221 - The Richebacher Letter - September 1991, Waiting for Godot
221 - The Richebacher Letter - September 1991, Waiting for Godot
221 - The Richebacher Letter - September 1991, Waiting for Godot
KURT RICHEBÄCHER
Frankfurt
Correspondents: GERMANY
Hahn Capital Partners Ine.
) CANADA
CURRENCIES AND CREDIT MARKETS
1991
No. 221/ September
HIGHLIGHTS
A combination of a crowding-
What are the ultimate causes of the money collapse? Our answer:
supply side.
out and a credit crunch the latter a function of both the demand and the
-
~.
is far devastating real estate crisis and to permit any
too low to alleviate the
u.s. monetary growth
aggravating financial woes, we venture
kind of sustained economic recovery. Considering all the
its most dangerous period since the Great Depression.
to say that the U.S. economy has entered
A ballooning budget
The U.S. bond market faces its most adverse supply/demand condition ever.
deficit coincides with sharply lower private savings and capital inflows.
The savings necessary to
absorb the current deluge of bonds are simply not there.
The greatest oddity in this picture is the buoyant U.S. stock market.
It can't last.
i(
WAITING FOR GODOT \.
Without doubt, the question of whether or not there will be a sustained recovery in the U..S. and the
a
other recession economies is the pivotal element underpinning market expectations.. It's exactly that
point, though, that keeps us so worried. Why and what's our point of focus? U..S.. money and credit
is mired in a protracted and progressive weakness which has caught most experts, including the Fed, by
surprise.. The fact that not too many are convinced that
its something to
worry about probably explains
the present calm of markets ..
.... before the storm..
The growth rate of M2 has fallen off sharply from an annualized 6.4% between January and April of
this year to just 0..7% since then. The M3 growth rate for the two periods, respectively, has fallen fro~
has been the performance of M4 (or L), which,
an annualized 4..4% to a negative 2.1 %.. Worst of all
in addition to M3, includes savings bonds, short-term treasuries, bankers' acceptances and commercial
paper held outside of Imancial intermediaries.. M4 has grown 1.1 % against a year ago but has dropped
$25 billion between March and June this year. In real inflation-adjusted terms, these figures speak of
a drastic contraction. In fact, such a contraction has not occurred since the 1930s. Irrelevant?
Hardly.
To start, at issue are two Why is money and credit growth not responding to the Fed's
key questions:
drastic easing measures and what are the implications of such sluggish money and credit growth for the
real economy?
Wall Street has been quick to provide happy answers to the second answer while skipping the analysis
of the first.. The most prevalent and comforting notion is that low monetary growth is more likely to
reduce inflation than GNP growth (read: good for corporate earnings and financial valuations). But, the
facts just don't measure up.. As of mid-1989, when economic growth peaked, exactly the opposite has
been occurring. Ever since, inflation has proved more resilient that GNP output.
Another anaesthetized interpretation of the weak monetary aggregates is that they mainly reflect portfolio
shifts due to sharply uneven interest-rate declines. Since bank deposit rates have fallen faster than the
yields of intermediate- and long-term securities, the view is that investors have shifted from low-yielding
bank and S&L deposits, which are counted in the money supply, into higher-yielding assets which are
not. Such a shift, it is argued, does not matter for the real economy even though
it depresses
monetary
growth..
No doubt, such shift has taken place at a large scale, particularly into bond and equity funds wmch
a
aren't part of the money aggregates. However, what's left out of the account, is the fact that such an
asset shift is the regular pattern of all recessions. Yel, never before has it happened in the context of
a pronounced and protracted monetary sluggishness..
(--
\0.
'<,.
) In order to appreciate the present abnormalities one has to fust know what the normal behaviour of
money is before a recovery ensues. The chain of developments starts with easier money pushing down
short-term interest rates. The steepening yield curve acts as a powerful force, driving investors and
corporate borrowers into bonds and shares. Bond and stock prices soar. and, in the process, contribute
tremendous wealth effects to the consumer. This shift in corporate financing. away from the. banks to
the security markets is a crucial element since the soaring issues of bonds and shares -serve to strengthen
corporate balance sheets.
Then, the second crucial element enters: Given slowing private credit demand and .ample reserves, the
banks rush to expand their holdings of government bonds and cause longer-term yields to fall. Although
it is true that bank loan demand typically weakens during recessions, accelerating money growth. is still
assured by virtue of soaring bank investments, which, also help implement the necessary .lowering of
long-term interest rates.
Clearly, two things are abnormal today and demand explanation. During the 12 months preceding the
previous five post-war recessions, the broad monetary aggregates grew at an average pace of around 7%.
That compares dismally to rates of 2.5% for M2, 1.6% for M3, and 1.1 % for M4 this time. The other
abnormality is the sticky long-term interest rate.
Why this unusual monetary weakness? In order to understand the monetary processes, it is essen~ialto
analyze credit and money flows together. Why? Because the obvious cause behind.this exceptional
money crunch is a gathering credit crunch both inside and outside the banking system.,
One main actor in the credit crunch, despite the bailout operations, are the thrifts. After having e
expanded their assets and liabilities by about $80 to 90 billion annually between 1985 and 1988, the
thrifts have since shed about $250 billion, most of it having been near-money .and part of the money
stock. That's a lot of money by comparison when one realizes that M3 rose by $56 billion and M4 by
only $66 billion in 1990. Yet, Wall Street econofiÚsts and even the Fed seem to believe that money can't
get lost; that other parts of the financial system must be soaking it up and putting it to work.
The prevailing view of the S&L bailout is that it represents nothing more than a "bookkeeping" exercise
with no real-life affects on interest rates or the money supply. That couldn't be further from the truth.
Yet, here are some official statements that endorse this line of reasoning:
The January 1991 Economic Budget Outlook of the Congressional Budget Office reads like this on page
73: "Although financing the thrift bailout will add substantially to federal borrowing requirements in
the nextfew years, this borrowing does not put much additional pressure on interest rates. The money
that the government borrows to resolve insolvent thrifts and banks (less the administrative and interest
costs) is returned to financial markets. The money is redeposited in new accounts or invested directly
in income-earning assets."
Barron's of May 28, 1991, also catches Mr. Greenspan in the slipstream of the same logic. He is quoted
as saying: "While the size of the S&L crisis is lastronomical', Federal Reserve Chairman, Alan
Greenspan, contended that the overall effect of the increased financing on interest rates is ~moderate'.
That's because the bailout borrