging, which
would rip up the pavements, tear the houses to pieces, burst and throw splinters on every side,
dashing out the brains of all who came near. That I knew the ingredients very well, which were
cheap and common; I understood the manner of compounding them, and could direct his workmen
how to make those tubes, of a size proportionable to all other things in his majesty's kingdom, and
the largest need not be above a hundred feet long; twenty or thirty of which tubes, charged with the
proper quantity of powder and balls, would batter down the walls of the strongest town in his
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dominions in a few hours, or destroy the whole metropolis, if ever it should pretend to dispute his
absolute commands." This I humbly offered to his majesty, as a small tribute of acknowledgment,
in turn for so many marks that I had received, of his royal favour and protection.
The king was struck with horror at the description I had given of those terrible engines, and the
proposal I had made. "He was amazed, how so impotent and grovelling an insect as I" (these were
his expressions) "could entertain such inhuman ideas, and in so familiar a manner, as to appear
wholly unmoved at all the scenes of blood and desolation which I had painted as the common
effects of those destructive machines; whereof," he said, "some evil genius, enemy to mankind,
must have been the first contriver. As for himself, he protested, that although few things delighted
him so much as new discoveries in art or in nature, yet he would rather lose half his kingdom, than
be privy to such a secret; which he commanded me, as I valued any life, never to mention any
more."
A strange effect of narrow principles and views! that a prince possessed of every quality which
procures veneration, love, and esteem; of strong parts, great wisdom, and profound learning,
endowed with admirable talents, and almost adored by his subjects, should, from a nice,
unnecessary scruple, whereof in Europe we can have no conception, let slip an opportunity put into
his hands that would have made him absolute master of the lives, the liberties, and the fortunes of
his people! Neither do I say this, with the least intention to detract from the many virtues of that
excellent king, whose character, I am sensible, will, on this account, be very much lessened in the
opinion of an English reader: but I take this defect among them to have risen from their ignorance,
by not having hitherto reduced politics into a science, as the more acute wits of Europe have done.
For, I remember very well, in a discourse one day with the king, when I happened to say, "there
were several thousand books among us written upon the art of government," it gave him (directly
contrary to my intention) a very mean opinion of our understandings. He professed both to
abominate and despise all mystery, refinement, and intrigue, either in a prince or a minister. He
could not tell what I meant by secrets of state, where an enemy, or some rival nation, were not in
the case. He confined the knowledge of governing within very narrow bounds, to common sense
and reason, to justice and lenity, to the speedy determination of civil and criminal causes; with
some other obvious topics, which are not worth considering. And he gave it for his opinion, "that
whoever could make two ears of corn, or two blades of grass, to grow upon a spot of ground where
only one grew before, would deserve better of mankind, and do more essential service to his
country, than the whole race of politicians put together."
The learning of this people is very defective, consisting only in morality, history, poetry, and
mathematics, wherein they must be allowed to excel. But the last of these is wholly applied to what
may be useful in life, to the improvement of agriculture, and all mechanical arts; so that among us,
it would be little esteemed. And as to ideas, entities, abstractions, and transcendentals, I could
never drive the least conception into their heads.
No law in that country must exceed in words the number of letters in their alphabet, which consists
only of two and twenty. But indeed few of them extend even to that length. They are expressed in
the most plain and simple terms, wherein those people are not mercurial enough to discover above
one interpretation: and to write a comment upon any law, is a capital crime. As to the decision of
civil causes, or proceedings against criminals, their precedents are so few, that they have little
reason to boast of any extraordinary skill in either.
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They have had the art of printing, as well as the Chinese, time out of mind: but their libraries are
not very large; for that of the king, which is reckoned the largest, does not amount to above a
thousand volumes, placed in a gallery of twelve hundred feet long, whence I had liberty to borrow
what books I pleased. The queen's joiner had contrived in one of Glumdalclitch's rooms, a kind of
wooden machine five-and-twenty feet high, formed like a standing ladder; the steps were each fifty
feet long. It was indeed a moveable pair of stairs, the lowest end placed at ten feet distance from the
wall of the chamber. The book I had a mind to read, was put up leaning against the wall: I first
mounted to the upper step of the ladder, and turning my face towards the book, began at the top of
the page, and so walking to the right and left about eight or ten paces, according to the length of the
lines, till I had gotten a little below the level of mine eyes, and then descending gradually till I
came to the bottom: after which I mounted again, and began the other page in the same manner,
and so turned over the leaf, which I could easily do with both my hands, for it was as thick and stiff
as a pasteboard, and in the largest folios not above eighteen or twenty feet long.
Their style is clear, masculine, and smooth, but not florid; for they avoid nothing more than
multiplying unnecessary words, or using various expressions. I have perused many of their books,
especially those in history and morality. Among the rest, I was much diverted with a little old
treatise, which always lay in Glumdalclitch's bed chamber, and belonged to her governess, a grave
elderly gentlewoman, who dealt in writings of morality and devotion. The book treats of the
weakness of human kind, and is in little esteem, except among the women and the vulgar.
However, I was curious to see what an author of that country could say upon such a subject. This
writer went through all the usual topics of European moralists, showing "how diminutive,
contemptible, and helpless an animal was man in his own nature; how unable to defend himself
from inclemencies of the air, or the fury of wild beasts: how much he was excelled by one creature
in strength, by another in speed, by a third in foresight, by a fourth in industry." He added, "that
nature was degenerated in these latter declining ages of the world, and could now produce only
small abortive births, in comparison of those in ancient times." He said "it was very reasonable to
think, not only that the species of men were originally much larger, but also that there must have
been giants in former ages; which, as it is asserted by history and tradition, so it has been confirmed
by huge bones and skulls, casually dug up in several parts of the kingdom, far exceeding the
common dwindled race of men in our days." He argued, "that the very laws of nature absolutely
required we should have been made, in the beginning of a size more large and robust; not so liable
to destruction from every little accident, of a tile falling from a house, or a stone cast from the hand
of a boy, or being drowned in a little brook." From this way of reasoning, the author drew several
moral applications, useful in the conduct of life, but needless here to repeat. For my own part, I
could not avoid reflecting how universally this talent was spread, of drawing lectures in morality,
or indeed rather matter of discontent and repining, from the quarrels we raise with nature. And I
believe, upon a strict inquiry, those quarrels might be shown as ill-grounded among us as they are
among that people.
As to their military affairs, they boast that the king's army consists of a hundred and seventy-six
thousand foot, and thirty-two thousand horse: if that may be called an army, which is made up of
tradesmen in the several cities, and farmers in the country, whose commanders are only the nobility
and gentry, without pay or reward. They are indeed perfect enough in their exercises, and under
very good discipline, wherein I saw no great merit; for how should it be otherwise, where every
farmer is under the command of his own landlord, and every citizen under that of the principal men
in his own city, chosen after the manner of Venice, by ballot?
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I have often seen the militia of Lorbrulgrud drawn out to exercise, in a great field near the city of
twenty miles square. They were in all not above twenty-five thousand foot, and six thousand horse;
but it was impossible for me to compute their number, considering the space of ground they took
up. A cavalier, mounted on a large steed, might be about ninety feet high. I have seen this whole
body of horse, upon a word of command, draw their swords at once, and brandish them in the air.
Imagination can figure nothing so grand, so surprising, and so astonishing! it looked as if ten
thousand flashes of lightning were darting at the same time from every quarter of the sky.
I was curious to know how this prince, to whose dominions there is no access from any other
country, came to think of armies, or to teach his people the practice of military discipline. But I was
soon informed, both by conversation and reading their histories; for, in the course of many ages,
they have been troubled with the same disease to which the whole race of mankind is subject; the
nobility often contending for power, the people for liberty, and the king for absolute dominion. All
which, however happily tempered by the laws of that kingdom, have been sometimes violated by
each of the three parties, and have more than once occasioned civil wars; the last whereof was
happily put an end to by this prince's grand-father, in a general composition; and the militia, then
settled with common consent, has been ever since kept in the strictest duty.
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CHAPTER VIII.
[The king and queen make a progress to the frontiers. The author attends them. The manner in
which he leaves the country very particularly related. He returns to England.]
I had always a strong impulse that I should some time recover my liberty, though it was impossible
to conjecture by what means, or to form any project with the least hope of succeeding. The ship in
which I sailed, was the first ever known to be driven within sight of that coast, and the king had
given strict orders, that if at any time another appeared, it should be taken ashore, and with all its
crew and passengers brought in a tumbril to Lorbrulgrud. He was strongly bent to get me a woman
of my own size, by whom I might propagate the breed: but I think I should rather have died than
undergone the disgrace of leaving a posterity to be kept in cages, like tame canary-birds, and
perhaps, in time, sold about the kingdom, to persons of quality, for curiosities. I was indeed treated
with much kindness: I was the favourite of a great king and queen, and the delight of the whole
court; but it was upon such a foot as ill became the dignity of humankind. I could never forget
those domestic pledges I had left behind me. I wanted to be among people, with whom I could
converse upon even terms, and walk about the streets and fields without being afraid of being trod
to death like a frog or a young puppy. But my deliverance came sooner than I expected, and in a
manner not very common; the whole story and circumstances of which I shall faithfully relate.
I had now been two years in this country; and about the beginning of the third, Glumdalclitch and I
attended the king and queen, in a progress to the south coast of the kingdom. I was carried, as
usual, in my travelling-box, which as I have already described, was a very convenient closet, of
twelve feet wide. And I had ordered a hammock to be fixed, by silken ropes from the four corners
at the top, to break the jolts, when a servant carried me before him on horseback, as I sometimes
desired; and would often sleep in my hammock, while we were upon the road. On the roof of my
closet, not directly over the middle of the hammock, I ordered the joiner to cut out a hole of a foot
square, to give me air in hot weather, as I slept; which hole I shut at pleasure with a board that drew
backward and forward through a groove.
When we came to our journey's end, the king thought proper to pass a few days at a palace he has
near Flanflasnic, a city within eighteen English miles of the seaside. Glumdalclitch and I were
much fatigued: I had gotten a small cold, but the poor girl was so ill as to be confined to her
chamber. I longed to see the ocean, which must be the only scene of my escape, if ever it should
happen. I pretended to be worse than I really was, and desired leave to take the fresh air of the sea,
with a page, whom I was very fond of, and who had sometimes been trusted with me. I shall never
forget with what unwillingness Glumdalclitch consented, nor the strict charge she gave the page to
be careful of me, bursting at the same time into a flood of tears, as if she had some forboding of
what was to happen. The boy took me out in my box, about half an hours walk from the palace,
towards the rocks on the seashore. I ordered him to set me down, and lifting up one of my sashes,
cast many a wistful melancholy look towards the sea. I found myself not very well, and told the
page that I had a mind to take a nap in my hammock, which I hoped would do me good. I got in,
and the boy shut the window close down, to keep out the cold. I soon fell asleep, and all I can
conjecture is, while I slept, the page, thinking no danger could happen, went among the rocks to
look for birds' eggs, having before observed him from my window searching about, and picking up
one or two in the clefts. Be that as it will, I found myself suddenly awaked with a violent pull upon
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the ring, which was fastened at the top of my box for the conveniency of carriage. I felt my box
raised very high in the air, and then borne forward with prodigious speed. The first jolt had like to
have shaken me out of my hammock, but afterward the motion was easy enough. I called out
several times, as loud as I could raise my voice, but all to no purpose. I looked towards my
windows, and could see nothing but the clouds and sky. I heard a noise just over my head, like the
clapping of wings, and then began to perceive the woful condition I was in; that some eagle had got
the ring of my box in his beak, with an intent to let it fall on a rock, like a tortoise in a shell, and
then pick out my body, and devour it: for the sagacity and smell of this bird enables him to discover
his quarry at a great distance, though better concealed than I could be within a two-inch board.
In a little time, I observed the noise and flutter of wings to increase very fast, and my box was
tossed up and down, like a sign in a windy day. I heard several bangs or buffets, as I thought given
to the eagle (for such I am certain it must have been that held the ring of my box in his beak), and
then, all on a sudden, felt myself falling perpendicularly down, for above a minute, but with such
incredible swiftness, that I almost lost my breath. My fall was stopped by a terrible squash, that
sounded louder to my ears than the cataract of Niagara; after which, I was quite in the dark for
another minute, and then my box began to rise so high, that I could see light from the tops of the
windows. I now perceived I was fallen into the sea. My box, by the weight of my body, the goods
that were in, and the broad plates of iron fixed for strength at the four corners of the top and
bottom, floated about five feet deep in water. I did then, and do now suppose, that the eagle which
flew away with my box was pursued by two or three others, and forced to let me drop, while he
defended himself against the rest, who hoped to share in the prey. The plates of iron fastened at the
bottom of the box (for those were the strongest) preserved the balance while it fell, and hindered it
from being broken on the surface of the water. Every joint of it was well grooved; and the door did
not move on hinges, but up and down like a sash, which kept my closet so tight that very little
water came in. I got with much difficulty out of my hammock, having first ventured to draw back
the slip-board on the roof already mentioned, contrived on purpose to let in air, for want of which I
found myself almost stifled.
How often did I then wish myself with my dear Glumdalclitch, from whom one single hour had so
far divided me! And I may say with truth, that in the midst of my own misfortunes I could not
forbear lamenting my poor nurse, the grief she would suffer for my loss, the displeasure of the
queen, and the ruin of her fortune. Perhaps many travellers have not been under greater difficulties
and distress than I was at this juncture, expecting every moment to see my box dashed to pieces, or
at least overset by the first violent blast, or rising wave. A breach in one single pane of glass would
have been immediate death: nor could any thing have preserved the windows, but the strong lattice
wires placed on the outside, against accidents in travelling. I saw the water ooze in at several
crannies, although the leaks were not considerable, and I endeavoured to stop them as well as I
could. I was not able to lift up the roof of my closet, which otherwise I certainly should have done,
and sat on the top of it; where I might at least preserve myself some hours longer, than by being
shut up (as I may call it) in the hold. Or if I escaped these dangers for a day or two, what could I
expect but a miserable death of cold and hunger? I was four hours under these circumstances,
expecting, and indeed wishing, every moment to be my last.
I have already told the reader that there were two strong staples fixed upon that side of my box
which had no window, and into which the servant, who used to carry me on horseback, would put a
leathern belt, and buckle it about his waist. Being in this disconsolate state, I heard, or at least
thought I heard, some kind of grating noise on that side of my box where the staples were fixed;
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and soon after I began to fancy that the box was pulled or towed along the sea; for I now and then
felt a sort of tugging, which made the waves rise near the tops of my windows, leaving me almost
in the dark. This gave me some faint hopes of relief, although I was not able to imagine how it
could be brought about. I ventured to unscrew one of my chairs, which were always fastened to the
floor; and having made a hard shift to screw it down again, directly under the slipping-board that I
had lately opened, I mounted on the chair, and putting my mouth as near as I could to the hole, I
called for help in a loud voice, and in all the languages I understood. I then fastened my
handkerchief to a stick I usually carried, and thrusting it up the hole, waved it several times in the
air, that if any boat or ship were near, the seamen might conjecture some unhappy mortal to be shut
up in the box.
I found no effect from all I could do, but plainly perceived my closet to be moved along; and in the
space of an hour, or better, that side of the box where the staples were, and had no windows, struck
against something that was hard. I apprehended it to be a rock, and found myself tossed more than
ever. I plainly heard a noise upon the cover of my closet, like that of a cable, and the grating of it as
it passed through the ring. I then found myself hoisted up, by degrees, at least three feet higher than
I was before. Whereupon I again thrust up my stick and handkerchief, calling for help till I was
almost hoarse. In return to which, I heard a great shout repeated three times, giving me such
transports of joy as are not to be conceived but by those who feel them. I now heard a trampling
over my head, and somebody calling through the hole with a loud voice, in the English tongue, "If
there be any body below, let them speak." I answered, "I was an Englishman, drawn by ill fortune
into the greatest calamity that ever any creature underwent, and begged, by all that was moving, to
be delivered out of the dungeon I was in." The voice replied, "I was safe, for my box was fastened
to their ship; and the carpenter should immediately come and saw a hole in the cover, large enough
to pull me out." I answered, "that was needless, and would take up too much time; for there was no
more to be done, but let one of the crew put his finger into the ring, and take the box out of the sea
into the ship, and so into the captain's cabin." Some of them, upon hearing me talk so wildly,
thought I was mad: others laughed; for indeed it never came into my head, that I was now got
among people of my own stature and strength. The carpenter came, and in a few minutes sawed a
passage about four feet square, then let down a small ladder, upon which I mounted, and thence
was taken into the ship in a very weak condition.
The sailors were all in amazement, and asked me a thousand questions, which I had no inclination
to answer. I was equally confounded at the sight of so many pigmies, for such I took them to be,
after having so long accustomed mine eyes to the monstrous objects I had left. But the captain, Mr.
Thomas Wilcocks, an honest worthy Shropshire man, observing I was ready to faint, took me into
his cabin, gave me a cordial to comfort me, and made me turn in upon his own bed, advising me to
take a little rest, of which I had great need. Before I went to sleep, I gave him to understand that I
had some valuable furniture in my box, too good to be lost: a fine hammock, a handsome field-bed,
two chairs, a table, and a cabinet; that my closet was hung on all sides, or rather quilted, with silk
and cotton; that if he would let one of the crew bring my closet into his cabin, I would open it there
before him, and show him my goods. The captain, hearing me utter these absurdities, concluded I
was raving; however (I suppose to pacify me) he promised to give order as I desired, and going
upon deck, sent some of his men down into my closet, whence (as I afterwards found) they drew up
all my goods, and stripped off the quilting; but the chairs, cabinet, and bedstead, being screwed to
the floor, were much damaged by the ignorance of the seamen, who tore them up by force. Then
they knocked off some of the boards for the use of the ship, and when they had got all they had a
mind for, let the hull drop into the sea, which by reason of many breaches made in the bottom and
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sides, sunk to rights. And, indeed, I was glad not to have been a spectator of the havoc they made,
because I am confident it would have sensibly touched me, by bringing former passages into my
mind, which I would rather have forgot.
I slept some hours, but perpetually disturbed with dreams of the place I had left, and the dangers I
had escaped. However, upon waking, I found myself much recovered. It was now about eight
o'clock at night, and the captain ordered supper immediately, thinking I had already fasted too long.
He entertained me with great kindness, observing me not to look wildly, or talk inconsistently: and,
when we were left alone, desired I would give him a relation of my travels, and by what accident I
came to be set adrift, in that monstrous wooden chest. He said "that about twelve o'clock at noon,
as he was looking through his glass, he spied it at a distance, and thought it was a sail, which he
had a mind to make, being not much out of his course, in hopes of buying some biscuit, his own
beginning to fall short. That upon coming nearer, and finding his error, he sent out his long-boat to
discover what it was; that his men came back in a fright, swearing they had seen a swimming
house. That he laughed at their folly, and went himself in the boat, ordering his men to take a
strong cable along with them. That the weather being calm, he rowed round me several times,
observed my windows and wire lattices that defended them. That he discovered two staples upon
one side, which was all of boards, without any passage for light. He then commanded his men to
row up to that side, and fastening a cable to one of the staples, ordered them to tow my chest, as
they called it, toward the ship. When it was there, he gave directions to fasten another cable to the
ring fixed in the cover, and to raise up my chest with pulleys, which all the sailors were not able to
do above two or three feet." He said, "they saw my stick and handkerchief thrust out of the hole,
and concluded that some unhappy man must be shut up in the cavity." I asked, "whether he or the
crew had seen any prodigious birds in the air, about the time he first discovered me." To which he
answered, that discoursing this matter with the sailors while I was asleep, one of them said, he had
observed three eagles flying towards the north, but remarked nothing of their being larger than the
usual size:" which I suppose must be imputed to the great height they were at; and he could not
guess the reason of my question. I then asked the captain, "how far he reckoned we might be from
land?" He said, "by the best computation he could make, we were at least a hundred leagues." I
assured him, "that he must be mistaken by almost half, for I had not left the country whence I came
above two hours before I dropped into the sea." Whereupon he began again to think that my brain
was disturbed, of which he gave me a hint, and advised me to go to bed in a cabin he had provided.
I assured him, "I was well refreshed with his good entertainment and company, and as much in my
senses as ever I was in my life." He then grew serious, and desired to ask me freely, "whether I
were not troubled in my mind by the consciousness of some enormous crime, for which I was
punished, at the command of some prince, by exposing me in that chest; as great criminals, in other
countries, have been forced to sea in a leaky vessel, without provisions: for although he should be
sorry to have taken so ill a man into his ship, yet he would engage his word to set me safe ashore,
in the first port where we arrived." He added, "that his suspicions were much increased by some
very absurd speeches I had delivered at first to his sailors, and afterwards to himself, in relation to
my closet or chest, as well as by my odd looks and behaviour while I was at supper."
I begged his patience to hear me tell my story, which I faithfully did, from the last time I left
England, to the moment he first discovered me. And, as truth always forces its way into rational
minds, so this honest worthy gentleman, who had some tincture of learning, and very good sense,
was immediately convinced of my candour and veracity. But further to confirm all I had said, I
entreated him to give order that my cabinet should be brought, of which I had the key in my pocket;
for he had already informed me how the seamen disposed of my closet. I opened it in his own
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presence, and showed him the small collection of rarities I made in the country from which I had
been so strangely delivered. There was the comb I had contrived out of the stumps of the king's
beard, and another of the same materials, but fixed into a paring of her majesty's thumb-nail, which
served for the back. There was a collection of needles and pins, from a foot to half a yard long; four
wasp stings, like joiner's tacks; some combings of the queen's hair; a gold ring, which one day she
made me a present of, in a most obliging manner, taking it from her little finger, and throwing it
over my head like a collar. I desired the captain would please to accept this ring in return for his
civilities; which he absolutely refused. I showed him a corn that I had cut off with my own hand,
from a maid of honour's toe; it was about the bigness of Kentish pippin, and grown so hard, that
when I returned England, I got it hollowed into a cup, and set in silver. Lastly, I desired him to see
the breeches I had then on, which were made of a mouse's skin.
I could force nothing on him but a footman's tooth, which I observed him to examine with great
curiosity, and found he had a fancy for it. He received it with abundance of thanks, more than such
a trifle could deserve. It was drawn by an unskilful surgeon, in a mistake, from one of
Glumdalclitch's men, who was afflicted with the tooth-ache, but it was as sound as any in his head.
I got it cleaned, and put it into my cabinet. It was about a foot long, and four inches in diameter.
The captain was very well satisfied with this plain relation I had given him, and said, "he hoped,
when we returned to England, I would oblige the world by putting it on paper, and making it
public." My answer was, "that we were overstocked with books of travels: that nothing could now
pass which was not extraordinary; wherein I doubted some authors less consulted truth, than their
own vanity, or interest, or the diversion of ignorant readers; that my story could contain little beside
common events, without those ornamental descriptions of strange plants, trees, birds, and other
animals; or of the barbarous customs and idolatry of savage people, with which most writers
abound. However, I thanked him for his good opinion, and promised to take the matter into my
thoughts."
He said "he wondered at one thing very much, which was, to hear me speak so loud;" asking me
"whether the king or queen of that country were thick of hearing?" I told him, "it was what I had
been used to for above two years past, and that I admired as much at the voices of him and his men,
who seemed to me only to whisper, and yet I could hear them well enough. But, when I spoke in
that country, it was like a man talking in the streets, to another looking out from the top of a
steeple, unless when I was placed on a table, or held in any person's hand." I told him, "I had
likewise observed another thing, that, when I first got into the ship, and the sailors stood all about
me, I thought they were the most little contemptible creatures I had ever beheld." For indeed, while
I was in that prince's country, I could never endure to look in a glass, after mine eyes had been
accustomed to such prodigious objects, because the comparison gave me so despicable a conceit of
myself. The captain said, "that while we were at supper, he observed me to look at every thing with
a sort of wonder, and that I often seemed hardly able to contain my laughter, which he knew not
well how to take, but imputed it to some disorder in my brain." I answered, "it was very true; and I
wondered how I could forbear, when I saw his dishes of the size of a silver three-pence, a leg of
pork hardly a mouthful, a cup not so big as a nut-shell;" and so I went on, describing the rest of his
household-stuff and provisions, after the same manner. For, although he queen had ordered a little
equipage of all things necessary for me, while I was in her service, yet my ideas were wholly taken
up with what I saw on every side of me, and I winked at my own littleness, as people do at their
own faults. The captain understood my raillery very well, and merrily replied with the old English
proverb, "that he doubted mine eyes were bigger than my belly, for he did not observe my stomach
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so good, although I had fasted all day;" and, continuing in his mirth, protested "he would have
gladly given a hundred pounds, to have seen my closet in the eagle's bill, and afterwards in its fall
from so great a height into the sea; which would certainly have been a most astonishing object,
worthy to have the description of it transmitted to future ages:" and the comparison of Phaeton was
so obvious, that he could not forbear applying it, although I did not much admire the conceit.
The captain having been at Tonquin, was, in his return to England, driven north-eastward to the
latitude of 44 degrees, and longitude of 143. But meeting a trade-wind two days after I came on
board him, we sailed southward a long time, and coasting New Holland, kept our course west-
south-west, and then south-south-west, till we doubled the Cape of Good Hope. Our voyage was
very prosperous, but I shall not trouble the reader with a journal of it. The captain called in at one
or two ports, and sent in his long-boat for provisions and fresh water; but I never went out of the
ship till we came into the Downs, which was on the third day of June, 1706, about nine months
after my escape. I offered to leave my goods in security for payment of my freight: but the captain
protested he would not receive one farthing. We took a kind leave of each other, and I made him
promise he would come to see me at my house in Redriff. I hired a horse and guide for five
shillings, which I borrowed of the captain.
As I was on the road, observing the littleness of the houses, the trees, the cattle, and the people, I
began to think myself in Lilliput. I was afraid of trampling on every traveller I met, and often called
aloud to have them stand out of the way, so that I had like to have gotten one or two broken heads
for my impertinence.
When I came to my own house, for which I was forced to inquire, one of the servants opening the
door, I bent down to go in, (like a goose under a gate,) for fear of striking my head. My wife run
out to embrace me, but I stooped lower than her knees, thinking she could otherwise never be able
to reach my mouth. My daughter kneeled to ask my blessing, but I could not see her till she arose,
having been so long used to stand with my head and eyes erect to above sixty feet; and then I went
to take her up with one hand by the waist. I looked down upon the servants, and one or two friends
who were in the house, as if they had been pigmies and I a giant. I told my wife, "she had been too
thrifty, for I found she had starved herself and her daughter to nothing." In short, I behaved myself
so unaccountably, that they were all of the captain's opinion when he first saw me, and concluded I
had lost my wits. This I mention as an instance of the great power of habit and prejudice.
In a little time, I and my family and friends came to a right understanding: but my wife protested "I
should never go to sea any more;" although my evil destiny so ordered, that she had not power to
hinder me, as the reader may know hereafter. In the mean time, I here conclude the second part of
my unfortunate voyages.
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PART III. A VOYAGE TO LAPUTA, BALNIBARBI, LUGGNAGG,
GLUBBDUBDRIB, AND JAPAN.
CHAPTER I.
[The author sets out on his third voyage. Is taken by pirates. The malice of a Dutchman. His arrival
at an island. He is received into Laputa.]
I had not been at home above ten days, when Captain William Robinson, a Cornish man,
commander of the Hopewell, a stout ship of three hundred tons, came to my house. I had formerly
been surgeon of another ship where he was master, and a fourth part owner, in a voyage to the
Levant. He had always treated me more like a brother, than an inferior officer; and, hearing of my
arrival, made me a visit, as I apprehended only out of friendship, for nothing passed more than
what is usual after long absences. But repeating his visits often, expressing his joy to find I me in
good health, asking, "whether I were now settled for life?" adding, "that he intended a voyage to
the East Indies in two months," at last he plainly invited me, though with some apologies, to be
surgeon of the ship; "that I should have another surgeon under me, beside our two mates; that my
salary should be double to the usual pay; and that having experienced my knowledge in sea-affairs
to be at least equal to his, he would enter into any engagement to follow my advice, as much as if I
had shared in the command."
He said so many other obliging things, and I knew him to be so honest a man, that I could not reject
this proposal; the thirst I had of seeing the world, notwithstanding my past misfortunes, continuing
as violent as ever. The only difficulty that remained, was to persuade my wife, whose consent
however I at last obtained, by the prospect of advantage she proposed to her children.
We set out the 5th day of August, 1706, and arrived at Fort St. George the 11th of April, 1707. We
staid there three weeks to refresh our crew, many of whom were sick. From thence we went to
Tonquin, where the captain resolved to continue some time, because many of the goods he intended
to buy were not ready, nor could he expect to be dispatched in several months. Therefore, in hopes
to defray some of the charges he must be at, he bought a sloop, loaded it with several sorts of
goods, wherewith the Tonquinese usually trade to the neighbouring islands, and putting fourteen
men on board, whereof three were of the country, he appointed me master of the sloop, and gave
me power to traffic, while he transacted his affairs at Tonquin.
We had not sailed above three days, when a great storm arising, we were driven five days to the
north-north-east, and then to the east: after which we had fair weather, but still with a pretty strong
gale from the west. Upon the tenth day we were chased by two pirates, who soon overtook us; for
my sloop was so deep laden, that she sailed very slow, neither were we in a condition to defend
ourselves.
We were boarded about the same time by both the pirates, who entered furiously at the head of
their men; but finding us all prostrate upon our faces (for so I gave order), they pinioned us with
strong ropes, and setting guard upon us, went to search the sloop.
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I observed among them a Dutchman, who seemed to be of some authority, though he was not
commander of either ship. He knew us by our countenances to be Englishmen, and jabbering to us
in his own language, swore we should be tied back to back and thrown into the sea. I spoken Dutch
tolerably well; I told him who we were, and begged him, in consideration of our being Christians
and Protestants, of neighbouring countries in strict alliance, that he would move the captains to take
some pity on us. This inflamed his rage; he repeated his threatenings, and turning to his
companions, spoke with great vehemence in the Japanese language, as I suppose, often using the
word CHRISTIANOS.
The largest of the two pirate ships was commanded by a Japanese captain, who spoke a little
Dutch, but very imperfectly. He came up to me, and after several questions, which I answered in
great humility, he said, "we should not die." I made the captain a very low bow, and then, turning
to the Dutchman, said, "I was sorry to find more mercy in a heathen, than in a brother christian."
But I had soon reason to repent those foolish words:
for that malicious reprobate, having often endeavoured in vain to persuade both the captains that I
might be thrown into the sea (which they would not yield to, after the promise made me that I
should not die), however, prevailed so far, as to have a punishment inflicted on me, worse, in all
human appearance, than death itself. My men were sent by an equal division into both the pirate
ships, and my sloop new manned. As to myself, it was determined that I should be set adrift in a
small canoe, with paddles and a sail, and four days' provisions; which last, the Japanese captain
was so kind to double out of his own stores, and would permit no man to search me. I got down
into the canoe, while the Dutchman, standing upon the deck, loaded me with all the curses and
injurious terms his language could afford.
About an hour before we saw the pirates I had taken an observation, and found we were in the
latitude of 46 N. and longitude of 183. When I was at some distance from the pirates, I discovered,
by my pocket-glass, several islands to the south-east. I set up my sail, the wind being fair, with a
design to reach the nearest of those islands, which I made a shift to do, in about three hours. It was
all rocky: however I got many birds' eggs; and, striking fire, I kindled some heath and dry sea-
weed, by which I roasted my eggs. I ate no other supper, being resolved to spare my provisions as
much as I could. I passed the night under the shelter of a rock, strewing some heath under me, and
slept pretty well.
The next day I sailed to another island, and thence to a third and fourth, sometimes using my sail,
and sometimes my paddles. But, not to trouble the reader with a particular account of my
distresses, let it suffice, that on the fifth day I arrived at the last island in my sight, which lay south-
south-east to the former.
This island was at a greater distance than I expected, and I did not reach it in less than five hours. I
encompassed it almost round, before I could find a convenient place to land in; which was a small
creek, about three times the wideness of my canoe. I found the island to be all rocky, only a little
intermingled with tufts of grass, and sweet-smelling herbs. I took out my small provisions and after
having refreshed myself, I secured the remainder in a cave, whereof there were great numbers; I
gathered plenty of eggs upon the rocks, and got a quantity of dry sea-weed, and parched grass,
which I designed to kindle the next day, and roast my eggs as well as I could, for I had about me
my flint, steel, match, and burning-glass. I lay all night in the cave where I had lodged my
provisions. My bed was the same dry grass and sea-weed which I intended for fuel. I slept very
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little, for the disquiets of my mind prevailed over my weariness, and kept me awake. I considered
how impossible it was to preserve my life in so desolate a place, and how miserable my end must
be: yet found myself so listless and desponding, that I had not the heart to rise; and before I could
get spirits enough to creep out of my cave, the day was far advanced. I walked awhile among the
rocks: the sky was perfectly clear, and the sun so hot, that I was forced to turn my face from it:
when all on a sudden it became obscure, as I thought, in a manner very different from what
happens by the interposition of a cloud. I turned back, and perceived a vast opaque body between
me and the sun moving forwards towards the island: it seemed to be about two miles high, and hid
the sun six or seven minutes; but I did not observe the air to be much colder, or the sky more
darkened, than if I had stood under the shade of a mountain. As it approached nearer over the place
where I was, it appeared to be a firm substance, the bottom flat, smooth, and shining very bright,
from the reflection of the sea below. I stood upon a height about two hundred yards from the shore,
and saw this vast body descending almost to a parallel with me, at less than an English mile
distance. I took out my pocket perspective, and could plainly discover numbers of people moving
up and down the sides of it, which appeared to be sloping; but what those people where doing I was
not able to distinguish.
The natural love of life gave me some inward motion of joy, and I was ready to entertain a hope
that this adventure might, some way or other, help to deliver me from the desolate place and
condition I was in. But at the same time the reader can hardly conceive my astonishment, to behold
an island in the air, inhabited by men, who were able (as it should seem) to raise or sink, or put it
into progressive motion, as they pleased. But not being at that time in a disposition to philosophise
upon this phenomenon, I rather chose to observe what course the island would take, because it
seemed for awhile to stand still. Yet soon after, it advanced nearer, and I could see the sides of it
encompassed with several gradations of galleries, and stairs, at certain intervals, to descend from
one to the other. In the lowest gallery, I beheld some people fishing with long angling rods, and
others looking on. I waved my cap (for my hat was long since worn out) and my handkerchief
toward the island; and upon its nearer approach, I called and shouted with the utmost strength of
my voice; and then looking circumspectly, I beheld a crowd gather to that side which was most in
my view. I found by their pointing towards me and to each other, that they plainly discovered me,
although they made no return to my shouting. But I could see four or five men running in great
haste, up the stairs, to the top of the island, who then disappeared. I happened rightly to conjecture,
that these were sent for orders to some person in authority upon this occasion.
The number of people increased, and, in less than half all hour, the island was moved and raised in
such a manner, that the lowest gallery appeared in a parallel of less then a hundred yards distance
from the height where I stood. I then put myself in the most supplicating posture, and spoke in the
humblest accent, but received no answer. Those who stood nearest over against me, seemed to be
persons of distinction, as I supposed by their habit. They conferred earnestly with each other,
looking often upon me. At length one of them called out in a clear, polite, smooth dialect, not
unlike in sound to the Italian: and therefore I returned an answer in that language, hoping at least
that the cadence might be more agreeable to his ears. Although neither of us understood the other,
yet my meaning was easily known, for the people saw the distress I was in.
They made signs for me to come down from the rock, and go towards the shore, which I
accordingly did; and the flying island being raised to a convenient height, the verge directly over
me, a chain was let down from the lowest gallery, with a seat fastened to the bottom, to which I
fixed myself, and was drawn up by pulleys.
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CHAPTER II.
[The humours and dispositions of the Laputians described. An account of their learning. Of the
king and his court. The author's reception there. The inhabitants subject to fear and disquietudes.
An account of the women.]
Ay my alighting, I was surrounded with a crowd of people, but those who stood nearest seemed to
be of better quality. They beheld me with all the marks and circumstances of wonder; neither
indeed was I much in their debt, having never till then seen a race of mortals so singular in their
shapes, habits, and countenances. Their heads were all reclined, either to the right, or the left; one
of their eyes turned inward, and the other directly up to the zenith. Their outward garments were
adorned with the figures of suns, moons, and stars; interwoven with those of fiddles, flutes, harps,
trumpets, guitars, harpsichords, and many other instruments of music, unknown to us in Europe. I
observed, here and there, many in the habit of servants, with a blown bladder, fastened like a flail
to the end of a stick, which they carried in their hands. In each bladder was a small quantity of
dried peas, or little pebbles, as I was afterwards informed. With these bladders, they now and then
flapped the mouths and ears of those who stood near them, of which practice I could not then
conceive the meaning. It seems the minds of these people are so taken up with intense speculations,
that they neither can speak, nor attend to the discourses of others, without being roused by some
external taction upon the organs of speech and hearing; for which reason, those persons who are
able to afford it always keep a flapper (the original is CLIMENOLE) in their family, as one of their
domestics; nor ever walk abroad, or make visits, without him. And the business of this officer is,
when two, three, or more persons are in company, gently to strike with his bladder the mouth of
him who is to speak, and the right ear of him or them to whom the speaker addresses himself. This
flapper is likewise employed diligently to attend his master in his walks, and upon occasion to give
him a soft flap on his eyes; because he is always so wrapped up in cogitation, that he is in manifest
danger of falling down every precipice, and bouncing his head against every post; and in the
streets, of justling others, or being justled himself into the kennel.
It was necessary to give the reader this information, without which he would be at the same loss
with me to understand the proceedings of these people, as they conducted me up the stairs to the
top of the island, and from thence to the royal palace. While we were ascending, they forgot several
times what they were about, and left me to myself, till their memories were again roused by their
flappers; for they appeared altogether unmoved by the sight of my foreign habit and countenance,
and by the shouts of the vulgar, whose thoughts and minds were more disengaged.
At last we entered the palace, and proceeded into the chamber of presence, where I saw the king
seated on his throne, attended on each side by persons of prime quality. Before the throne, was a
large table filled with globes and spheres, and mathematical instruments of all kinds. His majesty
took not the least notice of us, although our entrance was not without sufficient noise, by the
concourse of all persons belonging to the court. But he was then deep in a problem; and we
attended at least an hour, before he could solve it. There stood by him, on each side, a young page
with flaps in their hands, and when they saw he was at leisure, one of them gently struck his mouth,
and the other his right ear; at which he startled like one awaked on the sudden, and looking towards
me and the company I was in, recollected the occasion of our coming, whereof he had been
informed before. He spoke some words, whereupon immediately a young man with a flap came up
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to my side, and flapped me gently on the right ear; but I made signs, as well as I could, that I had
no occasion for such an instrument; which, as I afterwards found, gave his majesty, and the whole
court, a very mean opinion of my understanding. The king, as far as I could conjecture, asked me
several questions, and I addressed myself to him in all the languages I had. When it was found I
could neither understand nor be understood, I was conducted by his order to an apartment in his
palace (this prince being distinguished above all his predecessors for his hospitality to strangers),
where two servants were appointed to attend me. My dinner was brought, and four persons of
quality, whom I remembered to have seen very near the king's person, did me the honour to dine
with me. We had two courses, of three dishes each. In the first course, there was a shoulder of
mutton cut into an equilateral triangle, a piece of beef into a rhomboides, and a pudding into a
cycloid. The second course was two ducks trussed up in the form of fiddles; sausages and puddings
resembling flutes and hautboys, and a breast of veal in the shape of a harp. The servants cut our
bread into cones, cylinders, parallelograms, and several other mathematical figures.
While we were at dinner, I made bold to ask the names of several things in their language, and
those noble persons, by the assistance of their flappers, delighted to give me answers, hoping to
raise my admiration of their great abilities if I could be brought to converse with them. I was soon
able to call for bread and drink, or whatever else I wanted.
After dinner my company withdrew, and a person was sent to me by the king's order, attended by a
flapper. He brought with him pen, ink, and paper, and three or four books, giving me to understand
by signs, that he was sent to teach me the language. We sat together four hours, in which time I
wrote down a great number of words in columns, with the translations over against them; I likewise
made a shift to learn several short sentences; for my tutor would order one of my servants to fetch
something, to turn about, to make a bow, to sit, or to stand, or walk, and the like. Then I took down
the sentence in writing. He showed me also, in one of his books, the figures of the sun, moon, and
stars, the zodiac, the tropics, and polar circles, together with the denominations of many plains and
solids. He gave me the names and descriptions of all the musical instruments, and the general terms
of art in playing on each of them. After he had left me, I placed all my words, with their
interpretations, in alphabetical order. And thus, in a few days, by the help of a very faithful
memory, I got some insight into their language. The word, which I interpret the flying or floating
island, is in the original LAPUTA, whereof I could never learn the true etymology. LAP, in the old
obsolete language, signifies high; and UNTUH, a governor; from which they say, by corruption,
was derived LAPUTA, from LAPUNTUH. But I do not approve of this derivation, which seems to
be a little strained. I ventured to offer to the learned among them a conjecture of my own, that
Laputa was QUASI LAP OUTED; LAP, signifying properly, the dancing of the sunbeams in the
sea, and OUTED, a wing; which, however, I shall not obtrude, but submit to the judicious reader.
Those to whom the king had entrusted me, observing how ill I was clad, ordered a tailor to come
next morning, and take measure for a suit of clothes. This operator did his office after a different
manner from those of his trade in Europe. He first took my altitude by a quadrant, and then, with a
rule and compasses, described the dimensions and outlines of my whole body, all which he entered
upon paper; and in six days brought my clothes very ill made, and quite out of shape, by happening
to mistake a figure in the calculation. But my comfort was, that I observed such accidents very
frequent, and little regarded.
During my confinement for want of clothes, and by an indisposition that held me some days longer,
I much enlarged my dictionary; and when I went next to court, was able to understand many things
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the king spoke, and to return him some kind of answers. His majesty had given orders, that the
island should move north-east and by east, to the vertical point over Lagado, the metropolis of the
whole kingdom below, upon the firm earth. It was about ninety leagues distant, and our voyage
lasted four days and a half. I was not in the least sensible of the progressive motion made in the air
by the island. On the second morning, about eleven o'clock, the king himself in person, attended by
his nobility, courtiers, and officers, having prepared all their musical instruments, played on them
for three hours without intermission, so that I was quite stunned with the noise; neither could I
possibly guess the meaning, till my tutor informed me. He said that, the people of their island had
their ears adapted to hear "the music of the spheres, which always played at certain periods, and the
court was now prepared to bear their part, in whatever instrument they most excelled."
In our journey towards Lagado, the capital city, his majesty ordered that the island should stop over
certain towns and villages, from whence he might receive the petitions of his subjects. And to this
purpose, several packthreads were let down, with small weights at the bottom. On these
packthreads the people strung their petitions, which mounted up directly, like the scraps of paper
fastened by school boys at the end of the string that holds their kite. Sometimes we received wine
and victuals from below, which were drawn up by pulleys.
The knowledge I had in mathematics, gave me great assistance in acquiring their phraseology,
which depended much upon that science, and music; and in the latter I was not unskilled. Their
ideas are perpetually conversant in lines and figures. If they would, for example, praise the beauty
of a woman, or any other animal, they describe it by rhombs, circles, parallelograms, ellipses, and
other geometrical terms, or by words of art drawn from music, needless here to repeat. I observed
in the king's kitchen all sorts of mathematical and musical instruments, after the figures of which
they cut up the joints that were served to his majesty's table.
Their houses are very ill built, the walls bevil, without one right angle in any apartment; and this
defect arises from the contempt they bear to practical geometry, which they despise as vulgar and
mechanic; those instructions they give being too refined for the intellects of their workmen, which
occasions perpetual mistakes. And although they are dexterous enough upon a piece of paper, in
the management of the rule, the pencil, and the divider, yet in the common actions and behaviour of
life, I have not seen a more clumsy, awkward, and unhandy people, nor so slow and perplexed in
their conceptions upon all other subjects, except those of mathematics and music. They are very
bad reasoners, and vehemently given to opposition, unless when they happen to be of the right
opinion, which is seldom their case. Imagination, fancy, and invention, they are wholly strangers
to, nor have any words in their language, by which those ideas can be expressed; the whole
compass of their thoughts and mind being shut up within the two forementioned sciences.
Most of them, and especially those who deal in the astronomical part, have great faith in judicial
astrology, although they are ashamed to own it publicly. But what I chiefly admired, and thought
altogether unaccountable, was the strong disposition I observed in them towards news and politics,
perpetually inquiring into public affairs, giving their judgments in matters of state, and passionately
disputing every inch of a party opinion. I have indeed observed the same disposition among most
of the mathematicians I have known in Europe, although I could never discover the least analogy
between the two sciences; unless those people suppose, that because the smallest circle has as many
degrees as the largest, therefore the regulation and management of the world require no more
abilities than the handling and turning of a globe; but I rather take this quality to spring from a very
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common infirmity of human nature, inclining us to be most curious and conceited in matters where
we have least concern, and for which we are least adapted by study or nature.
These people are under continual disquietudes, never enjoying a minutes peace of mind; and their
disturbances proceed from causes which very little affect the rest of mortals. Their apprehensions
arise from several changes they dread in the celestial bodies: for instance, that the earth, by the
continual approaches of the sun towards it, must, in course of time, be absorbed, or swallowed up;
that the face of the sun, will, by degrees, be encrusted with its own effluvia, and give no more light
to the world; that the earth very narrowly escaped a brush from the tail of the last comet, which
would have infallibly reduced it to ashes; and that the next, which they have calculated for one-and-
thirty years hence, will probably destroy us. For if, in its perihelion, it should approach within a
certain degree of the sun (as by their calculations they have reason to dread) it will receive a degree
of heat ten thousand times more intense than that of red hot glowing iron, and in its absence from
the sun, carry a blazing tail ten hundred thousand and fourteen miles long, through which, if the
earth should pass at the distance of one hundred thousand miles from the nucleus, or main body of
the comet, it must in its passage be set on fire, and reduced to ashes: that the sun, daily spending its
rays without any nutriment to supply them, will at last be wholly consumed and annihilated; which
must be attended with the destruction of this earth, and of all the planets that receive their light
from it.
They are so perpetually alarmed with the apprehensions of these, and the like impending dangers,
that they can neither sleep quietly in their beds, nor have any relish for the common pleasures and
amusements of life. When they meet an acquaintance in the morning, the first question is about the
sun's health, how he looked at his setting and rising, and what hopes they have to avoid the stroke
of the approaching comet. This conversation they are apt to run into with the same temper that boys
discover in delighting to hear terrible stories of spirits and hobgoblins, which they greedily listen
to, and dare not go to bed for fear.
The women of the island have abundance of vivacity: they, contemn their husbands, and are
exceedingly fond of strangers, whereof there is always a considerable number from the continent
below, attending at court, either upon affairs of the several towns and corporations, or their own
particular occasions, but are much despised, because they want the same endowments. Among
these the ladies choose their gallants: but the vexation is, that they act with too much ease and
security; for the husband is always so rapt in speculation, that the mistress and lover may proceed
to the greatest familiarities before his face, if he be but provided with paper and implements, and
without his flapper at his side.
The wives and daughters lament their confinement to the island, although I think it the most
delicious spot of ground in the world; and although they live here in the greatest plenty and
magnificence, and are allowed to do whatever they please, they long to see the world, and take the
diversions of the metropolis, which they are not allowed to do without a particular license from the
king; and this is not easy to be obtained, because the people of quality have found, by frequent
experience, how hard it is to persuade their women to return from below. I was told that a great
court lady, who had several children,—is married to the prime minister, the richest subject in the
kingdom, a very graceful person, extremely fond of her, and lives in the finest palace of the
island,—went down to Lagado on the pretence of health, there hid herself for several months, till
the king sent a warrant to search for her; and she was found in an obscure eating-house all in rags,
having pawned her clothes to maintain an old deformed footman, who beat her every day, and in
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whose company she was taken, much against her will. And although her husband received her with
all possible kindness, and without the least reproach, she soon after contrived to steal down again,
with all her jewels, to the same gallant, and has not been heard of since.
This may perhaps pass with the reader rather for an European or English story, than for one of a
country so remote. But he may please to consider, that the caprices of womankind are not limited
by any climate or nation, and that they are much more uniform, than can be easily imagined.
In about a month's time, I had made a tolerable proficiency in their language, and was able to
answer most of the king's questions, when I had the honour to attend him. His majesty discovered
not the least curiosity to inquire into the laws, government, history, religion, or manners of the
countries where I had been; but confined his questions to the state of mathematics, and received the
account I gave him with great contempt and indifference, though often roused by his flapper on
each side.
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CHAPTER III.
[A phenomenon solved by modern philosophy and astronomy. The Laputians' great improvements
in the latter. The king's method of suppressing insurrections.]
I desired leave of this prince to see the curiosities of the island, which he was graciously pleased to
grant, and ordered my tutor to attend me. I chiefly wanted to know, to what cause, in art or in
nature, it owed its several motions, whereof I will now give a philosophical account to the reader.
The flying or floating island is exactly circular, its diameter 7837 yards, or about four miles and a
half, and consequently contains ten thousand acres. It is three hundred yards thick. The bottom, or
under surface, which appears to those who view it below, is one even regular plate of adamant,
shooting up to the height of about two hundred yards. Above it lie the several minerals in their
usual order, and over all is a coat of rich mould, ten or twelve feet deep. The declivity of the upper
surface, from the circumference to the centre, is the natural cause why all the dews and rains, which
fall upon the island, are conveyed in small rivulets toward the middle, where they are emptied into
four large basins, each of about half a mile in circuit, and two hundred yards distant from the
centre. From these basins the water is continually exhaled by the sun in the daytime, which
effectually prevents their overflowing. Besides, as it is in the power of the monarch to raise the
island above the region of clouds and vapours, he can prevent the falling of dews and rain
whenever he pleases. For the highest clouds cannot rise above two miles, as naturalists agree, at
least they were never known to do so in that country.
At the centre of the island there is a chasm about fifty yards in diameter, whence the astronomers
descend into a large dome, which is therefore called FLANDONA GAGNOLE, or the astronomer's
cave, situated at the depth of a hundred yards beneath the upper surface of the adamant. In this cave
are twenty lamps continually burning, which, from the reflection of the adamant, cast a strong light
into every part. The place is stored with great variety of sextants, quadrants, telescopes, astrolabes,
and other astronomical instruments. But the greatest curiosity, upon which the fate of the island
depends, is a loadstone of a prodigious size, in shape resembling a weaver's shuttle. It is in length
six yards, and in the thickest part at least three yards over. This magnet is sustained by a very
strong axle of adamant passing through its middle, upon which it plays, and is poised so exactly
that the weakest hand can turn it. It is hooped round with a hollow cylinder of adamant, four feet
yards in diameter, placed horizontally, and supported by eight adamantine feet, each six yards high.
In the middle of the concave side, there is a groove twelve inches deep, in which the extremities of
the axle are lodged, and turned round as there is occasion.
The stone cannot be removed from its place by any force, because the hoop and its feet are one
continued piece with that body of adamant which constitutes the bottom of the island.
By means of this loadstone, the island is made to rise and fall, and move from one place to another.
For, with respect to that part of the earth over which the monarch presides, the stone is endued at
one of its sides with an attractive power, and at the other with a repulsive. Upon placing the magnet
erect, with its attracting end towards the earth, the island descends; but when the repelling
extremity points downwards, the island mounts directly upwards. When the position of the stone is
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oblique, the motion of the island is so too: for in this magnet, the forces always act in lines parallel
to its direction.
By this oblique motion, the island is conveyed to different parts of the monarch's dominions. To
explain the manner of its progress, let A B represent a line drawn across the dominions of
Balnibarbi, let the line C D represent the loadstone, of which let D be the repelling end, and C the
attracting end, the island being over C: let the stone be placed in position C D, with its repelling
end downwards; then the island will be driven upwards obliquely towards D. When it is arrived at
D, let the stone be turned upon its axle, till its attracting end points towards E, and then the island
will be carried obliquely towards E; where, if the stone be again turned upon its axle till it stands in
the position E F, with its repelling point downwards, the island will rise obliquely towards F,
where, by directing the attracting end towards G, the island may be carried to G, and from G to H,
by turning the stone, so as to make its repelling extremity to point directly downward. And thus, by
changing the situation of the stone, as often as there is occasion, the island is made to rise and fall
by turns in an oblique direction, and by those alternate risings and fallings (the obliquity being not
considerable) is conveyed from one part of the dominions to the other.
But it must be observed, that this island cannot move beyond the extent of the dominions below,
nor can it rise above the height of four miles. For which the astronomers (who have written large
systems concerning the stone) assign the following reason: that the magnetic virtue does not extend
beyond the distance of four miles, and that the mineral, which acts upon the stone in the bowels of
the earth, and in the sea about six leagues distant from the shore, is not diffused through the whole
globe, but terminated with the limits of the king's dominions; and it was easy, from the great
advantage of such a superior situation, for a prince to bring under his obedience whatever country
lay within the attraction of that magnet.
When the stone is put parallel to the plane of the horizon, the island stands still; for in that case the
extremities of it, being at equal distance from the earth, act with equal force, the one in drawing
downwards, the other in pushing upwards, and consequently no motion can ensue.
This loadstone is under the care of certain astronomers, who, from time to time, give it such
positions as the monarch directs.
They spend the greatest part of their lives in observing the celestial bodies, which they do by the
assistance of glasses, far excelling ours in goodness. For, although their largest telescopes do not
exceed three feet, they magnify much more than those of a hundred with us, and show the stars
with greater clearness. This advantage has enabled them to extend their discoveries much further
than our astronomers in Europe; for they have made a catalogue of ten thousand fixed stars,
whereas the largest of ours do not contain above one third part of that number. They have likewise
discovered two lesser stars, or satellites, which revolve about Mars; whereof the innermost is
distant from the centre of the primary planet exactly three of his diameters, and the outermost, five;
the former revolves in the space of ten hours, and the latter in twenty-one and a half; so that the
squares of their periodical times are very near in the same proportion with the cubes of their
distance from the centre of Mars; which evidently shows them to be governed by the same law of
gravitation that influences the other heavenly bodies.
They have observed ninety-three different comets, and settled their periods with great exactness. If
this be true (and they affirm it with great confidence) it is much to be wished, that their
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observations were made public, whereby the theory of comets, which at present is very lame and
defective, might be brought to the same perfection with other arts of astronomy.
The king would be the most absolute prince in the universe, if he could but prevail on a ministry to
join with him; but these having their estates below on the continent, and considering that the office
of a favourite has a very uncertain tenure, would never consent to the enslaving of their country.
If any town should engage in rebellion or mutiny, fall into violent factions, or refuse to pay the
usual tribute, the king has two methods of reducing them to obedience. The first and the mildest
course is, by keeping the island hovering over such a town, and the lands about it, whereby he can
deprive them of the benefit of the sun and the rain, and consequently afflict the inhabitants with
dearth and diseases: and if the crime deserve it, they are at the same time pelted from above with
great stones, against which they have no defence but by creeping into cellars or caves, while the
roofs of their houses are beaten to pieces. But if they still continue obstinate, or offer to raise
insurrections, he proceeds to the last remedy, by letting the island drop directly upon their heads,
which makes a universal destruction both of houses and men. However, this is an extremity to
which the prince is seldom driven, neither indeed is he willing to put it in execution; nor dare his
ministers advise him to an action, which, as it would render them odious to the people, so it would
be a great damage to their own estates, which all lie below; for the island is the king's demesne.
But there is still indeed a more weighty reason, why the kings of this country have been always
averse from executing so terrible an action, unless upon the utmost necessity. For, if the town
intended to be destroyed should have in it any tall rocks, as it generally falls out in the larger cities,
a situation probably chosen at first with a view to prevent such a catastrophe; or if it abound in high
spires, or pillars of stone, a sudden fall might endanger the bottom or under surface of the island,
which, although it consist, as I have said, of one entire adamant, two hundred yards thick, might
happen to crack by too great a shock, or burst by approaching too near the fires from the houses
below, as the backs, both of iron and stone, will often do in our chimneys. Of all this the people are
well apprised, and understand how far to carry their obstinacy, where their liberty or property is
concerned. And the king, when he is highest provoked, and most determined to press a city to
rubbish, orders the island to descend with great gentleness, out of a pretence of tenderness to his
people, but, indeed, for fear of breaking the adamantine bottom; in which case, it is the opinion of
all their philosophers, that the loadstone could no longer hold it up, and the whole mass would fall
to the ground.
By a fundamental law of this realm, neither the king, nor either of his two eldest sons, are permitted
to leave the island; nor the queen, till she is past child-bearing.
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CHAPTER IV.
[The author leaves Laputa; is conveyed to Balnibarbi; arrives at the metropolis. A description of the
metropolis, and the country adjoining. The author hospitably received by a great lord. His
conversation with that lord.]
Although I cannot say that I was ill treated in this island, yet I must confess I thought myself too
much neglected, not without some degree of contempt; for neither prince nor people appeared to be
curious in any part of knowledge, except mathematics and music, wherein I was far their inferior,
and upon that account very little regarded.
On the other side, after having seen all the curiosities of the island, I was very desirous to leave it,
being heartily weary of those people. They were indeed excellent in two sciences for which I have
great esteem, and wherein I am not unversed; but, at the same time, so abstracted and involved in
speculation, that I never met with such disagreeable companions. I conversed only with women,
tradesmen, flappers, and court-pages, during two months of my abode there; by which, at last, I
rendered myself extremely contemptible; yet these were the only people from whom I could ever
receive a reasonable answer.
I had obtained, by hard study, a good degree of knowledge in their language: I was weary of being
confined to an island where I received so little countenance, and resolved to leave it with the first
opportunity.
There was a great lord at court, nearly related to the king, and for that reason alone used with
respect. He was universally reckoned the most ignorant and stupid person among them. He had
performed many eminent services for the crown, had great natural and acquired parts, adorned with
integrity and honour; but so ill an ear for music, that his detractors reported, "he had been often
known to beat time in the wrong place;" neither could his tutors, without extreme difficulty, teach
him to demonstrate the most easy proposition in the mathematics. He was pleased to show me
many marks of favour, often did me the honour of a visit, desired to be informed in the affairs of
Europe, the laws and customs, the manners and learning of the several countries where I had
travelled. He listened to me with great attention, and made very wise observations on all I spoke.
He had two flappers attending him for state, but never made use of them, except at court and in
visits of ceremony, and would always command them to withdraw, when we were alone together.
I entreated this illustrious person, to intercede in my behalf with his majesty, for leave to depart;
which he accordingly did, as he was pleased to tell me, with regret: for indeed he had made me
several offers very advantageous, which, however, I refused, with expressions of the highest
acknowledgment.
On the 16th of February I took leave of his majesty and the court. The king made me a present to
the value of about two hundred pounds English, and my protector, his kinsman, as much more,
together with a letter of recommendation to a friend of his in Lagado, the metropolis. The island
being then hovering over a mountain about two miles from it, I was let down from the lowest
gallery, in the same manner as I had been taken up.
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The continent, as far as it is subject to the monarch of the flying island, passes under the general
name of BALNIBARBI; and the metropolis, as I said before, is called LAGADO. I felt some little
satisfaction in finding myself on firm ground. I walked to the city without any concern, being clad
like one of the natives, and sufficiently instructed to converse with them. I soon found out the
person's house to whom I was recommended, presented my letter from his friend the grandee in the
island, and was received with much kindness. This great lord, whose name was Munodi, ordered
me an apartment in his own house, where I continued during my stay, and was entertained in a
most hospitable manner.
The next morning after my arrival, he took me in his chariot to see the town, which is about half the
bigness of London; but the houses very strangely built, and most of them out of repair. The people
in the streets walked fast, looked wild, their eyes fixed, and were generally in rags. We passed
through one of the town gates, and went about three miles into the country, where I saw many
labourers working with several sorts of tools in the ground, but was not able to conjecture what
they were about: neither did observe any expectation either of corn or grass, although the soil
appeared to be excellent. I could not forbear admiring at these odd appearances, both in town and
country; and I made bold to desire my conductor, that he would be pleased to explain to me, what
could be meant by so many busy heads, hands, and faces, both in the streets and the fields, because
I did not discover any good effects they produced; but, on the contrary, I never knew a soil so
unhappily cultivated, houses so ill contrived and so ruinous, or a people whose countenances and
habit expressed so much misery and want.
This lord Munodi was a person of the first rank, and had been some years governor of Lagado; but,
by a cabal of ministers, was discharged for insufficiency. However, the king treated him with
tenderness, as a well-meaning man, but of a low contemptible understanding.
When I gave that free censure of the country and its inhabitants, he made no further answer than by
telling me, "that I had not been long enough among them to form a judgment; and that the different
nations of the world had different customs;" with other common topics to the same purpose. But,
when we returned to his palace, he asked me "how I liked the building, what absurdities I observed,
and what quarrel I had with the dress or looks of his domestics?" This he might safely do; because
every thing about him was magnificent, regular, and polite. I answered, "that his excellency's
prudence, quality, and fortune, had exempted him from those defects, which folly and beggary had
produced in others." He said, "if I would go with him to his country-house, about twenty miles
distant, where his estate lay, there would be more leisure for this kind of conversation." I told his
excellency "that I was entirely at his disposal;" and accordingly we set out next morning.
During our journey he made me observe the several methods used by farmers in managing their
lands, which to me were wholly unaccountable; for, except in some very few places, I could not
discover one ear of corn or blade of grass. But, in three hours travelling, the scene was wholly
altered; we came into a most beautiful country; farmers' houses, at small distances, neatly built; the
fields enclosed, containing vineyards, corn-grounds, and meadows. Neither do I remember to have
seen a more delightful prospect. His excellency observed my countenance to clear up; he told me,
with a sigh, "that there his estate began, and would continue the same, till we should come to his
house: that his countrymen ridiculed and despised him, for managing his affairs no better, and for
setting so ill an example to the kingdom; which, however, was followed by very few, such as were
old, and wilful, and weak like himself."
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We came at length to the house, which was indeed a noble structure, built according to the best
rules of ancient architecture. The fountains, gardens, walks, avenues, and groves, were all disposed
with exact judgment and taste. I gave due praises to every thing I saw, whereof his excellency took
not the least notice till after supper; when, there being no third companion, he told me with a very
melancholy air "that he doubted he must throw down his houses in town and country, to rebuild
them after the present mode; destroy all his plantations, and cast others into such a form as modern
usage required, and give the same directions to all his tenants, unless he would submit to incur the
censure of pride, singularity, affectation, ignorance, caprice, and perhaps increase his majesty's
displeasure; that the admiration I appeared to be under would cease or diminish, when he had
informed me of some particulars which, probably, I never heard of at court, the people there being
too much taken up in their own speculations, to have regard to what passed here below."
The sum of his discourse was to this effect: "That about forty years ago, certain persons went up to
Laputa, either upon business or diversion, and, after five months continuance, came back with a
very little smattering in mathematics, but full of volatile spirits acquired in that airy region: that
these persons, upon their return, began to dislike the management of every thing below, and fell
into schemes of putting all arts, sciences, languages, and mechanics, upon a new foot. To this end,
they procured a royal patent for erecting an academy of projectors in Lagado; and the humour
prevailed so strongly among the people, that there is not a town of any consequence in the kingdom
without such an academy. In these colleges the professors contrive new rules and methods of
agriculture and building, and new instruments, and tools for all trades and manufactures; whereby,
as they undertake, one man shall do the work of ten; a palace may be built in a week, of materials
so durable as to last for ever without repairing. All the fruits of the earth shall come to maturity at
whatever season we think fit to choose, and increase a hundred fold more than they do at present;
with innumerable other happy proposals. The only inconvenience is, that none of these projects are
yet brought to perfection; and in the mean time, the whole country lies miserably waste, the houses
in ruins, and the people without food or clothes. By all which, instead of being discouraged, they
are fifty times more violently bent upon prosecuting their schemes, driven equally on by hope and
despair: that as for himself, being not of an enterprising spirit, he was content to go on in the old
forms, to live in the houses his ancestors had built, and act as they did, in every part of life, without
innovation: that some few other persons of quality and gentry had done the same, but were looked
on with an eye of contempt and ill-will, as enemies to art, ignorant, and ill common-wealth's men,
preferring their own ease and sloth before the general improvement of their country."
His lordship added, "That he would not, by any further particulars, prevent the pleasure I should
certainly take in viewing the grand academy, whither he was resolved I should go." He only desired
me to observe a ruined building, upon the side of a mountain about three miles distant, of which he
gave me this account: "That he had a very convenient mill within half a mile of his house, turned
by a current from a large river, and sufficient for his own family, as well as a great number of his
tenants; that about seven years ago, a club of those projectors came to him with proposals to
destroy this mill, and build another on the side of that mountain, on the long ridge whereof a long
canal must be cut, for a repository of water, to be conveyed up by pipes and engines to supply the
mill, because the wind and air upon a height agitated the water, and thereby made it fitter for
motion, and because the water, descending down a declivity, would turn the mill with half the
current of a river whose course is more upon a level." He said, "that being then not very well with
the court, and pressed by many of his friends, he complied with the proposal; and after employing a
hundred men for two years, the work miscarried, the projectors went off, laying the blame entirely
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upon him, railing at him ever since, and putting others upon the same experiment, with equal
assurance of success, as well as equal disappointment."
In a few days we came back to town; and his excellency, considering the bad character he had in
the academy, would not go with me himself, but recommended me to a friend of his, to bear me
company thither. My lord was pleased to represent me as a great admirer of projects, and a person
of much curiosity and easy belief; which, indeed, was not without truth; for I had myself been a
sort of projector in my younger days.
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CHAPTER V.
[The author permitted to see the grand academy of Lagado. The academy largely described. The
arts wherein the professors employ themselves.]
This academy is not an entire single building, but a continuation of several houses on both sides of
a street, which growing waste, was purchased and applied to that use.
I was received very kindly by the warden, and went for many days to the academy. Every room has
in it one or more projectors; and I believe I could not be in fewer than five hundred rooms.
The first man I saw was of a meagre aspect, with sooty hands and face, his hair and beard long,
ragged, and singed in several places. His clothes, shirt, and skin, were all of the same colour. He
has been eight years upon a project for extracting sunbeams out of cucumbers, which were to be
put in phials hermetically sealed, and let out to warm the air in raw inclement summers. He told
me, he did not doubt, that, in eight years more, he should be able to supply the governor's gardens
with sunshine, at a reasonable rate: but he complained that his stock was low, and entreated me "to
give him something as an encouragement to ingenuity, especially since this had been a very dear
season for cucumbers." I made him a small present, for my lord had furnished me with money on
purpose, because he knew their practice of begging from all who go to see them.
I went into another chamber, but was ready to hasten back, being almost overcome with a horrible
stink. My conductor pressed me forward, conjuring me in a whisper "to give no offence, which
would be highly resented;" and therefore I durst not so much as stop my nose. The projector of this
cell was the most ancient student of the academy; his face and beard were of a pale yellow; his
hands and clothes daubed over with filth. When I was presented to him, he gave me a close
embrace, a compliment I could well have excused. His employment, from his first coming into the
academy, was an operation to reduce human excrement to its original food, by separating the
several parts, removing the tincture which it receives from the gall, making the odour exhale, and
scumming off the saliva. He had a weekly allowance, from the society, of a vessel filled with
human ordure, about the bigness of a Bristol barrel.
I saw another at work to calcine ice into gunpowder; who likewise showed me a treatise he had
written concerning the malleability of fire, which he intended to publish.
There was a most ingenious architect, who had contrived a new method for building houses, by
beginning at the roof, and working downward to the foundation; which he justified to me, by the
like practice of those two prudent insects, the bee and the spider.
There was a man born blind, who had several apprentices in his own condition: their employment
was to mix colours for painters, which their master taught them to distinguish by feeling and
smelling. It was indeed my misfortune to find them at that time not very perfect in their lessons,
and the professor himself happened to be generally mistaken. This artist is much encouraged and
esteemed by the whole fraternity.
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In another apartment I was highly pleased with a projector who had found a device of ploughing
the ground with hogs, to save the charges of ploughs, cattle, and labour. The method is this: in an
acre of ground you bury, at six inches distance and eight deep, a quantity of acorns, dates,
chestnuts, and other mast or vegetables, whereof these animals are fondest; then you drive six
hundred or more of them into the field, where, in a few days, they will root up the whole ground in
search of their food, and make it fit for sowing, at the same time manuring it with their dung: it is
true, upon experiment, they found the charge and trouble very great, and they had little or no crop.
However it is not doubted, that this invention may be capable of great improvement.
I went into another room, where the walls and ceiling were all hung round with cobwebs, except a
narrow passage for the artist to go in and out. At my entrance, he called aloud to me, "not to disturb
his webs." He lamented "the fatal mistake the world had been so long in, of using silkworms, while
we had such plenty of domestic insects who infinitely excelled the former, because they understood
how to weave, as well as spin." And he proposed further, "that by employing spiders, the charge of
dyeing silks should be wholly saved;" whereof I was fully convinced, when he showed me a vast
number of flies most beautifully coloured, wherewith he fed his spiders, assuring us "that the webs
would take a tincture from them; and as he had them of all hues, he hoped to fit everybody's fancy,
as soon as he could find proper food for the flies, of certain gums, oils, and other glutinous matter,
to give a strength and consistence to the threads."
There was an astronomer, who had undertaken to place a sun-dial upon the great weathercock on
the town-house, by adjusting the annual and diurnal motions of the earth and sun, so as to answer
and coincide with all accidental turnings of the wind.
I was complaining of a small fit of the colic, upon which my conductor led me into a room where a
great physician resided, who was famous for curing that disease, by contrary operations from the
same instrument. He had a large pair of bellows, with a long slender muzzle of ivory: this he
conveyed eight inches up the anus, and drawing in the wind, he affirmed he could make the guts as
lank as a dried bladder. But when the disease was more stubborn and violent, he let in the muzzle
while the bellows were full of wind, which he discharged into the body of the patient; then
withdrew the instrument to replenish it, clapping his thumb strongly against the orifice of then
fundament; and this being repeated three or four times, the adventitious wind would rush out,
bringing the noxious along with it, (like water put into a pump), and the patient recovered. I saw
him try both experiments upon a dog, but could not discern any effect from the former. After the
latter the animal was ready to burst, and made so violent a discharge as was very offensive to me
and my companion.
The dog died on the spot, and we left the doctor endeavouring to recover him, by the same
operation.
I visited many other apartments, but shall not trouble my reader with all the curiosities I observed,
being studious of brevity.
I had hitherto seen only one side of the academy, the other being appropriated to the advancers of
speculative learning, of whom I shall say something, when I have mentioned one illustrious person
more, who is called among them "the universal artist." He told us "he had been thirty years
employing his thoughts for the improvement of human life." He had two large rooms full of
wonderful curiosities, and fifty men at work. Some were condensing air into a dry tangible
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substance, by extracting the nitre, and letting the aqueous or fluid particles percolate; others
softening marble, for pillows and pin-cushions; others petrifying the hoofs of a living horse, to
preserve them from foundering. The artist himself was at that time busy upon two great designs;
the first, to sow land with chaff, wherein he affirmed the true seminal virtue to be contained, as he
demonstrated by several experiments, which I was not skilful enough to comprehend. The other
was, by a certain composition of gums, minerals, and vegetables, outwardly applied, to prevent the
growth of wool upon two young lambs; and he hoped, in a reasonable time to propagate the breed
of naked sheep, all over the kingdom.
We crossed a walk to the other part of the academy, where, as I have already said, the projectors in
speculative learning resided.
The first professor I saw, was in a very large room, with forty pupils about him. After salutation,
observing me to look earnestly upon a frame, which took up the greatest part of both the length and
breadth of the room, he said, "Perhaps I might wonder to see him employed in a project for
improving speculative knowledge, by practical and mechanical operations. But the world would
soon be sensible of its usefulness; and he flattered himself, that a more noble, exalted thought never
sprang in any other man's head. Every one knew how laborious the usual method is of attaining to
arts and sciences; whereas, by his contrivance, the most ignorant person, at a reasonable charge,
and with a little bodily labour, might write books in philosophy, poetry, politics, laws,
mathematics, and theology, without the least assistance from genius or study." He then led me to
the frame, about the sides, whereof all his pupils stood in ranks. It was twenty feet square, placed in
the middle of the room. The superfices was composed of several bits of wood, about the bigness of
a die, but some larger than others. They were all linked together by slender wires. These bits of
wood were covered, on every square, with paper pasted on them; and on these papers were written
all the words of their language, in their several moods, tenses, and declensions; but without any
order. The professor then desired me "to observe; for he was going to set his engine at work." The
pupils, at his command, took each of them hold of an iron handle, whereof there were forty fixed
round the edges of the frame; and giving them a sudden turn, the whole disposition of the words
was entirely changed. He then commanded six-and-thirty of the lads, to read the several lines
softly, as they appeared upon the frame; and where they found three or four words together that
might make part of a sentence, they dictated to the four remaining boys, who were scribes. This
work was repeated three or four times, and at every turn, the engine was so contrived, that the
words shifted into new places, as the square bits of wood moved upside down.
Six hours a day the young students were employed in this labour; and the professor showed me
several volumes in large folio, already collected, of broken sentences, which he intended to piece
together, and out of those rich materials, to give the world a complete body of all arts and sciences;
which, however, might be still improved, and much expedited, if the public would raise a fund for
making and employing five hundred such frames in Lagado, and oblige the managers to contribute
in common their several collections.
He assured me "that this invention had employed all his thoughts from his youth; that he had
emptied the whole vocabulary into his frame, and made the strictest computation of the general
proportion there is in books between the numbers of particles, nouns, and verbs, and other parts of
speech."
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I made my humblest acknowledgment to this illustrious person, for his great communicativeness;
and promised, "if ever I had the good fortune to return to my native country, that I would do him
justice, as the sole inventor of this wonderful machine;" the form and contrivance of which I
desired leave to delineate on paper, as in the figure here annexed. I told him, "although it were the
custom of our learned in Europe to steal inventions from each other, who had thereby at least this
advantage, that it became a controversy which was the right owner; yet I would take such caution,
that he should have the honour entire, without a rival."
We next went to the school of languages, where three professors sat in consultation upon
improving that of their own country.
The first project was, to shorten discourse, by cutting polysyllables into one, and leaving out verbs
and participles, because, in reality, all things imaginable are but norms.
The other project was, a scheme for entirely abolishing all words whatsoever; and this was urged as
a great advantage in point of health, as well as brevity. For it is plain, that every word we speak is,
in some degree, a diminution of our lunge by corrosion, and, consequently, contributes to the
shortening of our lives. An expedient was therefore offered, "that since words are only names for
things, it would be more convenient for all men to carry about them such things as were necessary
to express a particular business they are to discourse on." And this invention would certainly have
taken place, to the great ease as well as health of the subject, if the women, in conjunction with the
vulgar and illiterate, had not threatened to raise a rebellion unless they might be allowed the liberty
to speak with their tongues, after the manner of their forefathers; such constant irreconcilable
enemies to science are the common people.
However, many of the most learned and wise adhere to the new scheme of expressing themselves
by things; which has only this inconvenience attending it, that if a man's business be very great, and
of various kinds, he must be obliged, in proportion, to carry a greater bundle of things upon his
back, unless he can afford one or two strong servants to attend him. I have often beheld two of
those sages almost sinking under the weight of their packs, like pedlars among us, who, when they
met in the street, would lay down their loads, open their sacks, and hold conversation for an hour
together; then put up their implements, help each other to resume their burdens, and take their
leave.
But for short conversations, a man may carry implements in his pockets, and under his arms,
enough to supply him; and in his house, he cannot be at a loss. Therefore the room where company
meet who practise this art, is full of all things, ready at hand, requisite to furnish matter for this
kind of artificial converse.
Another great advantage proposed by this invention was, that it would serve as a universal
language, to be understood in all civilised nations, whose goods and utensils are generally of the
same kind, or nearly resembling, so that their uses might easily be comprehended. And thus
ambassadors would be qualified to treat with foreign princes, or ministers of state, to whose
tongues they were utter strangers.
I was at the mathematical school, where the master taught his pupils after a method scarce
imaginable to us in Europe. The proposition, and demonstration, were fairly written on a thin
wafer, with ink composed of a cephalic tincture. This, the student was to swallow upon a fasting
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stomach, and for three days following, eat nothing but bread and water. As the wafer digested, the
tincture mounted to his brain, bearing the proposition along with it. But the success has not hitherto
been answerable, partly by some error in the QUANTUM or composition, and partly by the
perverseness of lads, to whom this bolus is so nauseous, that they generally steal aside, and
discharge it upwards, before it can operate; neither have they been yet persuaded to use so long an
abstinence, as the prescription requires.
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CHAPTER VI.
[A further account of the academy. The author proposes some improvements, which are
honourably received.]
In the school of political projectors, I was but ill entertained; the professors appearing, in my
judgment, wholly out of their senses, which is a scene that never fails to make me melancholy.
These unhappy people were proposing schemes for persuading monarchs to choose favourites upon
the score of their wisdom, capacity, and virtue; of teaching ministers to consult the public good; of
rewarding merit, great abilities, eminent services; of instructing princes to know their true interest,
by placing it on the same foundation with that of their people; of choosing for employments
persons qualified to exercise them, with many other wild, impossible chimeras, that never entered
before into the heart of man to conceive; and confirmed in me the old observation, "that there is
nothing so extravagant and irrational, which some philosophers have not maintained for truth."
But, however, I shall so far do justice to this part of the Academy, as to acknowledge that all of
them were not so visionary. There was a most ingenious doctor, who seemed to be perfectly versed
in the whole nature and system of government. This illustrious person had very usefully employed
his studies, in finding out effectual remedies for all diseases and corruptions to which the several
kinds of public administration are subject, by the vices or infirmities of those who govern, as well
as by the licentiousness of those who are to obey. For instance: whereas all writers and reasoners
have agreed, that there is a strict universal resemblance between the natural and the political body;
can there be any thing more evident, than that the health of both must be preserved, and the
diseases cured, by the same prescriptions? It is allowed, that senates and great councils are often
troubled with redundant, ebullient, and other peccant humours; with many diseases of the head, and
more of the heart; with strong convulsions, with grievous contractions of the nerves and sinews in
both hands, but especially the right; with spleen, flatus, vertigos, and deliriums; with scrofulous
tumours, full of fetid purulent matter; with sour frothy ructations: with canine appetites, and
crudeness of digestion, besides many others, needless to mention.
This doctor therefore proposed, "that upon the meeting of the senate, certain physicians should
attend it the three first days of their sitting, and at the close of each day's debate feel the pulses of
every senator; after which, having maturely considered and consulted upon the nature of the several
maladies, and the methods of cure, they should on the fourth day return to the senate house,
attended by their apothecaries stored with proper medicines; and before the members sat,
administer to each of them lenitives, aperitives, abstersives, corrosives, restringents, palliatives,
laxatives, cephalalgics, icterics, apophlegmatics, acoustics, as their several cases required; and,
according as these medicines should operate, repeat, alter, or omit them, at the next meeting."
This project could not be of any great expense to the public; and might in my poor opinion, be of
much use for the despatch of business, in those countries where senates have any share in the
legislative power; beget unanimity, shorten debates, open a few mouths which are now closed, and
close many more which are now open; curb the petulancy of the young, and correct the
positiveness of the old; rouse the stupid, and damp the pert.
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Again: because it is a general complaint, that the favourites of princes are troubled with short and
weak memories; the same doctor proposed, "that whoever attended a first minister, after having
told his business, with the utmost brevity and in the plainest words, should, at his departure, give
the said minister a tweak by the nose, or a kick in the belly, or tread on his corns, or lug him thrice
by both ears, or run a pin into his breech; or pinch his arm black and blue, to prevent forgetfulness;
and at every levee day, repeat the same operation, till the business were done, or absolutely
refused."
He likewise directed, "that every senator in the great council of a nation, after he had delivered his
opinion, and argued in the defence of it, should be obliged to give his vote directly contrary;
because if that were done, the result would infallibly terminate in the good of the public."
When parties in a state are violent, he offered a wonderful contrivance to reconcile them. The
method is this: You take a hundred leaders of each party; you dispose them into couples of such
whose heads are nearest of a size; then let two nice operators saw off the occiput of each couple at
the same time, in such a manner that the brain may be equally divided. Let the occiputs, thus cut
off, be interchanged, applying each to the head of his opposite party-man. It seems indeed to be a
work that requires some exactness, but the professor assured us, "that if it were dexterously
performed, the cure would be infallible." For he argued thus: "that the two half brains being left to
debate the matter between themselves within the space of one skull, would soon come to a good
understanding, and produce that moderation, as well as regularity of thinking, so much to be
wished for in the heads of those, who imagine they come into the world only to watch and govern
its motion: and as to the difference of brains, in quantity or quality, among those who are directors
in faction, the doctor assured us, from his own knowledge, that "it was a perfect trifle."
I heard a very warm debate between two professors, about the most commodious and effectual
ways and means of raising money, without grieving the subject. The first affirmed, "the justest
method would be, to lay a certain tax upon vices and folly; and the sum fixed upon every man to be
rated, after the fairest manner, by a jury of his neighbours." The second was of an opinion directly
contrary; "to tax those qualities of body and mind, for which men chiefly value themselves; the rate
to be more or less, according to the degrees of excelling; the decision whereof should be left
entirely to their own breast." The highest tax was upon men who are the greatest favourites of the
other sex, and the assessments, according to the number and nature of the favours they have
received; for which, they are allowed to be their own vouchers. Wit, valour, and politeness, were
likewise proposed to be largely taxed, and collected in the same manner, by every person's giving
his own word for the quantum of what he possessed. But as to honour, justice, wisdom, and
learning, they should not be taxed at all; because they are qualifications of so singular a kind, that
no man will either allow them in his neighbour or value them in himself.
The women were proposed to be taxed according to their beauty and skill in dressing, wherein they
had the same privilege with the men, to be determined by their own judgment. But constancy,
chastity, good sense, and good nature, were not rated, because they would not bear the charge of
collecting.
To keep senators in the interest of the crown, it was proposed that the members should raffle for
employment; every man first taking an oath, and giving security, that he would vote for the court,
whether he won or not; after which, the losers had, in their turn, the liberty of raffling upon the next
vacancy. Thus, hope and expectation would be kept alive; none would complain of broken
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promises, but impute their disappointments wholly to fortune, whose shoulders are broader and
stronger than those of a ministry.
Another professor showed me a large paper of instructions for discovering plots and conspiracies
against the government. He advised great statesmen to examine into the diet of all suspected
persons; their times of eating; upon which side they lay in bed; with which hand they wipe their
posteriors; take a strict view of their excrements, and, from the colour, the odour, the taste, the
consistence, the crudeness or maturity of digestion, form a judgment of their thoughts and designs;
because men are never so serious, thoughtful, and intent, as when they are at stool, which he found
by frequent experiment; for, in such conjunctures, when he used, merely as a trial, to consider
which was the best way of murdering the king, his ordure would have a tincture of green; but quite
different, when he thought only of raising an insurrection, or burning the metropolis.
The whole discourse was written with great acuteness, containing many observations, both curious
and useful for politicians; but, as I conceived, not altogether complete. This I ventured to tell the
author, and offered, if he pleased, to supply him with some additions. He received my proposition
with more compliance than is usual among writers, especially those of the projecting species,
professing "he would be glad to receive further information."
I told him, "that in the kingdom of Tribnia, (3) by the natives called Langdon, (4) where I had
sojourned some time in my travels, the bulk of the people consist in a manner wholly of
discoverers, witnesses, informers, accusers, prosecutors, evidences, swearers, together with their
several subservient and subaltern instruments, all under the colours, the conduct, and the pay of
ministers of state, and their deputies. The plots, in that kingdom, are usually the workmanship of
those persons who desire to raise their own characters of profound politicians; to restore new
vigour to a crazy administration; to stifle or divert general discontents; to fill their coffers with
forfeitures; and raise, or sink the opinion of public credit, as either shall best answer their private
advantage. It is first agreed and settled among them, what suspected persons shall be accused of a
plot; then, effectual care is taken to secure all their letters and papers, and put the owners in chains.
These papers are delivered to a set of artists, very dexterous in finding out the mysterious meanings
of words, syllables, and letters: for instance, they can discover a close stool, to signify a privy
council; a flock of geese, a senate; a lame dog, an invader; the plague, a standing army; a buzzard, a
prime minister; the gout, a high priest; a gibbet, a secretary of state; a chamber pot, a committee of
grandees; a sieve, a court lady; a broom, a revolution; a mouse-trap, an employment; a bottomless
pit, a treasury; a sink, a court; a cap and bells, a favourite; a broken reed, a court of justice; an
empty tun, a general; a running sore, the administration. (5)
"When this method fails, they have two others more effectual, which the learned among them call
acrostics and anagrams. First, they can decipher all initial letters into political meanings. Thus N,
shall signify a plot; B, a regiment of horse; L, a fleet at sea; or, secondly, by transposing the letters
of the alphabet in any suspected paper, they can lay open the deepest designs of a discontented
party. So, for example, if I should say, in a letter to a friend, 'Our brother Tom has just got the
piles,' a skilful decipherer would discover, that the same letters which compose that sentence, may
be analysed into the following words, 'Resist—, a plot is brought home—The tour.' And this is the
anagrammatic method."
The professor made me great acknowledgments for communicating these observations, and
promised to make honourable mention of me in his treatise.
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I saw nothing in this country that could invite me to a longer continuance, and began to think of
returning home to England.
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CHAPTER VII.
[The author leaves Lagado: arrives at Maldonada. No ship ready. He takes a short voyage to
Glubbdubdrib. His reception by the governor.]
The continent, of which this kingdom is apart, extends itself, as I have reason to believe, eastward,
to that unknown tract of America westward of California; and north, to the Pacific Ocean, which is
not above a hundred and fifty miles from Lagado; where there is a good port, and much commerce
with the great island of Luggnagg, situated to the north-west about 29 degrees north latitude, and
140 longitude. This island of Luggnagg stands south-eastward of Japan, about a hundred leagues
distant. There is a strict alliance between the Japanese emperor and the king of Luggnagg; which
affords frequent opportunities of sailing from one island to the other. I determined therefore to
direct my course this way, in order to my return to Europe. I hired two mules, with a guide, to show
me the way, and carry my small baggage. I took leave of my noble protector, who had shown me so
much favour, and made me a generous present at my departure.
My journey was without any accident or adventure worth relating. When I arrived at the port of
Maldonada (for so it is called) there was no ship in the harbour bound for Luggnagg, nor likely to
be in some time. The town is about as large as Portsmouth. I soon fell into some acquaintance, and
was very hospitably received. A gentleman of distinction said to me, "that since the ships bound for
Luggnagg could not be ready in less than a month, it might be no disagreeable amusement for me
to take a trip to the little island of Glubbdubdrib, about five leagues off to the south-west." He
offered himself and a friend to accompany me, and that I should be provided with a small
convenient bark for the voyage.
Glubbdubdrib, as nearly as I can interpret the word, signifies the island of sorcerers or magicians. It
is about one third as large as the Isle of Wight, and extremely fruitful: it is governed by the head of
a certain tribe, who are all magicians. This tribe marries only among each other, and the eldest in
succession is prince or governor. He has a noble palace, and a park of about three thousand acres,
surrounded by a wall of hewn stone twenty feet high. In this park are several small enclosures for
cattle, corn, and gardening.
The governor and his family are served and attended by domestics of a kind somewhat unusual. By
his skill in necromancy he has a power of calling whom he pleases from the dead, and commanding
their service for twenty-four hours, but no longer; nor can he call the same persons up again in less
than three months, except upon very extraordinary occasions.
When we arrived at the island, which was about eleven in the morning, one of the gentlemen who
accompanied me went to the governor, and desired admittance for a stranger, who came on purpose
to have the honour of attending on his highness. This was immediately granted, and we all three
entered the gate of the palace between two rows of guards, armed and dressed after a very antic
manner, and with something in their countenances that made my flesh creep with a horror I cannot
express. We passed through several apartments, between servants of the same sort, ranked on each
side as before, till we came to the chamber of presence; where, after three profound obeisances, and
a few general questions, we were permitted to sit on three stools, near the lowest step of his
highness's throne. He understood the language of Balnibarbi, although it was different from that of
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this island. He desired me to give him some account of my travels; and, to let me see that I should
be treated without ceremony, he dismissed all his attendants with a turn of his finger; at which, to
my great astonishment, they vanished in an instant, like visions in a dream when we awake on a
sudden. I could not recover myself in some time, till the governor assured me, "that I should
receive no hurt:" and observing my two companions to be under no concern, who had been often
entertained in the same manner, I began to take courage, and related to his highness a short history
of my several adventures; yet not without some hesitation, and frequently looking behind me to the
place where I had seen those domestic spectres. I had the honour to dine with the governor, where a
new set of ghosts served up the meat, and waited at table. I now observed myself to be less terrified
than I had been in the morning. I stayed till sunset, but humbly desired his highness to excuse me
for not accepting his invitation of lodging in the palace. My two friends and I lay at a private house
in the town adjoining, which is the capital of this little island; and the next morning we returned to
pay our duty to the governor, as he was pleased to command us.
After this manner we continued in the island for ten days, most part of every day with the governor,
and at night in our lodging. I soon grew so familiarized to the sight of spirits, that after the third or
fourth time they gave me no emotion at all: or, if I had any apprehensions left, my curiosity
prevailed over them. For his highness the governor ordered me "to call up whatever persons I
would choose to name, and in whatever numbers, among all the dead from the beginning of the
world to the present time, and command them to answer any questions I should think fit to ask;
with this condition, that my questions must be confined within the compass of the times they lived
in. And one thing I might depend upon, that they would certainly tell me the truth, for lying was a
talent of no use in the lower world."
I made my humble acknowledgments to his highness for so great a favour. We were in a chamber,
from whence there was a fair prospect into the park. And because my first inclination was to be
entertained with scenes of pomp and magnificence, I desired to see Alexander the Great at the head
of his army, just after the battle of Arbela: which, upon a motion of the governor's finger,
immediately appeared in a large field, under the window where we stood. Alexander was called up
into the room: it was with great difficulty that I understood his Greek, and had but little of my own.
He assured me upon his honour "that he was not poisoned, but died of a bad fever by excessive
drinking."
Next, I saw Hannibal passing the Alps, who told me "he had not a drop of vinegar in his camp."
I saw Caesar and Pompey at the head of their troops, just ready to engage. I saw the former, in his
last great triumph. I desired that the senate of Rome might appear before me, in one large chamber,
and an assembly of somewhat a later age in counterview, in another. The first seemed to be an
assembly of heroes and demigods; the other, a knot of pedlars, pick-pockets, highwayman, and
bullies.
The governor, at my request, gave the sign for Caesar and Brutus to advance towards us. I was
struck with a profound veneration at the sight of Brutus, and could easily discover the most
consummate virtue, the greatest intrepidity and firmness of mind, the truest love of his country, and
general benevolence for mankind, in every lineament of his countenance. I observed, with much
pleasure, that these two persons were in good intelligence with each other; and Caesar freely
confessed to me, "that the greatest actions of his own life were not equal, by many degrees, to the
glory of taking it away." I had the honour to have much conversation with Brutus; and was told,
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"that his ancestor Junius, Socrates, Epaminondas, Cato the younger, Sir Thomas More, and himself
were perpetually together:" a sextumvirate, to which all the ages of the world cannot add a seventh.
It would be tedious to trouble the reader with relating what vast numbers of illustrious persons were
called up to gratify that insatiable desire I had to see the world in every period of antiquity placed
before me. I chiefly fed mine eyes with beholding the destroyers of tyrants and usurpers, and the
restorers of liberty to oppressed and injured nations. But it is impossible to express the satisfaction
I received in my own mind, after such a manner as to make it a suitable entertainment to the reader.
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CHAPTER VIII.
[A further account of Glubbdubdrib. Ancient and modern history corrected.]
Having a desire to see those ancients who were most renowned for wit and learning, I set apart one
day on purpose. I proposed that Homer and Aristotle might appear at the head of all their
commentators; but these were so numerous, that some hundreds were forced to attend in the court,
and outward rooms of the palace. I knew, and could distinguish those two heroes, at first sight, not
only from the crowd, but from each other. Homer was the taller and comelier person of the two,
walked very erect for one of his age, and his eyes were the most quick and piercing I ever beheld.
Aristotle stooped much, and made use of a staff. His visage was meagre, his hair lank and thin, and
his voice hollow. I soon discovered that both of them were perfect strangers to the rest of the
company, and had never seen or heard of them before; and I had a whisper from a ghost who shall
be nameless, "that these commentators always kept in the most distant quarters from their
principals, in the lower world, through a consciousness of shame and guilt, because they had so
horribly misrepresented the meaning of those authors to posterity." I introduced Didymus and
Eustathius to Homer, and prevailed on him to treat them better than perhaps they deserved, for he
soon found they wanted a genius to enter into the spirit of a poet. But Aristotle was out of all
patience with the account I gave him of Scotus and Ramus, as I presented them to him; and he
asked them, "whether the rest of the tribe were as great dunces as themselves?"
I then desired the governor to call up Descartes and Gassendi, with whom I prevailed to explain
their systems to Aristotle. This great philosopher freely acknowledged his own mistakes in natural
philosophy, because he proceeded in many things upon conjecture, as all men must do; and he
found that Gassendi, who had made the doctrine of Epicurus as palatable as he could, and the
vortices of Descartes, were equally to be exploded. He predicted the same fate to ATTRACTION,
whereof the present learned are such zealous asserters. He said, "that new systems of nature were
but new fashions, which would vary in every age; and even those, who pretend to demonstrate
them from mathematical principles, would flourish but a short period of time, and be out of vogue
when that was determined."
I spent five days in conversing with many others of the ancient learned. I saw most of the first
Roman emperors. I prevailed on the governor to call up Heliogabalus's cooks to dress us a dinner,
but they could not show us much of their skill, for want of materials. A helot of Agesilaus made us
a dish of Spartan broth, but I was not able to get down a second spoonful.
The two gentlemen, who conducted me to the island, were pressed by their private affairs to return
in three days, which I employed in seeing some of the modern dead, who had made the greatest
figure, for two or three hundred years past, in our own and other countries of Europe; and having
been always a great admirer of old illustrious families, I desired the governor would call up a dozen
or two of kings, with their ancestors in order for eight or nine generations. But my disappointment
was grievous and unexpected. For, instead of a long train with royal diadems, I saw in one family
two fiddlers, three spruce courtiers, and an Italian prelate. In another, a barber, an abbot, and two
cardinals. I have too great a veneration for crowned heads, to dwell any longer on so nice a subject.
But as to counts, marquises, dukes, earls, and the like, I was not so scrupulous. And I confess, it
was not without some pleasure, that I found myself able to trace the particular features, by which
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certain families are distinguished, up to their originals. I could plainly discover whence one family
derives a long chin; why a second has abounded with knaves for two generations, and fools for two
more; why a third happened to be crack-brained, and a fourth to be sharpers; whence it came, what
Polydore Virgil says of a certain great house, NEC VIR FORTIS, NEC FOEMINA CASTA; how
cruelty, falsehood, and cowardice, grew to be characteristics by which certain families are
distinguished as much as by their coats of arms; who first brought the pox into a noble house,
which has lineally descended scrofulous tumours to their posterity. Neither could I wonder at all
this, when I saw such an interruption of lineages, by pages, lackeys, valets, coachmen, gamesters,
fiddlers, players, captains, and pickpockets.
I was chiefly disgusted with modern history. For having strictly examined all the persons of
greatest name in the courts of princes, for a hundred years past, I found how the world had been
misled by prostitute writers, to ascribe the greatest exploits in war, to cowards; the wisest counsel,
to fools; sincerity, to flatterers; Roman virtue, to betrayers of their country; piety, to atheists;
chastity, to sodomites; truth, to informers: how many innocent and excellent persons had been
condemned to death or banishment by the practising of great ministers upon the corruption of
judges, and the malice of factions: how many villains had been exalted to the highest places of
trust, power, dignity, and profit: how great a share in the motions and events of courts, councils,
and senates might be challenged by bawds, whores, pimps, parasites, and buffoons. How low an
opinion I had of human wisdom and integrity, when I was truly informed of the springs and
motives of great enterprises and revolutions in the world, and of the contemptible accidents to
which they owed their success.
Here I discovered the roguery and ignorance of those who pretend to write anecdotes, or secret
history; who send so many kings to their graves with a cup of poison; will repeat the discourse
between a prince and chief minister, where no witness was by; unlock the thoughts and cabinets of
ambassadors and secretaries of state; and have the perpetual misfortune to be mistaken. Here I
discovered the true causes of many great events that have surprised the world; how a whore can
govern the back-stairs, the back-stairs a council, and the council a senate. A general confessed, in
my presence, "that he got a victory purely by the force of cowardice and ill conduct;" and an
admiral, "that, for want of proper intelligence, he beat the enemy, to whom he intended to betray
the fleet." Three kings protested to me, "that in their whole reigns they never did once prefer any
person of merit, unless by mistake, or treachery of some minister in whom they confided; neither
would they do it if they were to live again:" and they showed, with great strength of reason, "that
the royal throne could not be supported without corruption, because that positive, confident, restiff
temper, which virtue infused into a man, was a perpetual clog to public business."
I had the curiosity to inquire in a particular manner, by what methods great numbers had procured
to themselves high titles of honour, and prodigious estates; and I confined my inquiry to a very
modern period: however, without grating upon present times, because I would be sure to give no
offence even to foreigners (for I hope the reader need not be told, that I do not in the least intend
my own country, in what I say upon this occasion,) a great number of persons concerned were
called up; and, upon a very slight examination, discovered such a scene of infamy, that I cannot
reflect upon it without some seriousness. Perjury, oppression, subornation, fraud, pandarism, and
the like infirmities, were among the most excusable arts they had to mention; and for these I gave,
as it was reasonable, great allowance. But when some confessed they owed their greatness and
wealth to sodomy, or incest; others, to the prostituting of their own wives and daughters; others, to
the betraying of their country or their prince; some, to poisoning; more to the perverting of justice,
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in order to destroy the innocent, I hope I may be pardoned, if these discoveries inclined me a little
to abate of that profound veneration, which I am naturally apt to pay to persons of high rank, who
ought to be treated with the utmost respect due to their sublime dignity, by us their inferiors.
I had often read of some great services done to princes and states, and desired to see the persons by
whom those services were performed. Upon inquiry I was told, "that their names were to be found
on no record, except a few of them, whom history has represented as the vilest of rogues and
traitors." As to the rest, I had never once heard of them. They all appeared with dejected looks, and
in the meanest habit; most of them telling me, "they died in poverty and disgrace, and the rest on a
scaffold or a gibbet."
Among others, there was one person, whose case appeared a little singular. He had a youth about
eighteen years old standing by his side. He told me, "he had for many years been commander of a
ship; and in the sea fight at Actium had the good fortune to break through the enemy's great line of
battle, sink three of their capital ships, and take a fourth, which was the sole cause of Antony's
flight, and of the victory that ensued; that the youth standing by him, his only son, was killed in the
action." He added, "that upon the confidence of some merit, the war being at an end, he went to
Rome, and solicited at the court of Augustus to be preferred to a greater ship, whose commander
had been killed; but, without any regard to his pretensions, it was given to a boy who had never
seen the sea, the son of Libertina, who waited on one of the emperor's mistresses. Returning back to
his own vessel, he was charged with neglect of duty, and the ship given to a favourite page of
Publicola, the vice-admiral; whereupon he retired to a poor farm at a great distance from Rome,
and there ended his life." I was so curious to know the truth of this story, that I desired Agrippa
might be called, who was admiral in that fight. He appeared, and confirmed the whole account: but
with much more advantage to the captain, whose modesty had extenuated or concealed a great part
of his merit.
I was surprised to find corruption grown so high and so quick in that empire, by the force of luxury
so lately introduced; which made me less wonder at many parallel cases in other countries, where
vices of all kinds have reigned so much longer, and where the whole praise, as well as pillage, has
been engrossed by the chief commander, who perhaps had the least title to either.
As every person called up made exactly the same appearance he had done in the world, it gave me
melancholy reflections to observe how much the race of human kind was degenerated among us
within these hundred years past; how the pox, under all its consequences and denominations had
altered every lineament of an English countenance; shortened the size of bodies, unbraced the
nerves, relaxed the sinews and muscles, introduced a sallow complexion, and rendered the flesh
loose and rancid.
I descended so low, as to desire some English yeoman of the old stamp might be summoned to
appear; once so famous for the simplicity of their manners, diet, and dress; for justice in their
dealings; for their true spirit of liberty; for their valour, and love of their country. Neither could I be
wholly unmoved, after comparing the living with the dead, when I considered how all these pure
native virtues were prostituted for a piece of money by their grand-children; who, in selling their
votes and managing at elections, have acquired every vice and corruption that can possibly be
learned in a court.
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CHAPTER IX.
[The author returns to Maldonada. Sails to the kingdom of Luggnagg. The author confined. He is
sent for to court. The manner of his admittance. The king's great lenity to his subjects.]
The day of our departure being come, I took leave of his highness, the Governor of Glubbdubdrib,
and returned with my two companions to Maldonada, where, after a fortnight's waiting, a ship was
ready to sail for Luggnagg. The two gentlemen, and some others, were so generous and kind as to
furnish me with provisions, and see me on board. I was a month in this voyage. We had one violent
storm, and were under a necessity of steering westward to get into the trade wind, which holds for
above sixty leagues. On the 21st of April, 1708, we sailed into the river of Clumegnig, which is a
seaport town, at the south-east point of Luggnagg. We cast anchor within a league of the town, and
made a signal for a pilot. Two of them came on board in less than half an hour, by whom we were
guided between certain shoals and rocks, which are very dangerous in the passage, to a large basin,
where a fleet may ride in safety within a cable's length of the town-wall.
Some of our sailors, whether out of treachery or inadvertence, had informed the pilots "that I was a
stranger, and great traveller;" whereof these gave notice to a custom-house officer, by whom I was
examined very strictly upon my landing. This officer spoke to me in the language of Balnibarbi,
which, by the force of much commerce, is generally understood in that town, especially by seamen
and those employed in the customs. I gave him a short account of some particulars, and made my
story as plausible and consistent as I could; but I thought it necessary to disguise my country, and
call myself a Hollander; because my intentions were for Japan, and I knew the Dutch were the only
Europeans permitted to enter into that kingdom. I therefore told the officer, "that having been
shipwrecked on the coast of Balnibarbi, and cast on a rock, I was received up into Laputa, or the
flying island (of which he had often heard), and was now endeavouring to get to Japan, whence I
might find a convenience of returning to my own country." The officer said, "I must be confined till
he could receive orders from court, for which he would write immediately, and hoped to receive an
answer in a fortnight." I was carried to a convenient lodging with a sentry placed at the door;
however, I had the liberty of a large garden, and was treated with humanity enough, being
maintained all the time at the king's charge. I was invited by several persons, chiefly out of
curiosity, because it was reported that I came from countries very remote, of which they had never
heard.
I hired a young man, who came in the same ship, to be an interpreter; he was a native of Luggnagg,
but had lived some years at Maldonada, and was a perfect master of both languages. By his
assistance, I was able to hold a conversation with those who came to visit me; but this consisted
only of their questions, and my answers.
The despatch came from court about the time we expected. It contained a warrant for conducting
me and my retinue to TRALDRAGDUBH, or TRILDROGDRIB (for it is pronounced both ways as
near as I can remember), by a party of ten horse. All my retinue was that poor lad for an interpreter,
whom I persuaded into my service, and, at my humble request, we had each of us a mule to ride on.
A messenger was despatched half a day's journey before us, to give the king notice of my approach,
and to desire, "that his majesty would please to appoint a day and hour, when it would by his
gracious pleasure that I might have the honour to lick the dust before his footstool." This is the
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court style, and I found it to be more than matter of form: for, upon my admittance two days after
my arrival, I was commanded to crawl upon my belly, and lick the floor as I advanced; but, on
account of my being a stranger, care was taken to have it made so clean, that the dust was not
offensive. However, this was a peculiar grace, not allowed to any but persons of the highest rank,
when they desire an admittance. Nay, sometimes the floor is strewed with dust on purpose, when
the person to be admitted happens to have powerful enemies at court; and I have seen a great lord
with his mouth so crammed, that when he had crept to the proper distance from the throne; he was
not able to speak a word. Neither is there any remedy; because it is capital for those, who receive
an audience to spit or wipe their mouths in his majesty's presence. There is indeed another custom,
which I cannot altogether approve of: when the king has a mind to put any of his nobles to death in
a gentle indulgent manner, he commands the floor to be strewed with a certain brown powder of a
deadly composition, which being licked up, infallibly kills him in twenty-four hours. But in justice
to this prince's great clemency, and the care he has of his subjects' lives (wherein it were much to
be wished that the Monarchs of Europe would imitate him), it must be mentioned for his honour,
that strict orders are given to have the infected parts of the floor well washed after every such
execution, which, if his domestics neglect, they are in danger of incurring his royal displeasure. I
myself heard him give directions, that one of his pages should be whipped, whose turn it was to
give notice about washing the floor after an execution, but maliciously had omitted it; by which
neglect a young lord of great hopes, coming to an audience, was unfortunately poisoned, although
the king at that time had no design against his life. But this good prince was so gracious as to
forgive the poor page his whipping, upon promise that he would do so no more, without special
orders.
To return from this digression. When I had crept within four yards of the throne, I raised myself
gently upon my knees, and then striking my forehead seven times against the ground, I pronounced
the following words, as they had been taught me the night before, INCKPLING GLOFFTHROBB
SQUUT SERUMMBLHIOP MLASHNALT ZWIN TNODBALKUFFH SLHIOPHAD
GURDLUBH ASHT. This is the compliment, established by the laws of the land, for all persons
admitted to the king's presence. It may be rendered into English thus: "May your celestial majesty
outlive the sun, eleven moons and a half!" To this the king returned some answer, which, although I
could not understand, yet I replied as I had been directed: FLUFT DRIN YALERICK DWULDOM
PRASTRAD MIRPUSH, which properly signifies, "My tongue is in the mouth of my friend;" and
by this expression was meant, that I desired leave to bring my interpreter; whereupon the young
man already mentioned was accordingly introduced, by whose intervention I answered as many
questions as his majesty could put in above an hour. I spoke in the Balnibarbian tongue, and my
interpreter delivered my meaning in that of Luggnagg.
The king was much delighted with my company, and ordered his BLIFFMARKLUB, or high-
chamberlain, to appoint a lodging in the court for me and my interpreter; with a daily allowance for
my table, and a large purse of gold for my common expenses.
I staid three months in this country, out of perfect obedience to his majesty; who was pleased
highly to favour me, and made me very honourable offers. But I thought it more consistent with
prudence and justice to pass the remainder of my days with my wife and family.
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CHAPTER X.
[The Luggnaggians commended. A particular description of the Struldbrugs, with many

conversations between the author and some eminent persons upon that subject.]
The Luggnaggians are a polite and generous people; and although they are not without some share
of that pride which is peculiar to all Eastern countries, yet they show themselves courteous to
strangers, especially such who are countenanced by the court. I had many acquaintance, and among
persons of the best fashion; and being always attended by my interpreter, the conversation we had
was not disagreeable.
One day, in much good company, I was asked by a person of quality, "whether I had seen any of
their STRULDBRUGS, or immortals?" I said, "I had not;" and desired he would explain to me
"what he meant by such an appellation, applied to a mortal creature." He told me "that sometimes,
though very rarely, a child happened to be born in a family, with a red circular spot in the forehead,
directly over the left eyebrow, which was an infallible mark that it should never die." The spot, as
he described it, "was about the compass of a silver threepence, but in the course of time grew
larger, and changed its colour; for at twelve years old it became green, so continued till five and
twenty, then turned to a deep blue: at five and forty it grew coal black, and as large as an English
shilling; but never admitted any further alteration." He said, "these births were so rare, that he did
not believe there could be above eleven hundred struldbrugs, of both sexes, in the whole kingdom;
of which he computed about fifty in the metropolis, and, among the rest, a young girl born; about
three years ago: that these productions were not peculiar to any family, but a mere effect of chance;
and the children of the STRULDBRUGS themselves were equally mortal with the rest of the
people."
I freely own myself to have been struck with inexpressible delight, upon hearing this account: and
the person who gave it me happening to understand the Balnibarbian language, which I spoke very
well, I could not forbear breaking out into expressions, perhaps a little too extravagant. I cried out,
as in a rapture, "Happy nation, where every child hath at least a chance for being immortal! Happy
people, who enjoy so many living examples of ancient virtue, and have masters ready to instruct
them in the wisdom of all former ages! but happiest, beyond all comparison, are those excellent
STRULDBRUGS, who, being born exempt from that universal calamity of human nature, have
their minds free and disengaged, without the weight and depression of spirits caused by the
continual apprehensions of death!" I discovered my admiration that I had not observed any of these
illustrious persons at court; the black spot on the forehead being so remarkable a distinction, that I
could not have easily overlooked it: and it was impossible that his majesty, a most judicious prince,
should not provide himself with a good number of such wise and able counsellors. Yet perhaps the
virtue of those reverend sages was too strict for the corrupt and libertine manners of a court: and we
often find by experience, that young men are too opinionated and volatile to be guided by the sober
dictates of their seniors. However, since the king was pleased to allow me access to his royal
person, I was resolved, upon the very first occasion, to deliver my opinion to him on this matter
freely and at large, by the help of my interpreter; and whether he would please to take my advice or
not, yet in one thing I was determined, that his majesty having frequently offered me an
establishment in this country, I would, with great thankfulness, accept the favour, and pass my life
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here in the conversation of those superior beings the STRULDBRUGS, if they would please to
admit me."
The gentleman to whom I addressed my discourse, because (as I have already observed) he spoke
the language of Balnibarbi, said to me, with a sort of a smile which usually arises from pity to the
ignorant, "that he was glad of any occasion to keep me among them, and desired my permission to
explain to the company what I had spoke." He did so, and they talked together for some time in
their own language, whereof I understood not a syllable, neither could I observe by their
countenances, what impression my discourse had made on them. After a short silence, the same
person told me, "that his friends and mine (so he thought fit to express himself) were very much
pleased with the judicious remarks I had made on the great happiness and advantages of immortal
life, and they were desirous to know, in a particular manner, what scheme of living I should have
formed to myself, if it had fallen to my lot to have been born a STRULDBRUG."
I answered, "it was easy to be eloquent on so copious and delightful a subject, especially to me,
who had been often apt to amuse myself with visions of what I should do, if I were a king, a
general, or a great lord: and upon this very case, I had frequently run over the whole system how I
should employ myself, and pass the time, if I were sure to live for ever.
"That, if it had been my good fortune to come into the world a STRULDBRUG, as soon as I could
discover my own happiness, by understanding the difference between life and death, I would first
resolve, by all arts and methods, whatsoever, to procure myself riches. In the pursuit of which, by
thrift and management, I might reasonably expect, in about two hundred years, to be the wealthiest
man in the kingdom. In the second place, I would, from my earliest youth, apply myself to the
study of arts and sciences, by which I should arrive in time to excel all others in learning. Lastly, I
would carefully record every action and event of consequence, that happened in the public,
impartially draw the characters of the several successions of princes and great ministers of state,
with my own observations on every point. I would exactly set down the several changes in
customs, language, fashions of dress, diet, and diversions. By all which acquirements, I should be a
living treasure of knowledge and wisdom, and certainly become the oracle of the nation.
"I would never marry after threescore, but live in a hospitable manner, yet still on the saving side. I
would entertain myself in forming and directing the minds of hopeful young men, by convincing
them, from my own remembrance, experience, and observation, fortified by numerous examples, of
the usefulness of virtue in public and private life. But my choice and constant companions should
be a set of my own immortal brotherhood; among whom, I would elect a dozen from the most
ancient, down to my own contemporaries. Where any of these wanted fortunes, I would provide
them with convenient lodges round my own estate, and have some of them always at my table; only
mingling a few of the most valuable among you mortals, whom length of time would harden me to
lose with little or no reluctance, and treat your posterity after the same manner; just as a man
diverts himself with the annual succession of pinks and tulips in his garden, without regretting the
loss of those which withered the preceding year.
"These STRULDBRUGS and I would mutually communicate our observations and memorials,
through the course of time; remark the several gradations by which corruption steals into the world,
and oppose it in every step, by giving perpetual warning and instruction to mankind; which, added
to the strong influence of our own example, would probably prevent that continual degeneracy of
human nature so justly complained of in all ages.
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"Add to this, the pleasure of seeing the various revolutions of states and empires; the changes in the
lower and upper world; ancient cities in ruins, and obscure villages become the seats of kings;
famous rivers lessening into shallow brooks; the ocean leaving one coast dry, and overwhelming
another; the discovery of many countries yet unknown; barbarity overrunning the politest nations,
and the most barbarous become civilized. I should then see the discovery of the longitude, the
perpetual motion, the universal medicine, and many other great inventions, brought to the utmost
perfection.
"What wonderful discoveries should we make in astronomy, by outliving and confirming our own
predictions; by observing the progress and return of comets, with the changes of motion in the sun,
moon, and stars!"
I enlarged upon many other topics, which the natural desire of endless life, and sublunary
happiness, could easily furnish me with. When I had ended, and the sum of my discourse had been
interpreted, as before, to the rest of the company, there was a good deal of talk among them in the
language of the country, not without some laughter at my expense. At last, the same gentleman
who had been my interpreter, said, "he was desired by the rest to set me right in a few mistakes,
which I had fallen into through the common imbecility of human nature, and upon that allowance
was less answerable for them. That this breed of STRULDBRUGS was peculiar to their country,
for there were no such people either in Balnibarbi or Japan, where he had the honour to be
ambassador from his majesty, and found the natives in both those kingdoms very hard to believe
that the fact was possible: and it appeared from my astonishment when he first mentioned the
matter to me, that I received it as a thing wholly new, and scarcely to be credited. That in the two
kingdoms above mentioned, where, during his residence, he had conversed very much, he observed
long life to be the universal desire and wish of mankind. That whoever had one foot in the grave
was sure to hold back the other as strongly as he could. That the oldest had still hopes of living one
day longer, and looked on death as the greatest evil, from which nature always prompted him to
retreat. Only in this island of Luggnagg the appetite for living was not so eager, from the continual
example of the STRULDBRUGS before their eyes.
"That the system of living contrived by me, was unreasonable and unjust; because it supposed a
perpetuity of youth, health, and vigour, which no man could be so foolish to hope, however
extravagant he may be in his wishes. That the question therefore was not, whether a man would
choose to be always in the prime of youth, attended with prosperity and health; but how he would
pass a perpetual life under all the usual disadvantages which old age brings along with it. For
although few men will avow their desires of being immortal, upon such hard conditions, yet in the
two kingdoms before mentioned, of Balnibarbi and Japan, he observed that every man desired to
put off death some time longer, let it approach ever so late: and he rarely heard of any man who
died willingly, except he were incited by the extremity of grief or torture. And he appealed to me,
whether in those countries I had travelled, as well as my own, I had not observed the same general
disposition."
After this preface, he gave me a particular account of the STRULDBRUGS among them. He said,
"they commonly acted like mortals till about thirty years old; after which, by degrees, they grew
melancholy and dejected, increasing in both till they came to fourscore. This he learned from their
own confession: for otherwise, there not being above two or three of that species born in an age,
they were too few to form a general observation by. When they came to fourscore years, which is
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reckoned the extremity of living in this country, they had not only all the follies and infirmities of
other old men, but many more which arose from the dreadful prospect of never dying. They were
not only opinionative, peevish, covetous, morose, vain, talkative, but incapable of friendship, and
dead to all natural affection, which never descended below their grandchildren. Envy and impotent
desires are their prevailing passions. But those objects against which their envy seems principally
directed, are the vices of the younger sort and the deaths of the old. By reflecting on the former,
they find themselves cut off from all possibility of pleasure; and whenever they see a funeral, they
lament and repine that others have gone to a harbour of rest to which they themselves never can
hope to arrive. They have no remembrance of anything but what they learned and observed in their
youth and middle-age, and even that is very imperfect; and for the truth or particulars of any fact, it
is safer to depend on common tradition, than upon their best recollections. The least miserable
among them appear to be those who turn to dotage, and entirely lose their memories; these meet
with more pity and assistance, because they want many bad qualities which abound in others.
"If a STRULDBRUG happen to marry one of his own kind, the marriage is dissolved of course, by
the courtesy of the kingdom, as soon as the younger of the two comes to be fourscore; for the law
thinks it a reasonable indulgence, that those who are condemned, without any fault of their own, to
a perpetual continuance in the world, should not have their misery doubled by the load of a wife.
"As soon as they have completed the term of eighty years, they are looked on as dead in law; their
heirs immediately succeed to their estates; only a small pittance is reserved for their support; and
the poor ones are maintained at the public charge. After that period, they are held incapable of any
employment of trust or profit; they cannot purchase lands, or take leases; neither are they allowed
to be witnesses in any cause, either civil or criminal, not even for the decision of meers and bounds.
"At ninety, they lose their teeth and hair; they have at that age no distinction of taste, but eat and
drink whatever they can get, without relish or appetite. The diseases they were subject to still
continue, without increasing or diminishing. In talking, they forget the common appellation of
things, and the names of persons, even of those who are their nearest friends and relations. For the
same reason, they never can amuse themselves with reading, because their memory will not serve
to carry them from the beginning of a sentence to the end; and by this defect, they are deprived of
the only entertainment whereof they might otherwise be capable.
The language of this country being always upon the flux, the STRULDBRUGS of one age do not
understand those of another; neither are they able, after two hundred years, to hold any
conversation (farther than by a few general words) with their neighbours the mortals; and thus they
lie under the disadvantage of living like foreigners in their own country."
This was the account given me of the STRULDBRUGS, as near as I can remember. I afterwards
saw five or six of different ages, the youngest not above two hundred years old, who were brought
to me at several times by some of my friends; but although they were told, "that I was a great
traveller, and had seen all the world," they had not the least curiosity to ask me a question; only
desired "I would give them SLUMSKUDASK," or a token of remembrance; which is a modest way
of begging, to avoid the law, that strictly forbids it, because they are provided for by the public,
although indeed with a very scanty allowance.
They are despised and hated by all sorts of people. When one of them is born, it is reckoned
ominous, and their birth is recorded very particularly so that you may know their age by consulting
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the register, which, however, has not been kept above a thousand years past, or at least has been
destroyed by time or public disturbances. But the usual way of computing how old they are, is by
asking them what kings or great persons they can remember, and then consulting history; for
infallibly the last prince in their mind did not begin his reign after they were four-score years old.
They were the most mortifying sight I ever beheld; and the women more horrible than the men.
Besides the usual deformities in extreme old age, they acquired an additional ghastliness, in
proportion to their number of years, which is not to be described; and among half a dozen, I soon
distinguished which was the eldest, although there was not above a century or two between them.
The reader will easily believe, that from what I had hear and seen, my keen appetite for perpetuity
of life was much abated. I grew heartily ashamed of the pleasing visions I had formed; and thought
no tyrant could invent a death into which I would not run with pleasure, from such a life. The king
heard of all that had passed between me and my friends upon this occasion, and rallied me very
pleasantly; wishing I could send a couple of STRULDBRUGS to my own country, to arm our
people against the fear of death; but this, it seems, is forbidden by the fundamental laws of the
kingdom, or else I should have been well content with the trouble and expense of transporting
them.
I could not but agree, that the laws of this kingdom relative to the STRULDBRUGS were founded
upon the strongest reasons, and such as any other country would be under the necessity of enacting,
in the like circumstances. Otherwise, as avarice is the necessary consequence of old age, those
immortals would in time become proprietors of the whole nation, and engross the civil power,
which, for want of abilities to manage, must end in the ruin of the public.
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CHAPTER XI.
[The author leaves Luggnagg, and sails to Japan. From thence he returns in a Dutch ship to
Amsterdam, and from Amsterdam to England.]
I thought this account of the STRULDBRUGS might be some entertainment to the reader, because
it seems to be a little out of the common way; at least I do not remember to have met the like in any
book of travels that has come to my hands: and if I am deceived, my excuse must be, that it is
necessary for travellers who describe the same country, very often to agree in dwelling on the same
particulars, without deserving the censure of having borrowed or transcribed from those who wrote
before them.
There is indeed a perpetual commerce between this kingdom and the great empire of Japan; and it
is very probable, that the Japanese authors may have given some account of the STRULDBRUGS;
but my stay in Japan was so short, and I was so entirely a stranger to the language, that I was not
qualified to make any inquiries. But I hope the Dutch, upon this notice, will be curious and able
enough to supply my defects.
His majesty having often pressed me to accept some employment in his court, and finding me
absolutely determined to return to my native country, was pleased to give me his license to depart;
and honoured me with a letter of recommendation, under his own hand, to the Emperor of Japan.
He likewise presented me with four hundred and forty-four large pieces of gold (this nation
delighting in even numbers), and a red diamond, which I sold in England for eleven hundred
pounds.
On the 6th of May, 1709, I took a solemn leave of his majesty, and all my friends. This prince was
so gracious as to order a guard to conduct me to Glanguenstald, which is a royal port to the south-
west part of the island. In six days I found a vessel ready to carry me to Japan, and spent fifteen
days in the voyage.
We landed at a small port-town called Xamoschi, situated on the south-east part of Japan; the town
lies on the western point, where there is a narrow strait leading northward into along arm of the sea,
upon the north-west part of which, Yedo, the metropolis, stands. At landing, I showed the custom-
house officers my letter from the king of Luggnagg to his imperial majesty. They knew the seal
perfectly well; it was as broad as the palm of my hand. The impression was, A KING LIFTING UP
A LAME BEGGAR FROM THE EARTH. The magistrates of the town, hearing of my letter,
received me as a public minister. They provided me with carriages and servants, and bore my
charges to Yedo; where I was admitted to an audience, and delivered my letter, which was opened
with great ceremony, and explained to the Emperor by an interpreter, who then gave me notice, by
his majesty's order, "that I should signify my request, and, whatever it were, it should be granted,
for the sake of his royal brother of Luggnagg." This interpreter was a person employed to transact
affairs with the Hollanders. He soon conjectured, by my countenance, that I was a European, and
therefore repeated his majesty's commands in Low Dutch, which he spoke perfectly well. I
answered, as I had before determined, "that I was a Dutch merchant, shipwrecked in a very remote
country, whence I had travelled by sea and land to Luggnagg, and then took shipping for Japan;
where I knew my countrymen often traded, and with some of these I hoped to get an opportunity of
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returning into Europe: I therefore most humbly entreated his royal favour, to give order that I
should be conducted in safety to Nangasac." To this I added another petition, "that for the sake of
my patron the king of Luggnagg, his majesty would condescend to excuse my performing the
ceremony imposed on my countrymen, of trampling upon the crucifix: because I had been thrown
into his kingdom by my misfortunes, without any intention of trading." When this latter petition
was interpreted to the Emperor, he seemed a little surprised; and said, "he believed I was the first of
my countrymen who ever made any scruple in this point; and that he began to doubt, whether I was
a real Hollander, or not; but rather suspected I must be a Christian. However, for the reasons I had
offered, but chiefly to gratify the king of Luggnagg by an uncommon mark of his favour, he would
comply with the singularity of my humour; but the affair must be managed with dexterity, and his
officers should be commanded to let me pass, as it were by forgetfulness. For he assured me, that if
the secret should be discovered by my countrymen the Dutch, they would cut my throat in the
voyage." I returned my thanks, by the interpreter, for so unusual a favour; and some troops being at
that time on their march to Nangasac, the commanding officer had orders to convey me safe thither,
with particular instructions about the business of the crucifix.
On the 9th day of June, 1709, I arrived at Nangasac, after a very long and troublesome journey. I
soon fell into the company of some Dutch sailors belonging to the Amboyna, of Amsterdam, a
stout ship of 450 tons. I had lived long in Holland, pursuing my studies at Leyden, and I spoke
Dutch well. The seamen soon knew whence I came last: they were curious to inquire into my
voyages and course of life. I made up a story as short and probable as I could, but concealed the
greatest part. I knew many persons in Holland. I was able to invent names for my parents, whom I
pretended to be obscure people in the province of Gelderland. I would have given the captain (one
Theodorus Vangrult) what he pleased to ask for my voyage to Holland; but understanding I was a
surgeon, he was contented to take half the usual rate, on condition that I would serve him in the
way of my calling. Before we took shipping, I was often asked by some of the crew, whether I had
performed the ceremony above mentioned? I evaded the question by general answers; "that I had
satisfied the Emperor and court in all particulars." However, a malicious rogue of a skipper went to
an officer, and pointing to me, told him, "I had not yet trampled on the crucifix;" but the other, who
had received instructions to let me pass, gave the rascal twenty strokes on the shoulders with a
bamboo; after which I was no more troubled with such questions.
Nothing happened worth mentioning in this voyage. We sailed with a fair wind to the Cape of
Good Hope, where we staid only to take in fresh water. On the 10th of April, 1710, we arrived safe
at Amsterdam, having lost only three men by sickness in the voyage, and a fourth, who fell from
the foremast into the sea, not far from the coast of Guinea. From Amsterdam I soon after set sail for
England, in a small vessel belonging to that city.
On the 16th of April we put in at the Downs. I landed next morning, and saw once more my native
country, after an absence of five years and six months complete. I went straight to Redriff, where I
arrived the same day at two in the afternoon, and found my wife and family in good health.
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PART IV. A VOYAGE TO THE COUNTRY OF THE
HOUYHNHNMS.
CHAPTER I.
[The author sets out as captain of a ship. His men conspire against him, confine him a long time to
his cabin, and set him on shore in an unknown land. He travels up into the country. The Yahoos, a
strange sort of animal, described. The author meets two Houyhnhnms.]
I continued at home with my wife and children about five months, in a very happy condition, if I
could have learned the lesson of knowing when I was well. I left my poor wife big with child, and
accepted an advantageous offer made me to be captain of the Adventurer, a stout merchantman of
350 tons: for I understood navigation well, and being grown weary of a surgeon's employment at
sea, which, however, I could exercise upon occasion, I took a skilful young man of that calling, one
Robert Purefoy, into my ship. We set sail from Portsmouth upon the 7th day of September, 1710;
on the 14th we met with Captain Pocock, of Bristol, at Teneriffe, who was going to the bay of
Campechy to cut logwood. On the 16th, he was parted from us by a storm; I heard since my return,
that his ship foundered, and none escaped but one cabin boy. He was an honest man, and a good
sailor, but a little too positive in his own opinions, which was the cause of his destruction, as it has
been with several others; for if he had followed my advice, he might have been safe at home with
his family at this time, as well as myself.
I had several men who died in my ship of calentures, so that I was forced to get recruits out of
Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands, where I touched, by the direction of the merchants who
employed me; which I had soon too much cause to repent: for I found afterwards, that most of them
had been buccaneers. I had fifty hands onboard; and my orders were, that I should trade with the
Indians in the South-Sea, and make what discoveries I could. These rogues, whom I had picked up,
debauched my other men, and they all formed a conspiracy to seize the ship, and secure me; which
they did one morning, rushing into my cabin, and binding me hand and foot, threatening to throw
me overboard, if I offered to stir. I told them, "I was their prisoner, and would submit." This they
made me swear to do, and then they unbound me, only fastening one of my legs with a chain, near
my bed, and placed a sentry at my door with his piece charged, who was commanded to shoot me
dead if I attempted my liberty. They sent me own victuals and drink, and took the government of
the ship to themselves. Their design was to turn pirates and, plunder the Spaniards, which they
could not do till they got more men. But first they resolved to sell the goods the ship, and then go to
Madagascar for recruits, several among them having died since my confinement. They sailed many
weeks, and traded with the Indians; but I knew not what course they took, being kept a close
prisoner in my cabin, and expecting nothing less than to be murdered, as they often threatened me.
Upon the 9th day of May, 1711, one James Welch came down to my cabin, and said, "he had
orders from the captain to set me ashore." I expostulated with him, but in vain; neither would he so
much as tell me who their new captain was. They forced me into the long-boat, letting me put on
my best suit of clothes, which were as good as new, and take a small bundle of linen, but no arms,
except my hanger; and they were so civil as not to search my pockets, into which I conveyed what
money I had, with some other little necessaries. They rowed about a league, and then set me down
on a strand. I desired them to tell me what country it was. They all swore, "they knew no more than
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myself;" but said, "that the captain" (as they called him) "was resolved, after they had sold the
lading, to get rid of me in the first place where they could discover land." They pushed off
immediately, advising me to make haste for fear of being overtaken by the tide, and so bade me
farewell.
In this desolate condition I advanced forward, and soon got upon firm ground, where I sat down on
a bank to rest myself, and consider what I had best do. When I was a little refreshed, I went up into
the country, resolving to deliver myself to the first savages I should meet, and purchase my life
from them by some bracelets, glass rings, and other toys, which sailors usually provide themselves
with in those voyages, and whereof I had some about me. The land was divided by long rows of
trees, not regularly planted, but naturally growing; there was great plenty of grass, and several
fields of oats. I walked very circumspectly, for fear of being surprised, or suddenly shot with an
arrow from behind, or on either side. I fell into a beaten road, where I saw many tracts of human
feet, and some of cows, but most of horses. At last I beheld several animals in a field, and one or
two of the same kind sitting in trees. Their shape was very singular and deformed, which a little
discomposed me, so that I lay down behind a thicket to observe them better. Some of them coming
forward near the place where I lay, gave me an opportunity of distinctly marking their form. Their
heads and breasts were covered with a thick hair, some frizzled, and others lank; they had beards
like goats, and a long ridge of hair down their backs, and the fore parts of their legs and feet; but
the rest of their bodies was bare, so that I might see their skins, which were of a brown buff colour.
They had no tails, nor any hair at all on their buttocks, except about the anus, which, I presume,
nature had placed there to defend them as they sat on the ground, for this posture they used, as well
as lying down, and often stood on their hind feet. They climbed high trees as nimbly as a squirrel,
for they had strong extended claws before and behind, terminating in sharp points, and hooked.
They would often spring, and bound, and leap, with prodigious agility. The females were not so
large as the males; they had long lank hair on their heads, but none on their faces, nor any thing
more than a sort of down on the rest of their bodies, except about the anus and pudenda. The dugs
hung between their fore feet, and often reached almost to the ground as they walked. The hair of
both sexes was of several colours, brown, red, black, and yellow. Upon the whole, I never beheld,
in all my travels, so disagreeable an animal, or one against which I naturally conceived so strong an
antipathy. So that, thinking I had seen enough, full of contempt and aversion, I got up, and pursued
the beaten road, hoping it might direct me to the cabin of some Indian. I had not got far, when I met
one of these creatures full in my way, and coming up directly to me. The ugly monster, when he
saw me, distorted several ways, every feature of his visage, and stared, as at an object he had never
seen before; then approaching nearer, lifted up his fore-paw, whether out of curiosity or mischief I
could not tell; but I drew my hanger, and gave him a good blow with the flat side of it, for I durst
not strike with the edge, fearing the inhabitants might be provoked against me, if they should come
to know that I had killed or maimed any of their cattle. When the beast felt the smart, he drew back,
and roared so loud, that a herd of at least forty came flocking about me from the next field, howling
and making odious faces; but I ran to the body of a tree, and leaning my back against it, kept them
off by waving my hanger. Several of this cursed brood, getting hold of the branches behind, leaped
up into the tree, whence they began to discharge their excrements on my head; however, I escaped
pretty well by sticking close to the stem of the tree, but was almost stifled with the filth, which fell
about me on every side.
In the midst of this distress, I observed them all to run away on a sudden as fast as they could; at
which I ventured to leave the tree and pursue the road, wondering what it was that could put them
into this fright. But looking on my left hand, I saw a horse walking softly in the field; which my
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persecutors having sooner discovered, was the cause of their flight. The horse started a little, when
he came near me, but soon recovering himself, looked full in my face with manifest tokens of
wonder; he viewed my hands and feet, walking round me several times. I would have pursued my
journey, but he placed himself directly in the way, yet looking with a very mild aspect, never
offering the least violence. We stood gazing at each other for some time; at last I took the boldness
to reach my hand towards his neck with a design to stroke it, using the common style and whistle of
jockeys, when they are going to handle a strange horse. But this animal seemed to receive my
civilities with disdain, shook his head, and bent his brows, softly raising up his right fore-foot to
remove my hand. Then he neighed three or four times, but in so different a cadence, that I almost
began to think he was speaking to himself, in some language of his own.
While he and I were thus employed, another horse came up; who applying himself to the first in a
very formal manner, they gently struck each other's right hoof before, neighing several times by
turns, and varying the sound, which seemed to be almost articulate. They went some paces off, as if
it were to confer together, walking side by side, backward and forward, like persons deliberating
upon some affair of weight, but often turning their eyes towards me, as it were to watch that I
might not escape. I was amazed to see such actions and behaviour in brute beasts; and concluded
with myself, that if the inhabitants of this country were endued with a proportionable degree of
reason, they must needs be the wisest people upon earth. This thought gave me so much comfort,
that I resolved to go forward, until I could discover some house or village, or meet with any of the
natives, leaving the two horses to discourse together as they pleased. But the first, who was a
dapple gray, observing me to steal off, neighed after me in so expressive a tone, that I fancied
myself to understand what he meant; whereupon I turned back, and came near to him to expect his
farther commands: but concealing my fear as much as I could, for I began to be in some pain how
this adventure might terminate; and the reader will easily believe I did not much like my present
situation.
The two horses came up close to me, looking with great earnestness upon my face and hands. The
gray steed rubbed my hat all round with his right fore-hoof, and discomposed it so much that I was
forced to adjust it better by taking it off and settling it again; whereat, both he and his companion
(who was a brown bay) appeared to be much surprised: the latter felt the lappet of my coat, and
finding it to hang loose about me, they both looked with new signs of wonder. He stroked my right
hand, seeming to admire the softness and colour; but he squeezed it so hard between his hoof and
his pastern, that I was forced to roar; after which they both touched me with all possible tenderness.
They were under great perplexity about my shoes and stockings, which they felt very often,
neighing to each other, and using various gestures, not unlike those of a philosopher, when he
would attempt to solve some new and difficult phenomenon.
Upon the whole, the behaviour of these animals was so orderly and rational, so acute and judicious,
that I at last concluded they must needs be magicians, who had thus metamorphosed themselves
upon some design, and seeing a stranger in the way, resolved to divert themselves with him; or,
perhaps, were really amazed at the sight of a man so very different in habit, feature, and
complexion, from those who might probably live in so remote a climate. Upon the strength of this
reasoning, I ventured to address them in the following manner: "Gentlemen, if you be conjurers, as
I have good cause to believe, you can understand my language; therefore I make bold to let your
worships know that I am a poor distressed Englishman, driven by his misfortunes upon your coast;
and I entreat one of you to let me ride upon his back, as if he were a real horse, to some house or
village where I can be relieved. In return of which favour, I will make you a present of this knife
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and bracelet," taking them out of my pocket. The two creatures stood silent while I spoke, seeming
to listen with great attention, and when I had ended, they neighed frequently towards each other, as
if they were engaged in serious conversation. I plainly observed that their language expressed the
passions very well, and the words might, with little pains, be resolved into an alphabet more easily
than the Chinese.
I could frequently distinguish the word YAHOO, which was repeated by each of them several
times: and although it was impossible for me to conjecture what it meant, yet while the two horses
were busy in conversation, I endeavoured to practise this word upon my tongue; and as soon as
they were silent, I boldly pronounced YAHOO in a loud voice, imitating at the same time, as near
as I could, the neighing of a horse; at which they were both visibly surprised; and the gray repeated
the same word twice, as if he meant to teach me the right accent; wherein I spoke after him as well
as I could, and found myself perceivably to improve every time, though very far from any degree
of perfection. Then the bay tried me with a second word, much harder to be pronounced; but
reducing it to the English orthography, may be spelt thus, HOUYHNHNM. I did not succeed in this
so well as in the former; but after two or three farther trials, I had better fortune; and they both
appeared amazed at my capacity.
After some further discourse, which I then conjectured might relate to me, the two friends took
their leaves, with the same compliment of striking each other's hoof; and the gray made me signs
that I should walk before him; wherein I thought it prudent to comply, till I could find a better
director. When I offered to slacken my pace, he would cry HHUUN HHUUN: I guessed his
meaning, and gave him to understand, as well as I could, "that I was weary, and not able to walk
faster;" upon which he would stand awhile to let me rest.
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CHAPTER II.
[The author conducted by a Houyhnhnm to his house. The house described. The author's reception.
The food of the Houyhnhnms. The author in distress for want of meat. Is at last relieved. His
manner of feeding in this country.]
Having travelled about three miles, we came to a long kind of building, made of timber stuck in the
ground, and wattled across; the roof was low and covered with straw. I now began to be a little
comforted; and took out some toys, which travellers usually carry for presents to the savage Indians
of America, and other parts, in hopes the people of the house would be thereby encouraged to
receive me kindly. The horse made me a sign to go in first; it was a large room with a smooth clay
floor, and a rack and manger, extending the whole length on one side. There were three nags and
two mares, not eating, but some of them sitting down upon their hams, which I very much
wondered at; but wondered more to see the rest employed in domestic business; these seemed but
ordinary cattle. However, this confirmed my first opinion, that a people who could so far civilise
brute animals, must needs excel in wisdom all the nations of the world.
The gray came in just after, and thereby prevented any ill treatment which the others might have
given me. He neighed to them several times in a style of authority, and received answers.
Beyond this room there were three others, reaching the length of the house, to which you passed
through three doors, opposite to each other, in the manner of a vista. We went through the second
room towards the third. Here the gray walked in first, beckoning me to attend: I waited in the
second room, and got ready my presents for the master and mistress of the house; they were two
knives, three bracelets of false pearls, a small looking-glass, and a bead necklace. The horse
neighed three or four times, and I waited to hear some answers in a human voice, but I heard no
other returns than in the same dialect, only one or two a little shriller than his. I began to think that
this house must belong to some person of great note among them, because there appeared so much
ceremony before I could gain admittance. But, that a man of quality should be served all by horses,
was beyond my comprehension. I feared my brain was disturbed by my sufferings and misfortunes.
I roused myself, and looked about me in the room where I was left alone: this was furnished like
the first, only after a more elegant manner. I rubbed my eyes often, but the same objects still
occurred. I pinched my arms and sides to awake myself, hoping I might be in a dream. I then
absolutely concluded, that all these appearances could be nothing else but necromancy and magic.
But I had no time to pursue these reflections; for the gray horse came to the door, and made me a
sign to follow him into the third room where I saw a very comely mare, together with a colt and
foal, sitting on their haunches upon mats of straw, not unartfully made, and perfectly neat and
clean.
The mare soon after my entrance rose from her mat, and coming up close, after having nicely
observed my hands and face, gave me a most contemptuous look; and turning to the horse, I heard
the word YAHOO often repeated betwixt them; the meaning of which word I could not then
comprehend, although it was the first I had learned to pronounce. But I was soon better informed,
to my everlasting mortification; for the horse, beckoning to me with his head, and repeating the
HHUUN, HHUUN, as he did upon the road, which I understood was to attend him, led me out into
a kind of court, where was another building, at some distance from the house. Here we entered, and
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I saw three of those detestable creatures, which I first met after my landing, feeding upon roots, and
the flesh of some animals, which I afterwards found to be that of asses and dogs, and now and then
a cow, dead by accident or disease. They were all tied by the neck with strong withes fastened to a
beam; they held their food between the claws of their fore feet, and tore it with their teeth.
The master horse ordered a sorrel nag, one of his servants, to untie the largest of these animals, and
take him into the yard. The beast and I were brought close together, and by our countenances
diligently compared both by master and servant, who thereupon repeated several times the word
YAHOO. My horror and astonishment are not to be described, when I observed in this abominable
animal, a perfect human figure: the face of it indeed was flat and broad, the nose depressed, the lips
large, and the mouth wide; but these differences are common to all savage nations, where the
lineaments of the countenance are distorted, by the natives suffering their infants to lie grovelling
on the earth, or by carrying them on their backs, nuzzling with their face against the mothers'
shoulders. The fore-feet of the YAHOO differed from my hands in nothing else but the length of
the nails, the coarseness and brownness of the palms, and the hairiness on the backs. There was the
same resemblance between our feet, with the same differences; which I knew very well, though the
horses did not, because of my shoes and stockings; the same in every part of our bodies except as to
hairiness and colour, which I have already described.
The great difficulty that seemed to stick with the two horses, was to see the rest of my body so very
different from that of a YAHOO, for which I was obliged to my clothes, whereof they had no
conception. The sorrel nag offered me a root, which he held (after their manner, as we shall
describe in its proper place) between his hoof and pastern; I took it in my hand, and, having smelt
it, returned it to him again as civilly as I could. He brought out of the YAHOOS' kennel a piece of
ass's flesh; but it smelt so offensively that I turned from it with loathing: he then threw it to the
YAHOO, by whom it was greedily devoured. He afterwards showed me a wisp of hay, and a
fetlock full of oats; but I shook my head, to signify that neither of these were food for me. And
indeed I now apprehended that I must absolutely starve, if I did not get to some of my own species;
for as to those filthy YAHOOS, although there were few greater lovers of mankind at that time than
myself, yet I confess I never saw any sensitive being so detestable on all accounts; and the more I
came near them the more hateful they grew, while I stayed in that country. This the master horse
observed by my behaviour, and therefore sent the YAHOO back to his kennel. He then put his fore-
hoof to his mouth, at which I was much surprised, although he did it with ease, and with a motion
that appeared perfectly natural, and made other signs, to know what I would eat; but I could not
return him such an answer as he was able to apprehend; and if he had understood me, I did not see
how it was possible to contrive any way for finding myself nourishment. While we were thus
engaged, I observed a cow passing by, whereupon I pointed to her, and expressed a desire to go and
milk her. This had its effect; for he led me back into the house, and ordered a mare-servant to open
a room, where a good store of milk lay in earthen and wooden vessels, after a very orderly and
cleanly manner. She gave me a large bowlful, of which I drank very heartily, and found myself
well refreshed.
About noon, I saw coming towards the house a kind of vehicle drawn like a sledge by four
YAHOOS. There was in it an old steed, who seemed to be of quality; he alighted with his hind-feet
forward, having by accident got a hurt in his left fore-foot. He came to dine with our horse, who
received him with great civility. They dined in the best room, and had oats boiled in milk for the
second course, which the old horse ate warm, but the rest cold. Their mangers were placed circular
in the middle of the room, and divided into several partitions, round which they sat on their
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haunches, upon bosses of straw. In the middle was a large rack, with angles answering to every
partition of the manger; so that each horse and mare ate their own hay, and their own mash of oats
and milk, with much decency and regularity. The behaviour of the young colt and foal appeared
very modest, and that of the master and mistress extremely cheerful and complaisant to their guest.
The gray ordered me to stand by him; and much discourse passed between him and his friend
concerning me, as I found by the stranger's often looking on me, and the frequent repetition of the
word YAHOO.
I happened to wear my gloves, which the master gray observing, seemed perplexed, discovering
signs of wonder what I had done to my fore-feet. He put his hoof three or four times to them, as if
he would signify, that I should reduce them to their former shape, which I presently did, pulling off
both my gloves, and putting them into my pocket. This occasioned farther talk; and I saw the
company was pleased with my behaviour, whereof I soon found the good effects. I was ordered to
speak the few words I understood; and while they were at dinner, the master taught me the names
for oats, milk, fire, water, and some others, which I could readily pronounce after him, having from
my youth a great facility in learning languages.
When dinner was done, the master horse took me aside, and by signs and words made me
understand the concern he was in that I had nothing to eat. Oats in their tongue are called
HLUNNH. This word I pronounced two or three times; for although I had refused them at first, yet,
upon second thoughts, I considered that I could contrive to make of them a kind of bread, which
might be sufficient, with milk, to keep me alive, till I could make my escape to some other country,
and to creatures of my own species. The horse immediately ordered a white mare servant of his
family to bring me a good quantity of oats in a sort of wooden tray. These I heated before the fire,
as well as I could, and rubbed them till the husks came off, which I made a shift to winnow from
the grain. I ground and beat them between two stones; then took water, and made them into a paste
or cake, which I toasted at the fire and eat warm with milk. It was at first a very insipid diet, though
common enough in many parts of Europe, but grew tolerable by time; and having been often
reduced to hard fare in my life, this was not the first experiment I had made how easily nature is
satisfied. And I cannot but observe, that I never had one hours sickness while I stayed in this island.
It is true, I sometimes made a shift to catch a rabbit, or bird, by springs made of YAHOO'S hairs;
and I often gathered wholesome herbs, which I boiled, and ate as salads with my bread; and now
and then, for a rarity, I made a little butter, and drank the whey. I was at first at a great loss for salt,
but custom soon reconciled me to the want of it; and I am confident that the frequent use of salt
among us is an effect of luxury, and was first introduced only as a provocative to drink, except
where it is necessary for preserving flesh in long voyages, or in places remote from great markets;
for we observe no animal to be fond of it but man, and as to myself, when I left this country, it was
a great while before I could endure the taste of it in anything that I ate.
This is enough to say upon the subject of my diet, wherewith other travellers fill their books, as if
the readers were personally concerned whether we fare well or ill. However, it was necessary to
mention this matter, lest the world should think it impossible that I could find sustenance for three
years in such a country, and among such inhabitants.
When it grew towards evening, the master horse ordered a place for me to lodge in; it was but six
yards from the house and separated from the stable of the YAHOOS. Here I got some straw, and
covering myself with my own clothes, slept very sound. But I was in a short time better
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accommodated, as the reader shall know hereafter, when I come to treat more particularly about my
way of living.
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CHAPTER III.
[The author studies to learn the language. The Houyhnhnm, his master, assists in teaching him. The
language described. Several Houyhnhnms of quality come out of curiosity to see the author. He
gives his master a short account of his voyage.]
My principal endeavour was to learn the language, which my master (for so I shall henceforth call
him), and his children, and every servant of his house, were desirous to teach me; for they looked
upon it as a prodigy, that a brute animal should discover such marks of a rational creature. I pointed
to every thing, and inquired the name of it, which I wrote down in my journal-book when I was
alone, and corrected my bad accent by desiring those of the family to pronounce it often. In this
employment, a sorrel nag, one of the under-servants, was very ready to assist me.
In speaking, they pronounced through the nose and throat, and their language approaches nearest to
the High-Dutch, or German, of any I know in Europe; but is much more graceful and significant.
The emperor Charles V. made almost the same observation, when he said "that if he were to speak
to his horse, it should be in High-Dutch."
The curiosity and impatience of my master were so great, that he spent many hours of his leisure to
instruct me. He was convinced (as he afterwards told me) that I must be a YAHOO; but my
teachableness, civility, and cleanliness, astonished him; which were qualities altogether opposite to
those animals. He was most perplexed about my clothes, reasoning sometimes with himself,
whether they were a part of my body: for I never pulled them off till the family were asleep, and
got them on before they waked in the morning. My master was eager to learn "whence I came; how
I acquired those appearances of reason, which I discovered in all my actions; and to know my story
from my own mouth, which he hoped he should soon do by the great proficiency I made in learning
and pronouncing their words and sentences." To help my memory, I formed all I learned into the
English alphabet, and writ the words down, with the translations. This last, after some time, I
ventured to do in my master's presence. It cost me much trouble to explain to him what I was
doing; for the inhabitants have not the least idea of books or literature.
In about ten weeks time, I was able to understand most of his questions; and in three months, could
give him some tolerable answers. He was extremely curious to know "from what part of the
country I came, and how I was taught to imitate a rational creature; because the YAHOOS (whom
he saw I exactly resembled in my head, hands, and face, that were only visible), with some
appearance of cunning, and the strongest disposition to mischief, were observed to be the most
unteachable of all brutes." I answered, "that I came over the sea, from a far place, with many others
of my own kind, in a great hollow vessel made of the bodies of trees: that my companions forced
me to land on this coast, and then left me to shift for myself." It was with some difficulty, and by
the help of many signs, that I brought him to understand me. He replied, "that I must needs be
mistaken, or that I said the thing which was not;" for they have no word in their language to express
lying or falsehood. "He knew it was impossible that there could be a country beyond the sea, or that
a parcel of brutes could move a wooden vessel whither they pleased upon water. He was sure no
HOUYHNHNM alive could make such a vessel, nor would trust YAHOOS to manage it."
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The word HOUYHNHNM, in their tongue, signifies a HORSE, and, in its etymology, the
PERFECTION OF NATURE. I told my master, "that I was at a loss for expression, but would
improve as fast as I could; and hoped, in a short time, I should be able to tell him wonders." He was
pleased to direct his own mare, his colt, and foal, and the servants of the family, to take all
opportunities of instructing me; and every day, for two or three hours, he was at the same pains
himself. Several horses and mares of quality in the neighbourhood came often to our house, upon
the report spread of "a wonderful YAHOO, that could speak like a HOUYHNHNM, and seemed, in
his words and actions, to discover some glimmerings of reason." These delighted to converse with
me: they put many questions, and received such answers as I was able to return. By all these
advantages I made so great a progress, that, in five months from my arrival I understood whatever
was spoken, and could express myself tolerably well.
The HOUYHNHNMS, who came to visit my master out of a design of seeing and talking with me,
could hardly believe me to be a right YAHOO, because my body had a different covering from
others of my kind. They were astonished to observe me without the usual hair or skin, except on
my head, face, and hands; but I discovered that secret to my master upon an accident which
happened about a fortnight before.
I have already told the reader, that every night, when the family were gone to bed, it was my
custom to strip, and cover myself with my clothes. It happened, one morning early, that my master
sent for me by the sorrel nag, who was his valet. When he came I was fast asleep, my clothes fallen
off on one side, and my shirt above my waist. I awaked at the noise he made, and observed him to
deliver his message in some disorder; after which he went to my master, and in a great fright gave
him a very confused account of what he had seen. This I presently discovered, for, going as soon as
I was dressed to pay my attendance upon his honour, he asked me "the meaning of what his servant
had reported, that I was not the same thing when I slept, as I appeared to be at other times; that his
vale assured him, some part of me was white, some yellow, at least not so white, and some brown."
I had hitherto concealed the secret of my dress, in order to distinguish myself, as much as possible,
from that cursed race of YAHOOS; but now I found it in vain to do so any longer. Besides, I
considered that my clothes and shoes would soon wear out, which already were in a declining
condition, and must be supplied by some contrivance from the hides of YAHOOS, or other brutes;
whereby the whole secret would be known. I therefore told my master, "that in the country whence
I came, those of my kind always covered their bodies with the hairs of certain animals prepared by
art, as well for decency as to avoid the inclemencies of air, both hot and cold; of which, as to my
own person, I would give him immediate conviction, if he pleased to command me: only desiring
his excuse, if I did not expose those parts that nature taught us to conceal." He said, "my discourse
was all very strange, but especially the last part; for he could not understand, why nature should
teach us to conceal what nature had given; that neither himself nor family were ashamed of any
parts of their bodies; but, however, I might do as I pleased." Whereupon I first unbuttoned my coat,
and pulled it off. I did the same with my waistcoat. I drew off my shoes, stockings, and breeches. I
let my shirt down to my waist, and drew up the bottom; fastening it like a girdle about my middle,
to hide my nakedness.
My master observed the whole performance with great signs of curiosity and admiration. He took
up all my clothes in his pastern, one piece after another, and examined them diligently; he then
stroked my body very gently, and looked round me several times; after which, he said, it was plain
I must be a perfect YAHOO; but that I differed very much from the rest of my species in the
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softness, whiteness, and smoothness of my skin; my want of hair in several parts of my body; the
shape and shortness of my claws behind and before; and my affectation of walking continually on
my two hinder feet. He desired to see no more; and gave me leave to put on my clothes again, for I
was shuddering with cold.
I expressed my uneasiness at his giving me so often the appellation of YAHOO, an odious animal,
for which I had so utter a hatred and contempt: I begged he would forbear applying that word to
me, and make the same order in his family and among his friends whom he suffered to see me. I
requested likewise, "that the secret of my having a false covering to my body, might be known to
none but himself, at least as long as my present clothing should last; for as to what the sorrel nag,
his valet, had observed, his honour might command him to conceal it."
All this my master very graciously consented to; and thus the secret was kept till my clothes began
to wear out, which I was forced to supply by several contrivances that shall hereafter be mentioned.
In the meantime, he desired "I would go on with my utmost diligence to learn their language,
because he was more astonished at my capacity for speech and reason, than at the figure of my
body, whether it were covered or not;" adding, "that he waited with some impatience to hear the
wonders which I promised to tell him."
Thenceforward he doubled the pains he had been at to instruct me: he brought me into all company,
and made them treat me with civility; "because," as he told them, privately, "this would put me into
good humour, and make me more diverting."
Every day, when I waited on him, beside the trouble he was at in teaching, he would ask me several
questions concerning myself, which I answered as well as I could, and by these means he had
already received some general ideas, though very imperfect. It would be tedious to relate the
several steps by which I advanced to a more regular conversation; but the first account I gave of
myself in any order and length was to this purpose:
"That I came from a very far country, as I already had attempted to tell him, with about fifty more
of my own species; that we travelled upon the seas in a great hollow vessel made of wood, and
larger than his honour's house. I described the ship to him in the best terms I could, and explained,
by the help of my handkerchief displayed, how it was driven forward by the wind. That upon a
quarrel among us, I was set on shore on this coast, where I walked forward, without knowing
whither, till he delivered me from the persecution of those execrable YAHOOS." He asked me,
"who made the ship, and how it was possible that the HOUYHNHNMS of my country would leave
it to the management of brutes?" My answer was, "that I durst proceed no further in my relation,
unless he would give me his word and honour that he would not be offended, and then I would tell
him the wonders I had so often promised." He agreed; and I went on by assuring him, that the ship
was made by creatures like myself; who, in all the countries I had travelled, as well as in my own,
were the only governing rational animals; and that upon my arrival hither, I was as much
astonished to see the HOUYHNHNMS act like rational beings, as he, or his friends, could be, in
finding some marks of reason in a creature he was pleased to call a YAHOO; to which I owned my
resemblance in every part, but could not account for their degenerate and brutal nature. I said
farther, "that if good fortune ever restored me to my native country, to relate my travels hither, as I
resolved to do, everybody would believe, that I said the thing that was not, that I invented the story
out of my own head; and (with all possible respect to himself, his family, and friends, and under his
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promise of not being offended) our countrymen would hardly think it probable that a
HOUYHNHNM should be the presiding creature of a nation, and a YAHOO the brute."
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CHAPTER IV.
[The Houyhnhnm's notion of truth and falsehood. The author's discourse disapproved by his
master. The author gives a more particular account of himself, and the accidents of his voyage.]
My master heard me with great appearances of uneasiness in his countenance; because doubting, or
not believing, are so little known in this country, that the inhabitants cannot tell how to behave
themselves under such circumstances. And I remember, in frequent discourses with my master
concerning the nature of manhood in other parts of the world, having occasion to talk of lying and
false representation, it was with much difficulty that he comprehended what I meant, although he
had otherwise a most acute judgment. For he argued thus: "that the use of speech was to make us
understand one another, and to receive information of facts; now, if any one said the thing which
was not, these ends were defeated, because I cannot properly be said to understand him; and I am
so far from receiving information, that he leaves me worse than in ignorance; for I am led to
believe a thing black, when it is white, and short, when it is long." And these were all the notions
he had concerning that faculty of lying, so perfectly well understood, and so universally practised,
among human creatures.
To return from this digression. When I asserted that the YAHOOS were the only governing animals
in my country, which my master said was altogether past his conception, he desired to know,
"whether we had HOUYHNHNMS among us, and what was their employment?" I told him, "we
had great numbers; that in summer they grazed in the fields, and in winter were kept in houses with
hay and oats, where YAHOO servants were employed to rub their skins smooth, comb their manes,
pick their feet, serve them with food, and make their beds." "I understand you well," said my
master: "it is now very plain, from all you have spoken, that whatever share of reason the
YAHOOS pretend to, the HOUYHNHNMS are your masters; I heartily wish our YAHOOS would
be so tractable." I begged "his honour would please to excuse me from proceeding any further,
because I was very certain that the account he expected from me would be highly displeasing." But
he insisted in commanding me to let him know the best and the worst.
I told him "he should be obeyed." I owned "that the HOUYHNHNMS among us, whom we called
horses, were the most generous and comely animals we had; that they excelled in strength and
swiftness; and when they belonged to persons of quality, were employed in travelling, racing, or
drawing chariots; they were treated with much kindness and care, till they fell into diseases, or
became foundered in the feet; but then they were sold, and used to all kind of drudgery till they
died; after which their skins were stripped, and sold for what they were worth, and their bodies left
to be devoured by dogs and birds of prey. But the common race of horses had not so good fortune,
being kept by farmers and carriers, and other mean people, who put them to greater labour, and fed
them worse." I described, as well as I could, our way of riding; the shape and use of a bridle, a
saddle, a spur, and a whip; of harness and wheels. I added, "that we fastened plates of a certain hard
substance, called iron, at the bottom of their feet, to preserve their hoofs from being broken by the
stony ways, on which we often travelled."
My master, after some expressions of great indignation, wondered "how we dared to venture upon
a HOUYHNHNM'S back; for he was sure, that the weakest servant in his house would be able to
shake off the strongest YAHOO; or by lying down and rolling on his back, squeeze the brute to
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death." I answered "that our horses were trained up, from three or four years old, to the several uses
we intended them for; that if any of them proved intolerably vicious, they were employed for
carriages; that they were severely beaten, while they were young, for any mischievous tricks; that
the males, designed for the common use of riding or draught, were generally castrated about two
years after their birth, to take down their spirits, and make them more tame and gentle; that they
were indeed sensible of rewards and punishments; but his honour would please to consider, that
they had not the least tincture of reason, any more than the YAHOOS in this country."
It put me to the pains of many circumlocutions, to give my master a right idea of what I spoke; for
their language does not abound in variety of words, because their wants and passions are fewer
than among us. But it is impossible to express his noble resentment at our savage treatment of the
HOUYHNHNM race; particularly after I had explained the manner and use of castrating horses
among us, to hinder them from propagating their kind, and to render them more servile. He said, "if
it were possible there could be any country where YAHOOS alone were endued with reason, they
certainly must be the governing animal; because reason in time will always prevail against brutal
strength. But, considering the frame of our bodies, and especially of mine, he thought no creature
of equal bulk was so ill-contrived for employing that reason in the common offices of life;"
whereupon he desired to know whether those among whom I lived resembled me, or the YAHOOS
of his country?" I assured him, "that I was as well shaped as most of my age; but the younger, and
the females, were much more soft and tender, and the skins of the latter generally as white as milk."
He said, "I differed indeed from other YAHOOS, being much more cleanly, and not altogether so
deformed; but, in point of real advantage, he thought I differed for the worse: that my nails were of
no use either to my fore or hinder feet; as to my fore feet, he could not properly call them by that
name, for he never observed me to walk upon them; that they were too soft to bear the ground; that
I generally went with them uncovered; neither was the covering I sometimes wore on them of the
same shape, or so strong as that on my feet behind: that I could not walk with any security, for if
either of my hinder feet slipped, I must inevitably fail." He then began to find fault with other parts
of my body: "the flatness of my face, the prominence of my nose, mine eyes placed directly in
front, so that I could not look on either side without turning my head: that I was not able to feed
myself, without lifting one of my fore-feet to my mouth: and therefore nature had placed those
joints to answer that necessity. He knew not what could be the use of those several clefts and
divisions in my feet behind; that these were too soft to bear the hardness and sharpness of stones,
without a covering made from the skin of some other brute; that my whole body wanted a fence
against heat and cold, which I was forced to put on and off every day, with tediousness and trouble:
and lastly, that he observed every animal in this country naturally to abhor the YAHOOS, whom
the weaker avoided, and the stronger drove from them. So that, supposing us to have the gift of
reason, he could not see how it were possible to cure that natural antipathy, which every creature
discovered against us; nor consequently how we could tame and render them serviceable. However,
he would," as he said, "debate the matter no farther, because he was more desirous to know my
own story, the country where I was born, and the several actions and events of my life, before I
came hither."
I assured him, "how extremely desirous I was that he should be satisfied on every point; but I
doubted much, whether it would be possible for me to explain myself on several subjects, whereof
his honour could have no conception; because I saw nothing in his country to which I could
resemble them; that, however, I would do my best, and strive to express myself by similitudes,
humbly desiring his assistance when I wanted proper words;" which he was pleased to promise me.
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I said, "my birth was of honest parents, in an island called England; which was remote from his
country, as many days' journey as the strongest of his honour's servants could travel in the annual
course of the sun; that I was bred a surgeon, whose trade it is to cure wounds and hurts in the body,
gotten by accident or violence; that my country was governed by a female man, whom we called
queen; that I left it to get riches, whereby I might maintain myself and family, when I should
return; that, in my last voyage, I was commander of the ship, and had about fifty YAHOOS under
me, many of which died at sea, and I was forced to supply them by others picked out from several
nations; that our ship was twice in danger of being sunk, the first time by a great storm, and the
second by striking against a rock." Here my master interposed, by asking me, "how I could
persuade strangers, out of different countries, to venture with me, after the losses I had sustained,
and the hazards I had run?" I said, "they were fellows of desperate fortunes, forced to fly from the
places of their birth on account of their poverty or their crimes. Some were undone by lawsuits;
others spent all they had in drinking, whoring, and gaming; others fled for treason; many for
murder, theft, poisoning, robbery, perjury, forgery, coining false money, for committing rapes, or
sodomy; for flying from their colours, or deserting to the enemy; and most of them had broken
prison; none of these durst return to their native countries, for fear of being hanged, or of starving
in a jail; and therefore they were under the necessity of seeking a livelihood in other places."
During this discourse, my master was pleased to interrupt me several times. I had made use of
many circumlocutions in describing to him the nature of the several crimes for which most of our
crew had been forced to fly their country. This labour took up several days' conversation, before he
was able to comprehend me. He was wholly at a loss to know what could be the use or necessity of
practising those vices. To clear up which, I endeavoured to give some ideas of the desire of power
and riches; of the terrible effects of lust, intemperance, malice, and envy. All this I was forced to
define and describe by putting cases and making suppositions. After which, like one whose
imagination was struck with something never seen or heard of before, he would lift up his eyes
with amazement and indignation. Power, government, war, law, punishment, and a thousand other
things, had no terms wherein that language could express them, which made the difficulty almost
insuperable, to give my master any conception of what I meant. But being of an excellent
understanding, much improved by contemplation and converse, he at last arrived at a competent
knowledge of what human nature, in our parts of the world, is capable to perform, and desired I
would give him some particular account of that land which we call Europe, but especially of my
own country.
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CHAPTER V.
[The author at his master's command, informs him of the state of England. The causes of war
among the princes of Europe. The author begins to explain the English constitution.]
The reader may please to observe, that the following extract of many conversations I had with my
master, contains a summary of the most material points which were discoursed at several times for
above two years; his honour often desiring fuller satisfaction, as I farther improved in the
HOUYHNHNM tongue. I laid before him, as well as I could, the whole state of Europe; I
discoursed of trade and manufactures, of arts and sciences; and the answers I gave to all the
questions he made, as they arose upon several subjects, were a fund of conversation not to be
exhausted. But I shall here only set down the substance of what passed between us concerning my
own country, reducing it in order as well as I can, without any regard to time or other
circumstances, while I strictly adhere to truth. My only concern is, that I shall hardly be able to do
justice to my master's arguments and expressions, which must needs suffer by my want of capacity,
as well as by a translation into our barbarous English.
In obedience, therefore, to his honour's commands, I related to him the Revolution under the Prince
of Orange; the long war with France, entered into by the said prince, and renewed by his successor,
the present queen, wherein the greatest powers of Christendom were engaged, and which still
continued: I computed, at his request, "that about a million of YAHOOS might have been killed in
the whole progress of it; and perhaps a hundred or more cities taken, and five times as many ships
burnt or sunk."
He asked me, "what were the usual causes or motives that made one country go to war with
another?" I answered "they were innumerable; but I should only mention a few of the chief.
Sometimes the ambition of princes, who never think they have land or people enough to govern;
sometimes the corruption of ministers, who engage their master in a war, in order to stifle or divert
the clamour of the subjects against their evil administration. Difference in opinions has cost many
millions of lives: for instance, whether flesh be bread, or bread be flesh; whether the juice of a
certain berry be blood or wine; whether whistling be a vice or a virtue; whether it be better to kiss a
post, or throw it into the fire; what is the best colour for a coat, whether black, white, red, or gray;
and whether it should be long or short, narrow or wide, dirty or clean; with many more.
Neither are any wars so furious and bloody, or of so long a continuance, as those occasioned by
difference in opinion, especially if it be in things indifferent.
"Sometimes the quarrel between two princes is to decide which of them shall dispossess a third of
his dominions, where neither of them pretend to any right. Sometimes one prince quarrels with
another for fear the other should quarrel with him. Sometimes a war is entered upon, because the
enemy is too strong; and sometimes, because he is too weak. Sometimes our neighbours want the
things which we have, or have the things which we want, and we both fight, till they take ours, or
give us theirs. It is a very justifiable cause of a war, to invade a country after the people have been
wasted by famine, destroyed by pestilence, or embroiled by factions among themselves. It is
justifiable to enter into war against our nearest ally, when one of his towns lies convenient for us,
or a territory of land, that would render our dominions round and complete. If a prince sends forces
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into a nation, where the people are poor and ignorant, he may lawfully put half of them to death,
and make slaves of the rest, in order to civilize and reduce them from their barbarous way of living.
It is a very kingly, honourable, and frequent practice, when one prince desires the assistance of
another, to secure him against an invasion, that the assistant, when he has driven out the invader,
should seize on the dominions himself, and kill, imprison, or banish, the prince he came to relieve.
Alliance by blood, or marriage, is a frequent cause of war between princes; and the nearer the
kindred is, the greater their disposition to quarrel; poor nations are hungry, and rich nations are
proud; and pride and hunger will ever be at variance. For these reasons, the trade of a soldier is
held the most honourable of all others; because a soldier is a YAHOO hired to kill, in cold blood,
as many of his own species, who have never offended him, as possibly he can.
"There is likewise a kind of beggarly princes in Europe, not able to make war by themselves, who
hire out their troops to richer nations, for so much a day to each man; of which they keep three-
fourths to themselves, and it is the best part of their maintenance: such are those in many northern
parts of Europe."
"What you have told me," said my master, "upon the subject of war, does indeed discover most
admirably the effects of that reason you pretend to: however, it is happy that the shame is greater
than the danger; and that nature has left you utterly incapable of doing much mischief. For, your
mouths lying flat with your faces, you can hardly bite each other to any purpose, unless by consent.
Then as to the claws upon your feet before and behind, they are so short and tender, that one of our
YAHOOS would drive a dozen of yours before him. And therefore, in recounting the numbers of
those who have been killed in battle, I cannot but think you have said the thing which is not."
I could not forbear shaking my head, and smiling a little at his ignorance. And being no stranger to
the art of war, I gave him a description of cannons, culverins, muskets, carabines, pistols, bullets,
powder, swords, bayonets, battles, sieges, retreats, attacks, undermines, countermines,
bombardments, sea fights, ships sunk with a thousand men, twenty thousand killed on each side,
dying groans, limbs flying in the air, smoke, noise, confusion, trampling to death under horses' feet,
flight, pursuit, victory; fields strewed with carcases, left for food to dogs and wolves and birds of
prey; plundering, stripping, ravishing, burning, and destroying. And to set forth the valour of my
own dear countrymen, I assured him, "that I had seen them blow up a hundred enemies at once in a
siege, and as many in a ship, and beheld the dead bodies drop down in pieces from the clouds, to
the great diversion of the spectators."
I was going on to more particulars, when my master commanded me silence. He said, "whoever
understood the nature of YAHOOS, might easily believe it possible for so vile an animal to be
capable of every action I had named, if their strength and cunning equalled their malice. But as my
discourse had increased his abhorrence of the whole species, so he found it gave him a disturbance
in his mind to which he was wholly a stranger before.
He thought his ears, being used to such abominable words, might, by degrees, admit them with less
detestation: that although he hated the YAHOOS of this country, yet he no more blamed them for
their odious qualities, than he did a GNNAYH (a bird of prey) for its cruelty, or a sharp stone for
cutting his hoof. But when a creature pretending to reason could be capable of such enormities, he
dreaded lest the corruption of that faculty might be worse than brutality itself. He seemed therefore
confident, that, instead of reason we were only possessed of some quality fitted to increase our
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natural vices; as the reflection from a troubled stream returns the image of an ill shapen body, not
only larger but more distorted."
He added, "that he had heard too much upon the subject of war, both in this and some former
discourses. There was another point, which a little perplexed him at present. I had informed him,
that some of our crew left their country on account of being ruined by law; that I had already
explained the meaning of the word; but he was at a loss how it should come to pass, that the law,
which was intended for every man's preservation, should be any man's ruin. Therefore he desired to
be further satisfied what I meant by law, and the dispensers thereof, according to the present
practice in my own country; because he thought nature and reason were sufficient guides for a
reasonable animal, as we pretended to be, in showing us what he ought to do, and what to avoid."
I assured his honour, "that the law was a science in which I had not much conversed, further than
by employing advocates, in vain, upon some injustices that had been done me: however, I would
give him all the satisfaction I was able."
I said, "there was a society of men among us, bred up from their youth in the art of proving, by
words multiplied for the purpose, that white is black, and black is white, according as they are paid.
To this society all the rest of the people are slaves. For example, if my neighbour has a mind to my
cow, he has a lawyer to prove that he ought to have my cow from me. I must then hire another to
defend my right, it being against all rules of law that any man should be allowed to speak for
himself. Now, in this case, I, who am the right owner, lie under two great disadvantages: first, my
lawyer, being practised almost from his cradle in defending falsehood, is quite out of his element
when he would be an advocate for justice, which is an unnatural office he always attempts with
great awkwardness, if not with ill-will. The second disadvantage is, that my lawyer must proceed
with great caution, or else he will be reprimanded by the judges, and abhorred by his brethren, as
one that would lessen the practice of the law. And therefore I have but two methods to preserve my
cow. The first is, to gain over my adversary's lawyer with a double fee, who will then betray his
client by insinuating that he hath justice on his side. The second way is for my lawyer to make my
cause appear as unjust as he can, by allowing the cow to belong to my adversary: and this, if it be
skilfully done, will certainly bespeak the favour of the bench. Now your honour is to know, that
these judges are persons appointed to decide all controversies of property, as well as for the trial of
criminals, and picked out from the most dexterous lawyers, who are grown old or lazy; and having
been biassed all their lives against truth and equity, lie under such a fatal necessity of favouring
fraud, perjury, and oppression, that I have known some of them refuse a large bribe from the side
where justice lay, rather than injure the faculty, by doing any thing unbecoming their nature or their
office.
"It is a maxim among these lawyers that whatever has been done before, may legally be done again:
and therefore they take special care to record all the decisions formerly made against common
justice, and the general reason of mankind. These, under the name of precedents, they produce as
authorities to justify the most iniquitous opinions; and the judges never fail of directing
accordingly.
"In pleading, they studiously avoid entering into the merits of the cause; but are loud, violent, and
tedious, in dwelling upon all circumstances which are not to the purpose. For instance, in the case
already mentioned; they never desire to know what claim or title my adversary has to my cow; but
whether the said cow were red or black; her horns long or short; whether the field I graze her in be
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round or square; whether she was milked at home or abroad; what diseases she is subject to, and
the like; after which they consult precedents, adjourn the cause from time to time, and in ten,
twenty, or thirty years, come to an issue.
"It is likewise to be observed, that this society has a peculiar cant and jargon of their own, that no
other mortal can understand, and wherein all their laws are written, which they take special care to
multiply; whereby they have wholly confounded the very essence of truth and falsehood, of right
and wrong; so that it will take thirty years to decide, whether the field left me by my ancestors for
six generations belongs to me, or to a stranger three hundred miles off.
"In the trial of persons accused for crimes against the state, the method is much more short and
commendable: the judge first sends to sound the disposition of those in power, after which he can
easily hang or save a criminal, strictly preserving all due forms of law."
Here my master interposing, said, "it was a pity, that creatures endowed with such prodigious
abilities of mind, as these lawyers, by the description I gave of them, must certainly be, were not
rather encouraged to be instructors of others in wisdom and knowledge." In answer to which I
assured his honour, "that in all points out of their own trade, they were usually the most ignorant
and stupid generation among us, the most despicable in common conversation, avowed enemies to
all knowledge and learning, and equally disposed to pervert the general reason of mankind in every
other subject of discourse as in that of their own profession."
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CHAPTER VI.
[A continuation of the state of England under Queen Anne. The character of a first minister of state
in European courts.]
My master was yet wholly at a loss to understand what motives could incite this race of lawyers to
perplex, disquiet, and weary themselves, and engage in a confederacy of injustice, merely for the
sake of injuring their fellow-animals; neither could he comprehend what I meant in saying, they did
it for hire. Whereupon I was at much pains to describe to him the use of money, the materials it was
made of, and the value of the metals; "that when a YAHOO had got a great store of this precious
substance, he was able to purchase whatever he had a mind to; the finest clothing, the noblest
houses, great tracts of land, the most costly meats and drinks, and have his choice of the most
beautiful females. Therefore since money alone was able to perform all these feats, our YAHOOS
thought they could never have enough of it to spend, or to save, as they found themselves inclined,
from their natural bent either to profusion or avarice; that the rich man enjoyed the fruit of the poor
man's labour, and the latter were a thousand to one in proportion to the former; that the bulk of our
people were forced to live miserably, by labouring every day for small wages, to make a few live
plentifully."
I enlarged myself much on these, and many other particulars to the same purpose; but his honour
was still to seek; for he went upon a supposition, that all animals had a title to their share in the
productions of the earth, and especially those who presided over the rest. Therefore he desired I
would let him know, "what these costly meats were, and how any of us happened to want them?"
Whereupon I enumerated as many sorts as came into my head, with the various methods of
dressing them, which could not be done without sending vessels by sea to every part of the world,
as well for liquors to drink as for sauces and innumerable other conveniences. I assured him "that
this whole globe of earth must be at least three times gone round before one of our better female
YAHOOS could get her breakfast, or a cup to put it in." He said "that must needs be a miserable
country which cannot furnish food for its own inhabitants. But what he chiefly wondered at was,
how such vast tracts of ground as I described should be wholly without fresh water, and the people
put to the necessity of sending over the sea for drink." I replied "that England (the dear place of my
nativity) was computed to produce three times the quantity of food more than its inhabitants are
able to consume, as well as liquors extracted from grain, or pressed out of the fruit of certain trees,
which made excellent drink, and the same proportion in every other convenience of life. But, in
order to feed the luxury and intemperance of the males, and the vanity of the females, we sent away
the greatest part of our necessary things to other countries, whence, in return, we brought the
materials of diseases, folly, and vice, to spend among ourselves. Hence it follows of necessity, that
vast numbers of our people are compelled to seek their livelihood by begging, robbing, stealing,
cheating, pimping, flattering, suborning, forswearing, forging, gaming, lying, fawning, hectoring,
voting, scribbling, star-gazing, poisoning, whoring, canting, libelling, freethinking, and the like
occupations:" every one of which terms I was at much pains to make him understand.
"That wine was not imported among us from foreign countries to supply the want of water or other
drinks, but because it was a sort of liquid which made us merry by putting us out of our senses,
diverted all melancholy thoughts, begat wild extravagant imaginations in the brain, raised our
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hopes and banished our fears, suspended every office of reason for a time, and deprived us of the
use of our limbs, till we fell into a profound sleep; although it must be confessed, that we always
awaked sick and dispirited; and that the use of this liquor filled us with diseases which made our
lives uncomfortable and short.
"But beside all this, the bulk of our people supported themselves by furnishing the necessities or
conveniences of life to the rich and to each other. For instance, when I am at home, and dressed as I
ought to be, I carry on my body the workmanship of a hundred tradesmen; the building and
furniture of my house employ as many more, and five times the number to adorn my wife."
I was going on to tell him of another sort of people, who get their livelihood by attending the sick,
having, upon some occasions, informed his honour that many of my crew had died of diseases. But
here it was with the utmost difficulty that I brought him to apprehend what I meant. "He could
easily conceive, that a HOUYHNHNM, grew weak and heavy a few days before his death, or by
some accident might hurt a limb; but that nature, who works all things to perfection, should suffer
any pains to breed in our bodies, he thought impossible, and desired to know the reason of so
unaccountable an evil."
I told him "we fed on a thousand things which operated contrary to each other; that we ate when we
were not hungry, and drank without the provocation of thirst; that we sat whole nights drinking
strong liquors, without eating a bit, which disposed us to sloth, inflamed our bodies, and
precipitated or prevented digestion; that prostitute female YAHOOS acquired a certain malady,
which bred rottenness in the bones of those who fell into their embraces; that this, and many other
diseases, were propagated from father to son; so that great numbers came into the world with
complicated maladies upon them; that it would be endless to give him a catalogue of all diseases
incident to human bodies, for they would not be fewer than five or six hundred, spread over every
limb and joint -in short, every part, external and intestine, having diseases appropriated to itself. To
remedy which, there was a sort of people bred up among us in the profession, or pretence, of curing
the sick. And because I had some skill in the faculty, I would, in gratitude to his honour, let him
know the whole mystery and method by which they proceed.
"Their fundamental is, that all diseases arise from repletion; whence they conclude, that a great
evacuation of the body is necessary, either through the natural passage or upwards at the mouth.
Their next business is from herbs, minerals, gums, oils, shells, salts, juices, seaweed, excrements,
barks of trees, serpents, toads, frogs, spiders, dead men's flesh and bones, birds, beasts, and fishes,
to form a composition, for smell and taste, the most abominable, nauseous, and detestable, they can
possibly contrive, which the stomach immediately rejects with loathing, and this they call a vomit;
or else, from the same store-house, with some other poisonous additions, they command us to take
in at the orifice above or below (just as the physician then happens to be disposed) a medicine
equally annoying and disgustful to the bowels; which, relaxing the belly, drives down all before it;
and this they call a purge, or a clyster. For nature (as the physicians allege) having intended the
superior anterior orifice only for the intromission of solids and liquids, and the inferior posterior for
ejection, these artists ingeniously considering that in all diseases nature is forced out of her seat,
therefore, to replace her in it, the body must be treated in a manner directly contrary, by
interchanging the use of each orifice; forcing solids and liquids in at the anus, and making
evacuations at the mouth.
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"But, besides real diseases, we are subject to many that are only imaginary, for which the
physicians have invented imaginary cures; these have their several names, and so have the drugs
that are proper for them; and with these our female YAHOOS are always infested.
"One great excellency in this tribe, is their skill at prognostics, wherein they seldom fail; their
predictions in real diseases, when they rise to any degree of malignity, generally portending death,
which is always in their power, when recovery is not: and therefore, upon any unexpected signs of
amendment, after they have pronounced their sentence, rather than be accused as false prophets,
they know how to approve their sagacity to the world, by a seasonable dose.
"They are likewise of special use to husbands and wives who are grown weary of their mates; to
eldest sons, to great ministers of state, and often to princes."
I had formerly, upon occasion, discoursed with my master upon the nature of government in
general, and particularly of our own excellent constitution, deservedly the wonder and envy of the
whole world. But having here accidentally mentioned a minister of state, he commanded me, some
time after, to inform him, "what species of YAHOO I particularly meant by that appellation."
I told him, "that a first or chief minister of state, who was the person I intended to describe, was the
creature wholly exempt from joy and grief, love and hatred, pity and anger; at least, makes use of
no other passions, but a violent desire of wealth, power, and titles; that he applies his words to all
uses, except to the indication of his mind; that he never tells a truth but with an intent that you
should take it for a lie; nor a lie, but with a design that you should take it for a truth; that those he
speaks worst of behind their backs are in the surest way of preferment; and whenever he begins to
praise you to others, or to yourself, you are from that day forlorn. The worst mark you can receive
is a promise, especially when it is confirmed with an oath; after which, every wise man retires, and
gives over all hopes.
"There are three methods, by which a man may rise to be chief minister. The first is, by knowing
how, with prudence, to dispose of a wife, a daughter, or a sister; the second, by betraying or
undermining his predecessor; and the third is, by a furious zeal, in public assemblies, against the
corruption's of the court. But a wise prince would rather choose to employ those who practise the
last of these methods; because such zealots prove always the most obsequious and subservient to
the will and passions of their master. That these ministers, having all employments at their disposal,
preserve themselves in power, by bribing the majority of a senate or great council; and at last, by an
expedient, called an act of indemnity" (whereof I described the nature to him), "they secure
themselves from after-reckonings, and retire from the public laden with the spoils of the nation.
"The palace of a chief minister is a seminary to breed up others in his own trade: the pages,
lackeys, and porters, by imitating their master, become ministers of state in their several districts,
and learn to excel in the three principal ingredients, of insolence, lying, and bribery. Accordingly,
they have a subaltern court paid to them by persons of the best rank; and sometimes by the force of
dexterity and impudence, arrive, through several gradations, to be successors to their lord.
"He is usually governed by a decayed wench, or favourite footman, who are the tunnels through
which all graces are conveyed, and may properly be called, in the last resort, the governors of the
kingdom."
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One day, in discourse, my master, having heard me mention the nobility of my country, was
pleased to make me a compliment which I could not pretend to deserve: "that he was sure I must
have been born of some noble family, because I far exceeded in shape, colour, and cleanliness, all
the YAHOOS of his nation, although I seemed to fail in strength and agility, which must be
imputed to my different way of living from those other brutes; and besides I was not only endowed
with the faculty of speech, but likewise with some rudiments of reason, to a degree that, with all his
acquaintance, I passed for a prodigy."
He made me observe, "that among the HOUYHNHNMS, the white, the sorrel, and the iron-gray,
were not so exactly shaped as the bay, the dapple-gray, and the black; nor born with equal talents of
mind, or a capacity to improve them; and therefore continued always in the condition of servants,
without ever aspiring to match out of their own race, which in that country would be reckoned
monstrous and unnatural."
I made his honour my most humble acknowledgments for the good opinion he was pleased to
conceive of me, but assured him at the same time, "that my birth was of the lower sort, having been
born of plain honest parents, who were just able to give me a tolerable education; that nobility,
among us, was altogether a different thing from the idea he had of it; that our young noblemen are
bred from their childhood in idleness and luxury; that, as soon as years will permit, they consume
their vigour, and contract odious diseases among lewd females; and when their fortunes are almost
ruined, they marry some woman of mean birth, disagreeable person, and unsound constitution
(merely for the sake of money), whom they hate and despise. That the productions of such
marriages are generally scrofulous, rickety, or deformed children; by which means the family
seldom continues above three generations, unless the wife takes care to provide a healthy father,
among her neighbours or domestics, in order to improve and continue the breed. That a weak
diseased body, a meagre countenance, and sallow complexion, are the true marks of noble blood;
and a healthy robust appearance is so disgraceful in a man of quality, that the world concludes his
real father to have been a groom or a coachman. The imperfections of his mind run parallel with
those of his body, being a composition of spleen, dullness, ignorance, caprice, sensuality, and
pride.
"Without the consent of this illustrious body, no law can be enacted, repealed, or altered: and these
nobles have likewise the decision of all our possessions, without appeal." (6)
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CHAPTER VII.
[The author's great love of his native country. His master's observations upon the constitution and
administration of England, as described by the author, with parallel cases and comparisons. His
master's observations upon human nature.]
The reader may be disposed to wonder how I could prevail on myself to give so free a
representation of my own species, among a race of mortals who are already too apt to conceive the
vilest opinion of humankind, from that entire congruity between me and their YAHOOS. But I
must freely confess, that the many virtues of those excellent quadrupeds, placed in opposite view to
human corruptions, had so far opened my eyes and enlarged my understanding, that I began to view
the actions and passions of man in a very different light, and to think the honour of my own kind
not worth managing; which, besides, it was impossible for me to do, before a person of so acute a
judgment as my master, who daily convinced me of a thousand faults in myself, whereof I had not
the least perception before, and which, with us, would never be numbered even among human
infirmities. I had likewise learned, from his example, an utter detestation of all falsehood or
disguise; and truth appeared so amiable to me, that I determined upon sacrificing every thing to it.
Let me deal so candidly with the reader as to confess that there was yet a much stronger motive for
the freedom I took in my representation of things. I had not yet been a year in this country before I
contracted such a love and veneration for the inhabitants, that I entered on a firm resolution never
to return to humankind, but to pass the rest of my life among these admirable HOUYHNHNMS, in
the contemplation and practice of every virtue, where I could have no example or incitement to
vice. But it was decreed by fortune, my perpetual enemy, that so great a felicity should not fall to
my share. However, it is now some comfort to reflect, that in what I said of my countrymen, I
extenuated their faults as much as I durst before so strict an examiner; and upon every article gave
as favourable a turn as the matter would bear. For, indeed, who is there alive that will not be
swayed by his bias and partiality to the place of his birth?
I have related the substance of several conversations I had with my master during the greatest part
of the time I had the honour to be in his service; but have, indeed, for brevity sake, omitted much
more than is here set down.
When I had answered all his questions, and his curiosity seemed to be fully satisfied, he sent for me
one morning early, and commanded me to sit down at some distance (an honour which he had
never before conferred upon me). He said, "he had been very seriously considering my whole story,
as far as it related both to myself and my country; that he looked upon us as a sort of animals, to
whose share, by what accident he could not conjecture, some small pittance of reason had fallen,
whereof we made no other use, than by its assistance, to aggravate our natural corruptions, and to
acquire new ones, which nature had not given us; that we disarmed ourselves of the few abilities
she had bestowed; had been very successful in multiplying our original wants, and seemed to spend
our whole lives in vain endeavours to supply them by our own inventions; that, as to myself, it was
manifest I had neither the strength nor agility of a common YAHOO; that I walked infirmly on my
hinder feet; had found out a contrivance to make my claws of no use or defence, and to remove the
hair from my chin, which was intended as a shelter from the sun and the weather: lastly, that I
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could neither run with speed, nor climb trees like my brethren," as he called them, "the YAHOOS
in his country.
"That our institutions of government and law were plainly owing to our gross defects in reason, and
by consequence in virtue; because reason alone is sufficient to govern a rational creature; which
was, therefore, a character we had no pretence to challenge, even from the account I had given of
my own people; although he manifestly perceived, that, in order to favour them, I had concealed
many particulars, and often said the thing which was not.
"He was the more confirmed in this opinion, because, he observed, that as I agreed in every feature
of my body with other YAHOOS, except where it was to my real disadvantage in point of strength,
speed, and activity, the shortness of my claws, and some other particulars where nature had no part;
so from the representation I had given him of our lives, our manners, and our actions, he found as
near a resemblance in the disposition of our minds." He said, "the YAHOOS were known to hate
one another, more than they did any different species of animals; and the reason usually assigned
was, the odiousness of their own shapes, which all could see in the rest, but not in themselves. He
had therefore begun to think it not unwise in us to cover our bodies, and by that invention conceal
many of our deformities from each other, which would else be hardly supportable. But he now
found he had been mistaken, and that the dissensions of those brutes in his country were owing to
the same cause with ours, as I had described them. For if," said he, "you throw among five
YAHOOS as much food as would be sufficient for fifty, they will, instead of eating peaceably, fall
together by the ears, each single one impatient to have all to itself; and therefore a servant was
usually employed to stand by while they were feeding abroad, and those kept at home were tied at a
distance from each other: that if a cow died of age or accident, before a HOUYHNHNM could
secure it for his own YAHOOS, those in the neighbourhood would come in herds to seize it, and
then would ensue such a battle as I had described, with terrible wounds made by their claws on
both sides, although they seldom were able to kill one another, for want of such convenient
instruments of death as we had invented. At other times, the like battles have been fought between
the YAHOOS of several neighbourhoods, without any visible cause; those of one district watching
all opportunities to surprise the next, before they are prepared. But if they find their project has
miscarried, they return home, and, for want of enemies, engage in what I call a civil war among
themselves.
"That in some fields of his country there are certain shining stones of several colours, whereof the
YAHOOS are violently fond: and when part of these stones is fixed in the earth, as it sometimes
happens, they will dig with their claws for whole days to get them out; then carry them away, and
hide them by heaps in their kennels; but still looking round with great caution, for fear their
comrades should find out their treasure." My master said, "he could never discover the reason of
this unnatural appetite, or how these stones could be of any use to a YAHOO; but now he believed
it might proceed from the same principle of avarice which I had ascribed to mankind. That he had
once, by way of experiment, privately removed a heap of these stones from the place where one of
his YAHOOS had buried it; whereupon the sordid animal, missing his treasure, by his loud
lamenting brought the whole herd to the place, there miserably howled, then fell to biting and
tearing the rest, began to pine away, would neither eat, nor sleep, nor work, till he ordered a servant
privately to convey the stones into the same hole, and hide them as before; which, when his
YAHOO had found, he presently recovered his spirits and good humour, but took good care to
remove them to a better hiding place, and has ever since been a very serviceable brute."
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My master further assured me, which I also observed myself, "that in the fields where the shining
stones abound, the fiercest and most frequent battles are fought, occasioned by perpetual inroads of
the neighbouring YAHOOS."
He said, "it was common, when two YAHOOS discovered such a stone in a field, and were
contending which of them should be the proprietor, a third would take the advantage, and carry it
away from them both;" which my master would needs contend to have some kind of resemblance
with our suits at law; wherein I thought it for our credit not to undeceive him; since the decision he
mentioned was much more equitable than many decrees among us; because the plaintiff and
defendant there lost nothing beside the stone they contended for: whereas our courts of equity
would never have dismissed the cause, while either of them had any thing left.
My master, continuing his discourse, said, "there was nothing that rendered the YAHOOS more
odious, than their undistinguishing appetite to devour every thing that came in their way, whether
herbs, roots, berries, the corrupted flesh of animals, or all mingled together: and it was peculiar in
their temper, that they were fonder of what they could get by rapine or stealth, at a greater distance,
than much better food provided for them at home. If their prey held out, they would eat till they
were ready to burst; after which, nature had pointed out to them a certain root that gave them a
general evacuation.
"There was also another kind of root, very juicy, but somewhat rare and difficult to be found, which
the YAHOOS sought for with much eagerness, and would suck it with great delight; it produced in
them the same effects that wine has upon us. It would make them sometimes hug, and sometimes
tear one another; they would howl, and grin, and chatter, and reel, and tumble, and then fall asleep
in the mud."
I did indeed observe that the YAHOOS were the only animals in this country subject to any
diseases; which, however, were much fewer than horses have among us, and contracted, not by any
ill-treatment they meet with, but by the nastiness and greediness of that sordid brute. Neither has
their language any more than a general appellation for those maladies, which is borrowed from the
name of the beast, and called HNEA-YAHOO, or YAHOO'S EVIL; and the cure prescribed is a
mixture of their own dung and urine, forcibly put down the YAHOO'S throat. This I have since
often known to have been taken with success, and do here freely recommend it to my countrymen
for the public good, as an admirable specific against all diseases produced by repletion.
"As to learning, government, arts, manufactures, and the like," my master confessed, "he could find
little or no resemblance between the YAHOOS of that country and those in ours; for he only meant
to observe what parity there was in our natures. He had heard, indeed, some curious
HOUYHNHNMS observe, that in most herds there was a sort of ruling YAHOO (as among us
there is generally some leading or principal stag in a park), who was always more deformed in
body, and mischievous in disposition, than any of the rest; that this leader had usually a favourite as
like himself as he could get, whose employment was to lick his master's feet and posteriors, and
drive the female YAHOOS to his kennel; for which he was now and then rewarded with a piece of
ass's flesh. This favourite is hated by the whole herd, and therefore, to protect himself, keeps
always near the person of his leader. He usually continues in office till a worse can be found; but
the very moment he is discarded, his successor, at the head of all the YAHOOS in that district,
young and old, male and female, come in a body, and discharge their excrements upon him from
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head to foot. But how far this might be applicable to our courts, and favourites, and ministers of
state, my master said I could best determine."
I durst make no return to this malicious insinuation, which debased human understanding below the
sagacity of a common hound, who has judgment enough to distinguish and follow the cry of the
ablest dog in the pack, without being ever mistaken.
My master told me, "there were some qualities remarkable in the YAHOOS, which he had not
observed me to mention, or at least very slightly, in the accounts I had given of humankind." He
said, "those animals, like other brutes, had their females in common; but in this they differed, that
the she YAHOO would admit the males while she was pregnant; and that the hes would quarrel and
fight with the females, as fiercely as with each other; both which practices were such degrees of
infamous brutality, as no other sensitive creature ever arrived at.
"Another thing he wondered at in the YAHOOS, was their strange disposition to nastiness and dirt;
whereas there appears to be a natural love of cleanliness in all other animals." As to the two former
accusations, I was glad to let them pass without any reply, because I had not a word to offer upon
them in defence of my species, which otherwise I certainly had done from my own inclinations.
But I could have easily vindicated humankind from the imputation of singularity upon the last
article, if there had been any swine in that country (as unluckily for me there were not), which,
although it may be a sweeter quadruped than a YAHOO, cannot, I humbly conceive, in justice,
pretend to more cleanliness; and so his honour himself must have owned, if he had seen their filthy
way of feeding, and their custom of wallowing and sleeping in the mud.
My master likewise mentioned another quality which his servants had discovered in several
Yahoos, and to him was wholly unaccountable. He said, "a fancy would sometimes take a YAHOO
to retire into a corner, to lie down, and howl, and groan, and spurn away all that came near him,
although he were young and fat, wanted neither food nor water, nor did the servant imagine what
could possibly ail him. And the only remedy they found was, to set him to hard work, after which
he would infallibly come to himself." To this I was silent out of partiality to my own kind; yet here
I could plainly discover the true seeds of spleen, which only seizes on the lazy, the luxurious, and
the rich; who, if they were forced to undergo the same regimen, I would undertake for the cure.
His honour had further observed, "that a female YAHOO would often stand behind a bank or a
bush, to gaze on the young males passing by, and then appear, and hide, using many antic gestures
and grimaces, at which time it was observed that she had a most offensive smell; and when any of
the males advanced, would slowly retire, looking often back, and with a counterfeit show of fear,
run off into some convenient place, where she knew the male would follow her.
"At other times, if a female stranger came among them, three or four of her own sex would get
about her, and stare, and chatter, and grin, and smell her all over; and then turn off with gestures,
that seemed to express contempt and disdain."
Perhaps my master might refine a little in these speculations, which he had drawn from what he
observed himself, or had been told him by others; however, I could not reflect without some
amazement, and much sorrow, that the rudiments of lewdness, coquetry, censure, and scandal,
should have place by instinct in womankind.
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I expected every moment that my master would accuse the YAHOOS of those unnatural appetites
in both sexes, so common among us. But nature, it seems, has not been so expert a school-mistress;
and these politer pleasures are entirely the productions of art and reason on our side of the globe.
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CHAPTER VIII.
[The author relates several particulars of the YAHOOS. The great virtues of the HOUYHNHNMS.
The education and exercise of their youth. Their general assembly.]
As I ought to have understood human nature much better than I supposed it possible for my master
to do, so it was easy to apply the character he gave of the YAHOOS to myself and my countrymen;
and I believed I could yet make further discoveries, from my own observation. I therefore often
begged his honour to let me go among the herds of YAHOOS in the neighbourhood; to which he
always very graciously consented, being perfectly convinced that the hatred I bore these brutes
would never suffer me to be corrupted by them; and his honour ordered one of his servants, a
strong sorrel nag, very honest and good-natured, to be my guard; without whose protection I durst
not undertake such adventures. For I have already told the reader how much I was pestered by these
odious animals, upon my first arrival; and I afterwards failed very narrowly, three or four times, of
falling into their clutches, when I happened to stray at any distance without my hanger. And I have
reason to believe they had some imagination that I was of their own species, which I often assisted
myself by stripping up my sleeves, and showing my naked arms and breasts in their sight, when my
protector was with me. At which times they would approach as near as they durst, and imitate my
actions after the manner of monkeys, but ever with great signs of hatred; as a tame jackdaw with
cap and stockings is always persecuted by the wild ones, when he happens to be got among them.
They are prodigiously nimble from their infancy. However, I once caught a young male of three
years old, and endeavoured, by all marks of tenderness, to make it quiet; but the little imp fell a
squalling, and scratching, and biting with such violence, that I was forced to let it go; and it was
high time, for a whole troop of old ones came about us at the noise, but finding the cub was safe
(for away it ran), and my sorrel nag being by, they durst not venture near us. I observed the young
animal's flesh to smell very rank, and the stink was somewhat between a weasel and a fox, but
much more disagreeable. I forgot another circumstance (and perhaps I might have the reader's
pardon if it were wholly omitted), that while I held the odious vermin in my hands, it voided its
filthy excrements of a yellow liquid substance all over my clothes; but by good fortune there was a
small brook hard by, where I washed myself as clean as I could; although I durst not come into my
master's presence until I were sufficiently aired.
By what I could discover, the YAHOOS appear to be the most unteachable of all animals: their
capacity never reaching higher than to draw or carry burdens. Yet I am of opinion, this defect arises
chiefly from a perverse, restive disposition; for they are cunning, malicious, treacherous, and
revengeful. They are strong and hardy, but of a cowardly spirit, and, by consequence, insolent,
abject, and cruel. It is observed, that the red haired of both sexes are more libidinous and
mischievous than the rest, whom yet they much exceed in strength and activity.
The HOUYHNHNMS keep the YAHOOS for present use in huts not far from the house; but the
rest are sent abroad to certain fields, where they dig up roots, eat several kinds of herbs, and search
about for carrion, or sometimes catch weasels and LUHIMUHS (a sort of wild rat), which they
greedily devour. Nature has taught them to dig deep holes with their nails on the side of a rising
ground, wherein they lie by themselves; only the kennels of the females are larger, sufficient to
hold two or three cubs.
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They swim from their infancy like frogs, and are able to continue long under water, where they
often take fish, which the females carry home to their young. And, upon this occasion, I hope the
reader will pardon my relating an odd adventure.
Being one day abroad with my protector the sorrel nag, and the weather exceeding hot, I entreated
him to let me bathe in a river that was near. He consented, and I immediately stripped myself stark
naked, and went down softly into the stream. It happened that a young female YAHOO, standing
behind a bank, saw the whole proceeding, and inflamed by desire, as the nag and I conjectured,
came running with all speed, and leaped into the water, within five yards of the place where I
bathed. I was never in my life so terribly frightened. The nag was grazing at some distance, not
suspecting any harm. She embraced me after a most fulsome manner. I roared as loud as I could,
and the nag came galloping towards me, whereupon she quitted her grasp, with the utmost
reluctancy, and leaped upon the opposite bank, where she stood gazing and howling all the time I
was putting on my clothes.
This was a matter of diversion to my master and his family, as well as of mortification to myself.
For now I could no longer deny that I was a real YAHOO in every limb and feature, since the
females had a natural propensity to me, as one of their own species. Neither was the hair of this
brute of a red colour (which might have been some excuse for an appetite a little irregular), but
black as a sloe, and her countenance did not make an appearance altogether so hideous as the rest
of her kind; for I think she could not be above eleven years old.
Having lived three years in this country, the reader, I suppose, will expect that I should, like other
travellers, give him some account of the manners and customs of its inhabitants, which it was
indeed my principal study to learn.
As these noble HOUYHNHNMS are endowed by nature with a general disposition to all virtues,
and have no conceptions or ideas of what is evil in a rational creature, so their grand maxim is, to
cultivate reason, and to be wholly governed by it. Neither is reason among them a point
problematical, as with us, where men can argue with plausibility on both sides of the question, but
strikes you with immediate conviction; as it must needs do, where it is not mingled, obscured, or
discoloured, by passion and interest. I remember it was with extreme difficulty that I could bring
my master to understand the meaning of the word opinion, or how a point could be disputable;
because reason taught us to affirm or deny only where we are certain; and beyond our knowledge
we cannot do either. So that controversies, wranglings, disputes, and positiveness, in false or
dubious propositions, are evils unknown among the HOUYHNHNMS. In the like manner, when I
used to explain to him our several systems of natural philosophy, he would laugh, "that a creature
pretending to reason, should value itself upon the knowledge of other people's conjectures, and in
things where that knowledge, if it were certain, could be of no use." Wherein he agreed entirely
with the sentiments of Socrates, as Plato delivers them; which I mention as the highest honour I can
do that prince of philosophers -I have often since reflected, what destruction such doctrine would
make in the libraries of Europe; and how many paths of fame would be then shut up in the learned
world.
Friendship and benevolence are the two principal virtues among the HOUYHNHNMS; and these
not confined to particular objects, but universal to the whole race; for a stranger from the remotest
part is equally treated with the nearest neighbour, and wherever he goes, looks upon himself as at
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home. They preserve decency and civility in the highest degrees, but are altogether ignorant of
ceremony. They have no fondness for their colts or foals, but the care they take in educating them
proceeds entirely from the dictates of reason. And I observed my master to show the same affection
to his neighbour's issue, that he had for his own. They will have it that nature teaches them to love
the whole species, and it is reason only that makes a distinction of persons, where there is a
superior degree of virtue.
When the matron HOUYHNHNMS have produced one of each sex, they no longer accompany
with their consorts, except they lose one of their issue by some casualty, which very seldom
happens; but in such a case they meet again; or when the like accident befalls a person whose wife
is past bearing, some other couple bestow on him one of their own colts, and then go together again
until the mother is pregnant. This caution is necessary, to prevent the country from being
overburdened with numbers. But the race of inferior HOUYHNHNMS, bred up to be servants, is
not so strictly limited upon this article: these are allowed to produce three of each sex, to be
domestics in the noble families.
In their marriages, they are exactly careful to choose such colours as will not make any
disagreeable mixture in the breed. Strength is chiefly valued in the male, and comeliness in the
female; not upon the account of love, but to preserve the race from degenerating; for where a
female happens to excel in strength, a consort is chosen, with regard to comeliness.
Courtship, love, presents, jointures, settlements have no place in their thoughts, or terms whereby
to express them in their language. The young couple meet, and are joined, merely because it is the
determination of their parents and friends; it is what they see done every day, and they look upon it
as one of the necessary actions of a reasonable being. But the violation of marriage, or any other
unchastity, was never heard of; and the married pair pass their lives with the same friendship and
mutual benevolence, that they bear to all others of the same species who come in their way, without
jealousy, fondness, quarrelling, or discontent.
In educating the youth of both sexes, their method is admirable, and highly deserves our imitation.
These are not suffered to taste a grain of oats, except upon certain days, till eighteen years old; nor
milk, but very rarely; and in summer they graze two hours in the morning, and as many in the
evening, which their parents likewise observe; but the servants are not allowed above half that
time, and a great part of their grass is brought home, which they eat at the most convenient hours,
when they can be best spared from work.
Temperance, industry, exercise, and cleanliness, are the lessons equally enjoined to the young ones
of both sexes: and my master thought it monstrous in us, to give the females a different kind of
education from the males, except in some articles of domestic management; whereby, as he truly
observed, one half of our natives were good for nothing but bringing children into the world; and to
trust the care of our children to such useless animals, he said, was yet a greater instance of
brutality.
But the HOUYHNHNMS train up their youth to strength, speed, and hardiness, by exercising them
in running races up and down steep hills, and over hard stony grounds; and when they are all in a
sweat, they are ordered to leap over head and ears into a pond or river. Four times a year the youth
of a certain district meet to show their proficiency in running and leaping, and other feats of
strength and agility; where the victor is rewarded with a song in his or her praise. On this festival,
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the servants drive a herd of YAHOOS into the field, laden with hay, and oats, and milk, for a repast
to the HOUYHNHNMS; after which, these brutes are immediately driven back again, for fear of
being noisome to the assembly.
Every fourth year, at the vernal equinox, there is a representative council of the whole nation,
which meets in a plain about twenty miles from our house, and continues about five or six days.
Here they inquire into the state and condition of the several districts; whether they abound or be
deficient in hay or oats, or cows, or YAHOOS; and wherever there is any want (which is but
seldom) it is immediately supplied by unanimous consent and contribution. Here likewise the
regulation of children is settled: as for instance, if a HOUYHNHNM has two males, he changes
one of them with another that has two females; and when a child has been lost by any casualty,
where the mother is past breeding, it is determined what family in the district shall breed another to
supply the loss.
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CHAPTER IX.
[A grand debate at the general assembly of the HOUYHNHNMS, and how it was determined. The
learning of the HOUYHNHNMS. Their buildings. Their manner of burials. The defectiveness of
their language.]
One of these grand assemblies was held in my time, about three months before my departure,
whither my master went as the representative of our district. In this council was resumed their old
debate, and indeed the only debate that ever happened in their country; whereof my master, after
his return, give me a very particular account.
The question to be debated was, "whether the YAHOOS should be exterminated from the face of
the earth?" One of the members for the affirmative offered several arguments of great strength and
weight, alleging, "that as the YAHOOS were the most filthy, noisome, and deformed animals
which nature ever produced, so they were the most restive and indocible, mischievous and
malicious; they would privately suck the teats of the HOUYHNHNMS' cows, kill and devour their
cats, trample down their oats and grass, if they were not continually watched, and commit a
thousand other extravagancies." He took notice of a general tradition, "that YAHOOS had not been
always in their country; but that many ages ago, two of these brutes appeared together upon a
mountain; whether produced by the heat of the sun upon corrupted mud and slime, or from the ooze
and froth of the sea, was never known; that these YAHOOS engendered, and their brood, in a short
time, grew so numerous as to overrun and infest the whole nation; that the HOUYHNHNMS, to get
rid of this evil, made a general hunting, and at last enclosed the whole herd; and destroying the
elder, every HOUYHNHNM kept two young ones in a kennel, and brought them to such a degree
of tameness, as an animal, so savage by nature, can be capable of acquiring, using them for draught
and carriage; that there seemed to be much truth in this tradition, and that those creatures could not
be YINHNIAMSHY (or ABORIGINES of the land), because of the violent hatred the
HOUYHNHNMS, as well as all other animals, bore them, which, although their evil disposition
sufficiently deserved, could never have arrived at so high a degree if they had been ABORIGINES,
or else they would have long since been rooted out; that the inhabitants, taking a fancy to use the
service of the YAHOOS, had, very imprudently, neglected to cultivate the breed of asses, which
are a comely animal, easily kept, more tame and orderly, without any offensive smell, strong
enough for labour, although they yield to the other in agility of body, and if their braying be no
agreeable sound, it is far preferable to the horrible howlings of the YAHOOS."
Several others declared their sentiments to the same purpose, when my master proposed an
expedient to the assembly, whereof he had indeed borrowed the hint from me. "He approved of the
tradition mentioned by the honourable member who spoke before, and affirmed, that the two
YAHOOS said to be seen first among them, had been driven thither over the sea; that coming to
land, and being forsaken by their companions, they retired to the mountains, and degenerating by
degrees, became in process of time much more savage than those of their own species in the
country whence these two originals came. The reason of this assertion was, that he had now in his
possession a certain wonderful YAHOO (meaning myself) which most of them had heard of, and
many of them had seen. He then related to them how he first found me; that my body was all
covered with an artificial composure of the skins and hairs of other animals; that I spoke in a
language of my own, and had thoroughly learned theirs; that I had related to him the accidents
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which brought me thither; that when he saw me without my covering, I was an exact YAHOO in
every part, only of a whiter colour, less hairy, and with shorter claws. He added, how I had
endeavoured to persuade him, that in my own and other countries, the YAHOOS acted as the
governing, rational animal, and held the HOUYHNHNMS in servitude; that he observed in me all
the qualities of a YAHOO, only a little more civilized by some tincture of reason, which, however,
was in a degree as far inferior to the HOUYHNHNM race, as the YAHOOS of their country were
to me; that, among other things, I mentioned a custom we had of castrating HOUYHNHNMS when
they were young, in order to render them tame; that the operation was easy and safe; that it was no
shame to learn wisdom from brutes, as industry is taught by the ant, and building by the swallow
(for so I translate the word LYHANNH, although it be a much larger fowl); that this invention
might be practised upon the younger YAHOOS here, which besides rendering them tractable and
fitter for use, would in an age put an end to the whole species, without destroying life; that in the
mean time the HOUYHNHNMS should be exhorted to cultivate the breed of asses, which, as they
are in all respects more valuable brutes, so they have this advantage, to be fit for service at five
years old, which the others are not till twelve."
This was all my master thought fit to tell me, at that time, of what passed in the grand council. But
he was pleased to conceal one particular, which related personally to myself, whereof I soon felt
the unhappy effect, as the reader will know in its proper place, and whence I date all the succeeding
misfortunes of my life.
The HOUYHNHNMS have no letters, and consequently their knowledge is all traditional. But
there happening few events of any moment among a people so well united, naturally disposed to
every virtue, wholly governed by reason, and cut off from all commerce with other nations, the
historical part is easily preserved without burdening their memories. I have already observed that
they are subject to no diseases, and therefore can have no need of physicians. However, they have
excellent medicines, composed of herbs, to cure accidental bruises and cuts in the pastern or frog of
the foot, by sharp stones, as well as other maims and hurts in the several parts of the body.
They calculate the year by the revolution of the sun and moon, but use no subdivisions into weeks.
They are well enough acquainted with the motions of those two luminaries, and understand the
nature of eclipses; and this is the utmost progress of their astronomy.
In poetry, they must be allowed to excel all other mortals; wherein the justness of their similes, and
the minuteness as well as exactness of their descriptions, are indeed inimitable. Their verses
abound very much in both of these, and usually contain either some exalted notions of friendship
and benevolence or the praises of those who were victors in races and other bodily exercises. Their
buildings, although very rude and simple, are not inconvenient, but well contrived to defend them
from all injuries of and heat. They have a kind of tree, which at forty years old loosens in the root,
and falls with the first storm: it grows very straight, and being pointed like stakes with a sharp
stone (for the HOUYHNHNMS know not the use of iron), they stick them erect in the ground,
about ten inches asunder, and then weave in oat straw, or sometimes wattles, between them. The
roof is made after the same manner, and so are the doors.
The HOUYHNHNMS use the hollow part, between the pastern and the hoof of their fore-foot, as
we do our hands, and this with greater dexterity than I could at first imagine. I have seen a white
mare of our family thread a needle (which I lent her on purpose) with that joint. They milk their
cows, reap their oats, and do all the work which requires hands, in the same manner. They have a
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kind of hard flints, which, by grinding against other stones, they form into instruments, that serve
instead of wedges, axes, and hammers. With tools made of these flints, they likewise cut their hay,
and reap their oats, which there grow naturally in several fields; the YAHOOS draw home the
sheaves in carriages, and the servants tread them in certain covered huts to get out the grain, which
is kept in stores. They make a rude kind of earthen and wooden vessels, and bake the former in the
sun.
If they can avoid casualties, they die only of old age, and are buried in the obscurest places that can
be found, their friends and relations expressing neither joy nor grief at their departure; nor does the
dying person discover the least regret that he is leaving the world, any more than if he were upon
returning home from a visit to one of his neighbours. I remember my master having once made an
appointment with a friend and his family to come to his house, upon some affair of importance: on
the day fixed, the mistress and her two children came very late; she made two excuses, first for her
husband, who, as she said, happened that very morning to SHNUWNH. The word is strongly
expressive in their language, but not easily rendered into English; it signifies, "to retire to his first
mother." Her excuse for not coming sooner, was, that her husband dying late in the morning, she
was a good while consulting her servants about a convenient place where his body should be laid;
and I observed, she behaved herself at our house as cheerfully as the rest. She died about three
months after.
They live generally to seventy, or seventy-five years, very seldom to fourscore. Some weeks before
their death, they feel a gradual decay; but without pain. During this time they are much visited by
their friends, because they cannot go abroad with their usual ease and satisfaction. However, about
ten days before their death, which they seldom fail in computing, they return the visits that have
been made them by those who are nearest in the neighbourhood, being carried in a convenient
sledge drawn by YAHOOS; which vehicle they use, not only upon this occasion, but when they
grow old, upon long journeys, or when they are lamed by any accident: and therefore when the
dying HOUYHNHNMS return those visits, they take a solemn leave of their friends, as if they
were going to some remote part of the country, where they designed to pass the rest of their lives.
I know not whether it may be worth observing, that the HOUYHNHNMS have no word in their
language to express any thing that is evil, except what they borrow from the deformities or ill
qualities of the YAHOOS. Thus they denote the folly of a servant, an omission of a child, a stone
that cuts their feet, a continuance of foul or unseasonable weather, and the like, by adding to each
the epithet of YAHOO. For instance, HHNM YAHOO; WHNAHOLM YAHOO,
YNLHMNDWIHLMA YAHOO, and an ill-contrived house YNHOLMHNMROHLNW YAHOO.
I could, with great pleasure, enlarge further upon the manners and virtues of this excellent people;
but intending in a short time to publish a volume by itself, expressly upon that subject, I refer the
reader thither; and, in the mean time, proceed to relate my own sad catastrophe.
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CHAPTER X.
[The author's economy, and happy life, among the Houyhnhnms. His great improvement in virtue
by conversing with them. Their conversations. The author has notice given him by his master, that
he must depart from the country. He falls into a swoon for grief; but submits. He contrives and
finishes a canoe by the help of a fellow-servant, and puts to sea at a venture.]
I had settled my little economy to my own heart's content. My master had ordered a room to be
made for me, after their manner, about six yards from the house: the sides and floors of which I
plastered with clay, and covered with rush-mats of my own contriving. I had beaten hemp, which
there grows wild, and made of it a sort of ticking; this I filled with the feathers of several birds I
had taken with springes made of YAHOOS' hairs, and were excellent food. I had worked two
chairs with my knife, the sorrel nag helping me in the grosser and more laborious part.
When my clothes were worn to rags, I made myself others with the skins of rabbits, and of a certain
beautiful animal, about the same size, called NNUHNOH, the skin of which is covered with a fine
down. Of these I also made very tolerable stockings. I soled my shoes with wood, which I cut from
a tree, and fitted to the upper-leather; and when this was worn out, I supplied it with the skins of
YAHOOS dried in the sun. I often got honey out of hollow trees, which I mingled with water, or
ate with my bread. No man could more verify the truth of these two maxims, "That nature is very
easily satisfied;" and, "That necessity is the mother of invention." I enjoyed perfect health of body,
and tranquillity of mind; I did not feel the treachery or inconstancy of a friend, nor the injuries of a
secret or open enemy. I had no occasion of bribing, flattering, or pimping, to procure the favour of
any great man, or of his minion; I wanted no fence against fraud or oppression: here was neither
physician to destroy my body, nor lawyer to ruin my fortune; no informer to watch my words and
actions, or forge accusations against me for hire: here were no gibers, censurers, backbiters,
pickpockets, highwaymen, housebreakers, attorneys, bawds, buffoons, gamesters, politicians, wits,
splenetics, tedious talkers, controvertists, ravishers, murderers, robbers, virtuosos; no leaders, or
followers, of party and faction; no encouragers to vice, by seducement or examples; no dungeon,
axes, gibbets, whipping-posts, or pillories; no cheating shopkeepers or mechanics; no pride, vanity,
or affectation; no fops, bullies, drunkards, strolling whores, or poxes; no ranting, lewd, expensive
wives; no stupid, proud pedants; no importunate, overbearing, quarrelsome, noisy, roaring, empty,
conceited, swearing companions; no scoundrels raised from the dust upon the merit of their vices,
or nobility thrown into it on account of their virtues; no lords, fiddlers, judges, or dancing-masters.
I had the favour of being admitted to several HOUYHNHNMS, who came to visit or dine with my
master; where his honour graciously suffered me to wait in the room, and listen to their discourse.
Both he and his company would often descend to ask me questions, and receive my answers. I had
also sometimes the honour of attending my master in his visits to others. I never presumed to
speak, except in answer to a question; and then I did it with inward regret, because it was a loss of
so much time for improving myself; but I was infinitely delighted with the station of an humble
auditor in such conversations, where nothing passed but what was useful, expressed in the fewest
and most significant words; where, as I have already said, the greatest decency was observed,
without the least degree of ceremony; where no person spoke without being pleased himself, and
pleasing his companions; where there was no interruption, tediousness, heat, or difference of
sentiments. They have a notion, that when people are met together, a short silence does much
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improve conversation: this I found to be true; for during those little intermissions of talk, new ideas
would arise in their minds, which very much enlivened the discourse. Their subjects are, generally
on friendship and benevolence, on order and economy; sometimes upon the visible operations of
nature, or ancient traditions; upon the bounds and limits of virtue; upon the unerring rules of
reason, or upon some determinations to be taken at the next great assembly: and often upon the
various excellences of poetry. I may add, without vanity, that my presence often gave them
sufficient matter for discourse, because it afforded my master an occasion of letting his friends into
the history of me and my country, upon which they were all pleased to descant, in a manner not
very advantageous to humankind: and for that reason I shall not repeat what they said; only I may
be allowed to observe, that his honour, to my great admiration, appeared to understand the nature
of YAHOOS much better than myself. He went through all our vices and follies, and discovered
many, which I had never mentioned to him, by only supposing what qualities a YAHOO of their
country, with a small proportion of reason, might be capable of exerting; and concluded, with too
much probability, "how vile, as well as miserable, such a creature must be."
I freely confess, that all the little knowledge I have of any value, was acquired by the lectures I
received from my master, and from hearing the discourses of him and his friends; to which I should
be prouder to listen, than to dictate to the greatest and wisest assembly in Europe. I admired the
strength, comeliness, and speed of the inhabitants; and such a constellation of virtues, in such
amiable persons, produced in me the highest veneration. At first, indeed, I did not feel that natural
awe, which the YAHOOS and all other animals bear toward them; but it grew upon me by decrees,
much sooner than I imagined, and was mingled with a respectful love and gratitude, that they
would condescend to distinguish me from the rest of my species.
When I thought of my family, my friends, my countrymen, or the human race in general, I

considered them, as they really were, YAHOOS in shape and disposition, perhaps a little more
civilized, and qualified with the gift of speech; but making no other use of reason, than to improve
and multiply those vices whereof their brethren in this country had only the share that nature
allotted them. When I happened to behold the reflection of my own form in a lake or fountain, I
turned away my face in horror and detestation of myself, and could better endure the sight of a
common YAHOO than of my own person. By conversing with the HOUYHNHNMS, and looking
upon them with delight, I fell to imitate their gait and gesture, which is now grown into a habit; and
my friends often tell me, in a blunt way, "that I trot like a horse;" which, however, I take for a great
compliment. Neither shall I disown, that in speaking I am apt to fall into the voice and manner of
the HOUYHNHNMS, and hear myself ridiculed on that account, without the least mortification.
In the midst of all this happiness, and when I looked upon myself to be fully settled for life, my
master sent for me one morning a little earlier than his usual hour. I observed by his countenance
that he was in some perplexity, and at a loss how to begin what he had to speak. After a short
silence, he told me, "he did not know how I would take what he was going to say: that in the last
general assembly, when the affair of the YAHOOS was entered upon, the representatives had taken
offence at his keeping a YAHOO (meaning myself) in his family, more like a HOUYHNHNM than
a brute animal; that he was known frequently to converse with me, as if he could receive some
advantage or pleasure in my company; that such a practice was not agreeable to reason or nature, or
a thing ever heard of before among them; the assembly did therefore exhort him either to employ
me like the rest of my species, or command me to swim back to the place whence I came: that the
first of these expedients was utterly rejected by all the HOUYHNHNMS who had ever seen me at
his house or their own; for they alleged, that because I had some rudiments of reason, added to the
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natural pravity of those animals, it was to be feared I might be able to seduce them into the woody
and mountainous parts of the country, and bring them in troops by night to destroy the
HOUYHNHNMS' cattle, as being naturally of the ravenous kind, and averse from labour."
My master added, "that he was daily pressed by the HOUYHNHNMS of the neighbourhood to
have the assembly's exhortation executed, which he could not put off much longer. He doubted it
would be impossible for me to swim to another country; and therefore wished I would contrive
some sort of vehicle, resembling those I had described to him, that might carry me on the sea; in
which work I should have the assistance of his own servants, as well as those of his neighbours."
He concluded, "that for his own part, he could have been content to keep me in his service as long
as I lived; because he found I had cured myself of some bad habits and dispositions, by
endeavouring, as far as my inferior nature was capable, to imitate the HOUYHNHNMS."
I should here observe to the reader, that a decree of the general assembly in this country is
expressed by the word HNHLOAYN, which signifies an exhortation, as near as I can render it; for
they have no conception how a rational creature can be compelled, but only advised, or exhorted;
because no person can disobey reason, without giving up his claim to be a rational creature.
I was struck with the utmost grief and despair at my master's discourse; and being unable to support
the agonies I was under, I fell into a swoon at his feet. When I came to myself, he told me "that he
concluded I had been dead;" for these people are subject to no such imbecilities of nature. I
answered in a faint voice, "that death would have been too great a happiness; that although I could
not blame the assembly's exhortation, or the urgency of his friends; yet, in my weak and corrupt
judgment, I thought it might consist with reason to have been less rigorous; that I could not swim a
league, and probably the nearest land to theirs might be distant above a hundred: that many
materials, necessary for making a small vessel to carry me off, were wholly wanting in this
country; which, however, I would attempt, in obedience and gratitude to his honour, although I
concluded the thing to be impossible, and therefore looked on myself as already devoted to
destruction; that the certain prospect of an unnatural death was the least of my evils; for, supposing
I should escape with life by some strange adventure, how could I think with temper of passing my
days among YAHOOS, and relapsing into my old corruptions, for want of examples to lead and
keep me within the paths of virtue? that I knew too well upon what solid reasons all the
determinations of the wise HOUYHNHNMS were founded, not to be shaken by arguments of
mine, a miserable YAHOO; and therefore, after presenting him with my humble thanks for the
offer of his servants' assistance in making a vessel, and desiring a reasonable time for so difficult a
work, I told him I would endeavour to preserve a wretched being; and if ever I returned to England,
was not without hopes of being useful to my own species, by celebrating the praises of the
renowned HOUYHNHNMS, and proposing their virtues to the imitation of mankind."
My master, in a few words, made me a very gracious reply; allowed me the space of two months to
finish my boat; and ordered the sorrel nag, my fellow-servant (for so, at this distance, I may
presume to call him), to follow my instruction; because I told my master, "that his help would be
sufficient, and I knew he had a tenderness for me."
In his company, my first business was to go to that part of the coast where my rebellious crew had
ordered me to be set on shore. I got upon a height, and looking on every side into the sea; fancied I
saw a small island toward the north-east. I took out my pocket glass, and could then clearly
distinguish it above five leagues off, as I computed; but it appeared to the sorrel nag to be only a
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blue cloud: for as he had no conception of any country beside his own, so he could not be as expert
in distinguishing remote objects at sea, as we who so much converse in that element.
After I had discovered this island, I considered no further; but resolved it should if possible, be the
first place of my banishment, leaving the consequence to fortune.
I returned home, and consulting with the sorrel nag, we went into a copse at some distance, where I
with my knife, and he with a sharp flint, fastened very artificially after their manner, to a wooden
handle, cut down several oak wattles, about the thickness of a walking-staff, and some larger
pieces. But I shall not trouble the reader with a particular description of my own mechanics; let it
suffice to say, that in six weeks time with the help of the sorrel nag, who performed the parts that
required most labour, I finished a sort of Indian canoe, but much larger, covering it with the skins
of YAHOOS, well stitched together with hempen threads of my own making. My sail was likewise
composed of the skins of the same animal; but I made use of the youngest I could get, the older
being too tough and thick; and I likewise provided myself with four paddles. I laid in a stock of
boiled flesh, of rabbits and fowls, and took with me two vessels, one filled with milk and the other
with water.
I tried my canoe in a large pond, near my master's house, and then corrected in it what was amiss;
stopping all the chinks with YAHOOS' tallow, till I found it staunch, and able to bear me and my
freight; and, when it was as complete as I could possibly make it, I had it drawn on a carriage very
gently by YAHOOS to the sea-side, under the conduct of the sorrel nag and another servant.
When all was ready, and the day came for my departure, I took leave of my master and lady and the
whole family, my eyes flowing with tears, and my heart quite sunk with grief. But his honour, out
of curiosity, and, perhaps, (if I may speak without vanity,) partly out of kindness, was determined
to see me in my canoe, and got several of his neighbouring friends to accompany him. I was forced
to wait above an hour for the tide; and then observing the wind very fortunately bearing toward the
island to which I intended to steer my course, I took a second leave of my master: but as I was
going to prostrate myself to kiss his hoof, he did me the honour to raise it gently to my mouth. I am
not ignorant how much I have been censured for mentioning this last particular. Detractors are
pleased to think it improbable, that so illustrious a person should descend to give so great a mark of
distinction to a creature so inferior as I. Neither have I forgotten how apt some travellers are to
boast of extraordinary favours they have received. But, if these censurers were better acquainted
with the noble and courteous disposition of the HOUYHNHNMS, they would soon change their
opinion.
I paid my respects to the rest of the HOUYHNHNMS in his honour's company; then getting into
my canoe, I pushed off from shore.
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CHAPTER XI.
[The author's dangerous voyage. He arrives at New Holland, hoping to settle there. Is wounded
with an arrow by one of the natives. Is seized and carried by force into a Portuguese ship. The great
civilities of the captain. The author arrives at England.]
I began this desperate voyage on February 15, 1714-15, at nine o'clock in the morning. The wind
was very favourable; however, I made use at first only of my paddles; but considering I should
soon be weary, and that the wind might chop about, I ventured to set up my little sail; and thus,
with the help of the tide, I went at the rate of a league and a half an hour, as near as I could guess.
My master and his friends continued on the shore till I was almost out of sight; and I often heard
the sorrel nag (who always loved me) crying out, "HNUY ILLA NYHA, MAJAH YAHOO;"
"Take care of thyself, gentle YAHOO."
My design was, if possible, to discover some small island uninhabited, yet sufficient, by my labour,
to furnish me with the necessaries of life, which I would have thought a greater happiness, than to
be first minister in the politest court of Europe; so horrible was the idea I conceived of returning to
live in the society, and under the government of YAHOOS. For in such a solitude as I desired, I
could at least enjoy my own thoughts, and reflect with delight on the virtues of those inimitable
HOUYHNHNMS, without an opportunity of degenerating into the vices and corruptions of my
own species.
The reader may remember what I related, when my crew conspired against me, and confined me to
my cabin; how I continued there several weeks without knowing what course we took; and when I
was put ashore in the long-boat, how the sailors told me, with oaths, whether true or false, "that
they knew not in what part of the world we were." However, I did then believe us to be about 10
degrees southward of the Cape of Good Hope, or about 45 degrees southern latitude, as I gathered
from some general words I overheard among them, being I supposed to the south-east in their
intended voyage to Madagascar. And although this were little better than conjecture, yet I resolved
to steer my course eastward, hoping to reach the south-west coast of New Holland, and perhaps
some such island as I desired lying westward of it. The wind was full west, and by six in the
evening I computed I had gone eastward at least eighteen leagues; when I spied a very small island
about half a league off, which I soon reached. It was nothing but a rock, with one creek naturally
arched by the force of tempests. Here I put in my canoe, and climbing a part of the rock, I could
plainly discover land to the east, extending from south to north. I lay all night in my canoe; and
repeating my voyage early in the morning, I arrived in seven hours to the south-east point of New
Holland. This confirmed me in the opinion I have long entertained, that the maps and charts place
this country at least three degrees more to the east than it really is; which thought I communicated
many years ago to my worthy friend, Mr. Herman Moll, and gave him my reasons for it, although
he has rather chosen to follow other authors.
I saw no inhabitants in the place where I landed, and being unarmed, I was afraid of venturing far
into the country. I found some shellfish on the shore, and ate them raw, not daring to kindle a fire,
for fear of being discovered by the natives. I continued three days feeding on oysters and limpets,
to save my own provisions; and I fortunately found a brook of excellent water, which gave me
great relief.
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On the fourth day, venturing out early a little too far, I saw twenty or thirty natives upon a height
not above five hundred yards from me. They were stark naked, men, women, and children, round a
fire, as I could discover by the smoke. One of them spied me, and gave notice to the rest; five of
them advanced toward me, leaving the women and children at the fire. I made what haste I could to
the shore, and, getting into my canoe, shoved off: the savages, observing me retreat, ran after me:
and before I could get far enough into the sea, discharged an arrow which wounded me deeply on
the inside of my left knee: I shall carry the mark to my grave. I apprehended the arrow might be
poisoned, and paddling out of the reach of their darts (being a calm day), I made a shift to suck the
wound, and dress it as well as I could.
I was at a loss what to do, for I durst not return to the same landing-place, but stood to the north,
and was forced to paddle, for the wind, though very gentle, was against me, blowing north-west. As
I was looking about for a secure landing-place, I saw a sail to the north-north-east, which appearing
every minute more visible, I was in some doubt whether I should wait for them or not; but at last
my detestation of the YAHOO race prevailed: and turning my canoe, I sailed and paddled together
to the south, and got into the same creek whence I set out in the morning, choosing rather to trust
myself among these barbarians, than live with European YAHOOS. I drew up my canoe as close as
I could to the shore, and hid myself behind a stone by the little brook, which, as I have already said,
was excellent water.
The ship came within half a league of this creek, and sent her long boat with vessels to take in fresh
water (for the place, it seems, was very well known); but I did not observe it, till the boat was
almost on shore; and it was too late to seek another hiding-place. The seamen at their landing
observed my canoe, and rummaging it all over, easily conjectured that the owner could not be far
off. Four of them, well armed, searched every cranny and lurking-hole, till at last they found me
flat on my face behind the stone. They gazed awhile in admiration at my strange uncouth dress; my
coat made of skins, my wooden-soled shoes, and my furred stockings; whence, however, they
concluded, I was not a native of the place, who all go naked. One of the seamen, in Portuguese, bid
me rise, and asked who I was. I understood that language very well, and getting upon my feet, said,
"I was a poor YAHOO banished from the HOUYHNHNMS, and desired they would please to let
me depart." They admired to hear me answer them in their own tongue, and saw by my complexion
I must be a European; but were at a loss to know what I meant by YAHOOS and
HOUYHNHNMS; and at the same time fell a-laughing at my strange tone in speaking, which
resembled the neighing of a horse. I trembled all the while betwixt fear and hatred. I again desired
leave to depart, and was gently moving to my canoe; but they laid hold of me, desiring to know,
"what country I was of? whence I came?" with many other questions. I told them "I was born in
England, whence I came about five years ago, and then their country and ours were at peace. I
therefore hoped they would not treat me as an enemy, since I meant them no harm, but was a poor
YAHOO seeking some desolate place where to pass the remainder of his unfortunate life."
When they began to talk, I thought I never heard or saw any thing more unnatural; for it appeared
to me as monstrous as if a dog or a cow should speak in England, or a YAHOO in
HOUYHNHNMLAND. The honest Portuguese were equally amazed at my strange dress, and the
odd manner of delivering my words, which, however, they understood very well. They spoke to me
with great humanity, and said, "they were sure the captain would carry me GRATIS to Lisbon,
whence I might return to my own country; that two of the seamen would go back to the ship,
inform the captain of what they had seen, and receive his orders; in the mean time, unless I would
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give my solemn oath not to fly, they would secure me by force. I thought it best to comply with
their proposal. They were very curious to know my story, but I gave them very little satisfaction,
and they all conjectured that my misfortunes had impaired my reason. In two hours the boat, which
went laden with vessels of water, returned, with the captain's command to fetch me on board. I fell
on my knees to preserve my liberty; but all was in vain; and the men, having tied me with cords,
heaved me into the boat, whence I was taken into the ship, and thence into the captain's cabin.
His name was Pedro de Mendez; he was a very courteous and generous person. He entreated me to
give some account of myself, and desired to know what I would eat or drink; said, "I should be
used as well as himself;" and spoke so many obliging things, that I wondered to find such civilities
from a YAHOO. However, I remained silent and sullen; I was ready to faint at the very smell of
him and his men. At last I desired something to eat out of my own canoe; but he ordered me a
chicken, and some excellent wine, and then directed that I should be put to bed in a very clean
cabin. I would not undress myself, but lay on the bed-clothes, and in half an hour stole out, when I
thought the crew was at dinner, and getting to the side of the ship, was going to leap into the sea,
and swim for my life, rather than continue among YAHOOS. But one of the seamen prevented me,
and having informed the captain, I was chained to my cabin.
After dinner, Don Pedro came to me, and desired to know my reason for so desperate an attempt;
assured me, "he only meant to do me all the service he was able;" and spoke so very movingly, that
at last I descended to treat him like an animal which had some little portion of reason. I gave him a
very short relation of my voyage; of the conspiracy against me by my own men; of the country
where they set me on shore, and of my five years residence there. All which he looked upon as if it
were a dream or a vision; whereat I took great offence; for I had quite forgot the faculty of lying, so
peculiar to YAHOOS, in all countries where they preside, and, consequently, their disposition of
suspecting truth in others of their own species. I asked him, "whether it were the custom in his
country to say the thing which was not?" I assured him, "I had almost forgot what he meant by
falsehood, and if I had lived a thousand years in HOUYHNHNMLAND, I should never have heard
a lie from the meanest servant; that I was altogether indifferent whether he believed me or not; but,
however, in return for his favours, I would give so much allowance to the corruption of his nature,
as to answer any objection he would please to make, and then he might easily discover the truth."
The captain, a wise man, after many endeavours to catch me tripping in some part of my story, at
last began to have a better opinion of my veracity. But he added, "that since I professed so
inviolable an attachment to truth, I must give him my word and honour to bear him company in this
voyage, without attempting any thing against my life; or else he would continue me a prisoner till
we arrived at Lisbon." I gave him the promise he required; but at the same time protested, "that I
would suffer the greatest hardships, rather than return to live among YAHOOS."
Our voyage passed without any considerable accident. In gratitude to the captain, I sometimes sat
with him, at his earnest request, and strove to conceal my antipathy against human kind, although it
often broke out; which he suffered to pass without observation. But the greatest part of the day I
confined myself to my cabin, to avoid seeing any of the crew. The captain had often entreated me
to strip myself of my savage dress, and offered to lend me the best suit of clothes he had. This I
would not be prevailed on to accept, abhorring to cover myself with any thing that had been on the
back of a YAHOO. I only desired he would lend me two clean shirts, which, having been washed
since he wore them, I believed would not so much defile me. These I changed every second day,
and washed them myself.
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We arrived at Lisbon, Nov. 5, 1715. At our landing, the captain forced me to cover myself with his
cloak, to prevent the rabble from crowding about me. I was conveyed to his own house; and at my
earnest request he led me up to the highest room backwards. I conjured him "to conceal from all
persons what I had told him of the HOUYHNHNMS; because the least hint of such a story would
not only draw numbers of people to see me, but probably put me in danger of being imprisoned, or
burnt by the Inquisition." The captain persuaded me to accept a suit of clothes newly made; but I
would not suffer the tailor to take my measure; however, Don Pedro being almost of my size, they
fitted me well enough. He accoutred me with other necessaries, all new, which I aired for twenty-
four hours before I would use them.
The captain had no wife, nor above three servants, none of which were suffered to attend at meals;
and his whole deportment was so obliging, added to very good human understanding, that I really
began to tolerate his company. He gained so far upon me, that I ventured to look out of the back
window. By degrees I was brought into another room, whence I peeped into the street, but drew my
head back in a fright. In a week's time he seduced me down to the door. I found my terror gradually
lessened, but my hatred and contempt seemed to increase. I was at last bold enough to walk the
street in his company, but kept my nose well stopped with rue, or sometimes with tobacco.
In ten days, Don Pedro, to whom I had given some account of my domestic affairs, put it upon me,
as a matter of honour and conscience, "that I ought to return to my native country, and live at home
with my wife and children." He told me, "there was an English ship in the port just ready to sail,
and he would furnish me with all things necessary." It would be tedious to repeat his arguments,
and my contradictions. He said, "it was altogether impossible to find such a solitary island as I
desired to live in; but I might command in my own house, and pass my time in a manner as recluse
as I pleased."
I complied at last, finding I could not do better. I left Lisbon the 24th day of November, in an
English merchantman, but who was the master I never inquired. Don Pedro accompanied me to the
ship, and lent me twenty pounds. He took kind leave of me, and embraced me at parting, which I
bore as well as I could. During this last voyage I had no commerce with the master or any of his
men; but, pretending I was sick, kept close in my cabin. On the fifth of December, 1715, we cast
anchor in the Downs, about nine in the morning, and at three in the afternoon I got safe to my
house at Rotherhith. (7)
My wife and family received me with great surprise and joy, because they concluded me certainly
dead; but I must freely confess the sight of them filled me only with hatred, disgust, and contempt;
and the more, by reflecting on the near alliance I had to them. For although, since my unfortunate
exile from the HOUYHNHNM country, I had compelled myself to tolerate the sight of YAHOOS,
and to converse with Don Pedro de Mendez, yet my memory and imagination were perpetually
filled with the virtues and ideas of those exalted HOUYHNHNMS. And when I began to consider
that, by copulating with one of the YAHOO species I had become a parent of more, it struck me
with the utmost shame, confusion, and horror.
As soon as I entered the house, my wife took me in her arms, and kissed me; at which, having not
been used to the touch of that odious animal for so many years, I fell into a swoon for almost an
hour. At the time I am writing, it is five years since my last return to England. During the first year,
I could not endure my wife or children in my presence; the very smell of them was intolerable;
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much less could I suffer them to eat in the same room. To this hour they dare not presume to touch
my bread, or drink out of the same cup, neither was I ever able to let one of them take me by the
hand. The first money I laid out was to buy two young stone-horses, which I keep in a good stable;
and next to them, the groom is my greatest favourite, for I feel my spirits revived by the smell he
contracts in the stable. My horses understand me tolerably well; I converse with them at least four
hours every day. They are strangers to bridle or saddle; they live in great amity with me and
friendship to each other.
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CHAPTER XII.
[The author's veracity. His design in publishing this work. His censure of those travellers who
swerve from the truth. The author clears himself from any sinister ends in writing. An objection
answered. The method of planting colonies. His native country commended. The right of the crown
to those countries described by the author is justified. The difficulty of conquering them. The
author takes his last leave of the reader; proposes his manner of living for the future; gives good
advice, and concludes.]
Thus, gentle reader, I have given thee a faithful history of my travels for sixteen years and above
seven months: wherein I have not been so studious of ornament as of truth. I could, perhaps, like
others, have astonished thee with strange improbable tales; but I rather chose to relate plain matter
of fact, in the simplest manner and style; because my principal design was to inform, and not to
amuse thee.
It is easy for us who travel into remote countries, which are seldom visited by Englishmen or other
Europeans, to form descriptions of wonderful animals both at sea and land. Whereas a traveller's
chief aim should be to make men wiser and better, and to improve their minds by the bad, as well
as good, example of what they deliver concerning foreign places.
I could heartily wish a law was enacted, that every traveller, before he were permitted to publish his
voyages, should be obliged to make oath before the Lord High Chancellor, that all he intended to
print was absolutely true to the best of his knowledge; for then the world would no longer be
deceived, as it usually is, while some writers, to make their works pass the better upon the public,
impose the grossest falsities on the unwary reader. I have perused several books of travels with
great delight in my younger days; but having since gone over most parts of the globe, and been able
to contradict many fabulous accounts from my own observation, it has given me a great disgust
against this part of reading, and some indignation to see the credulity of mankind so impudently
abused. Therefore, since my acquaintance were pleased to think my poor endeavours might not be
unacceptable to my country, I imposed on myself, as a maxim never to be swerved from, that I
would strictly adhere to truth; neither indeed can I be ever under the least temptation to vary from
it, while I retain in my mind the lectures and example of my noble master and the other illustrious
HOUYHNHNMS of whom I had so long the honour to be an humble hearer.
-NEC SI MISERUM FORTUNA SINONEM FINXIT, VANUM ETIAM, MENDACEMQUE

IMPROBA FINGET.
I know very well, how little reputation is to be got by writings which require neither genius nor
learning, nor indeed any other talent, except a good memory, or an exact journal. I know likewise,
that writers of travels, like dictionary-makers, are sunk into oblivion by the weight and bulk of
those who come last, and therefore lie uppermost. And it is highly probable, that such travellers,
who shall hereafter visit the countries described in this work of mine, may, by detecting my errors
(if there be any), and adding many new discoveries of their own, justle me out of vogue, and stand
in my place, making the world forget that ever I was an author. This indeed would be too great a
mortification, if I wrote for fame: but as my sole intention was the public good, I cannot be
altogether disappointed. For who can read of the virtues I have mentioned in the glorious
PAGE 162 OF 165

HOUYHNHNMS, without being ashamed of his own vices, when he considers himself as the
reasoning, governing animal of his country? I shall say nothing of those remote nations where
YAHOOS preside; among which the least corrupted are the BROBDINGNAGIANS; whose wise
maxims in morality and government it would be our happiness to observe. But I forbear descanting
further, and rather leave the judicious reader to his own remarks and application.
I am not a little pleased that this work of mine can possibly meet with no censurers: for what
objections can be made against a writer, who relates only plain facts, that happened in such distant
countries, where we have not the least interest, with respect either to trade or negotiations? I have
carefully avoided every fault with which common writers of travels are often too justly charged.
Besides, I meddle not the least with any party, but write without passion, prejudice, or ill-will
against any man, or number of men, whatsoever. I write for the noblest end, to inform and instruct
mankind; over whom I may, without breach of modesty, pretend to some superiority, from the
advantages I received by conversing so long among the most accomplished HOUYHNHNMS. I
write without any view to profit or praise. I never suffer a word to pass that may look like
reflection, or possibly give the least offence, even to those who are most ready to take it. So that I
hope I may with justice pronounce myself an author perfectly blameless; against whom the tribes
of Answerers, Considerers, Observers, Reflectors, Detectors, Remarkers, will never be able to find
matter for exercising their talents.
I confess, it was whispered to me, "that I was bound in duty, as a subject of England, to have given
in a memorial to a secretary of state at my first coming over; because, whatever lands are
discovered by a subject belong to the crown." But I doubt whether our conquests in the countries I
treat of would be as easy as those of Ferdinando Cortez over the naked Americans. The
LILLIPUTIANS, I think, are hardly worth the charge of a fleet and army to reduce them; and I
question whether it might be prudent or safe to attempt the BROBDINGNAGIANS; or whether an
English army would be much at their ease with the Flying Island over their heads. The
HOUYHNHNMS indeed appear not to be so well prepared for war, a science to which they are
perfect strangers, and especially against missive weapons. However, supposing myself to be a
minister of state, I could never give my advice for invading them. Their prudence, unanimity,
unacquaintedness with fear, and their love of their country, would amply supply all defects in the
military art. Imagine twenty thousand of them breaking into the midst of an European army,
confounding the ranks, overturning the carriages, battering the warriors' faces into mummy by
terrible yerks from their hinder hoofs; for they would well deserve the character given to Augustus,
RECALCITRAT UNDIQUE TUTUS. But, instead of proposals for conquering that magnanimous
nation, I rather wish they were in a capacity, or disposition, to send a sufficient number of their
inhabitants for civilizing Europe, by teaching us the first principles of honour, justice, truth,
temperance, public spirit, fortitude, chastity, friendship, benevolence, and fidelity. The names of all
which virtues are still retained among us in most languages, and are to be met with in modern, as
well as ancient authors; which I am able to assert from my own small reading.
But I had another reason, which made me less forward to enlarge his majesty's dominions by my
discoveries. To say the truth, I had conceived a few scruples with relation to the distributive justice
of princes upon those occasions. For instance, a crew of pirates are driven by a storm they know
not whither; at length a boy discovers land from the topmast; they go on shore to rob and plunder,
they see a harmless people, are entertained with kindness; they give the country a new name; they
take formal possession of it for their king; they set up a rotten plank, or a stone, for a memorial;
they murder two or three dozen of the natives, bring away a couple more, by force, for a sample;
PAGE 163 OF 165

return home, and get their pardon. Here commences a new dominion acquired with a title by divine
right. Ships are sent with the first opportunity; the natives driven out or destroyed; their princes
tortured to discover their gold; a free license given to all acts of inhumanity and lust, the earth
reeking with the blood of its inhabitants: and this execrable crew of butchers, employed in so pious
an expedition, is a modern colony, sent to convert and civilize an idolatrous and barbarous people!
But this description, I confess, does by no means affect the British nation, who may be an example
to the whole world for their wisdom, care, and justice in planting colonies; their liberal
endowments for the advancement of religion and learning; their choice of devout and able pastors
to propagate Christianity; their caution in stocking their provinces with people of sober lives and
conversations from this the mother kingdom; their strict regard to the distribution of justice, in
supplying the civil administration through all their colonies with officers of the greatest abilities,
utter strangers to corruption; and, to crown all, by sending the most vigilant and virtuous governors,
who have no other views than the happiness of the people over whom they preside, and the honour
of the king their master.
But as those countries which I have described do not appear to have any desire of being conquered
and enslaved, murdered or driven out by colonies, nor abound either in gold, silver, sugar, or
tobacco, I did humbly conceive, they were by no means proper objects of our zeal, our valour, or
our interest. However, if those whom it more concerns think fit to be of another opinion, I am ready
to depose, when I shall be lawfully called, that no European did ever visit those countries before
me. I mean, if the inhabitants ought to be believed, unless a dispute may arise concerning the two
YAHOOS, said to have been seen many years ago upon a mountain in HOUYHNHNMLAND.
But, as to the formality of taking possession in my sovereign's name, it never came once into my
thoughts; and if it had, yet, as my affairs then stood, I should perhaps, in point of prudence and
self-preservation, have put it off to a better opportunity.
Having thus answered the only objection that can ever be raised against me as a traveller, I here
take a final leave of all my courteous readers, and return to enjoy my own speculations in my little
garden at Redriff; to apply those excellent lessons of virtue which I learned among the
HOUYHNHNMS; to instruct the YAHOOS of my own family, is far as I shall find them docible
animals; to behold my figure often in a glass, and thus, if possible, habituate myself by time to
tolerate the sight of a human creature; to lament the brutality to HOUYHNHNMS in my own
country, but always treat their persons with respect, for the sake of my noble master, his family, his
friends, and the whole HOUYHNHNM race, whom these of ours have the honour to resemble in all
their lineaments, however their intellectuals came to degenerate.
I began last week to permit my wife to sit at dinner with me, at the farthest end of a long table; and
to answer (but with the utmost brevity) the few questions I asked her. Yet, the smell of a YAHOO
continuing very offensive, I always keep my nose well stopped with rue, lavender, or tobacco
leaves. And, although it be hard for a man late in life to remove old habits, I am not altogether out
of hopes, in some time, to suffer a neighbour YAHOO in my company, without the apprehensions I
am yet under of his teeth or his claws.
My reconcilement to the YAHOO kind in general might not be so difficult, if they would be
content with those vices and follies only which nature has entitled them to. I am not in the least
provoked at the sight of a lawyer, a pickpocket, a colonel, a fool, a lord, a gamester, a politician, a
PAGE 164 OF 165

whoremonger, a physician, an evidence, a suborner, an attorney, a traitor, or the like; this is all
according to the due course of things: but when I behold a lump of deformity and diseases, both in
body and mind, smitten with pride, it immediately breaks all the measures of my patience; neither
shall I be ever able to comprehend how such an animal, and such a vice, could tally together. The
wise and virtuous HOUYHNHNMS, who abound in all excellences that can adorn a rational
creature, have no name for this vice in their language, which has no terms to express any thing that
is evil, except those whereby they describe the detestable qualities of their YAHOOS, among
which they were not able to distinguish this of pride, for want of thoroughly understanding human
nature, as it shows itself in other countries where that animal presides. But I, who had more
experience, could plainly observe some rudiments of it among the wild YAHOOS.
But the HOUYHNHNMS, who live under the government of reason, are no more proud of the
good qualities they possess, than I should be for not wanting a leg or an arm; which no man in his
wits would boast of, although he must be miserable without them. I dwell the longer upon this
subject from the desire I have to make the society of an English YAHOO by any means not
insupportable; and therefore I here entreat those who have any tincture of this absurd vice, that they
will not presume to come in my sight.
Footnotes:
(1) A stang is a pole or perch; sixteen feet and a half.
(2) An act of parliament has been since passed by which some breaches of trust have been made
capital.
(3) Britannia. -SIR W. SCOTT.
(4) London. -SIR W. SCOTT.
(5) This is the revised text adopted by Dr. Hawksworth (1766). The above paragraph in the original
editions (1726) takes another form, commencing:-"I told him that should I happen to live in a
kingdom where lots were in vogue," &c. The names Tribnia and Langdon an not mentioned, and
the "close stool" and its signification do not occur.
(6) This paragraph is not in the original editions.
(7) The original editions and Hawksworth's have Rotherhith here, though earlier in the work,
Redriff is said to have been Gulliver's home in England.
PAGE 165 OF 165

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CLEFRIN FRELOCK, MARSI FRELOCK."

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[The author, by an extraordinary stratagem, prevents an invasion. A high title of honour is

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"'Articles of Impeachment against QUINBUS FLESTRIN, (the Man-Mountain.)

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A description of the inhabitants.]

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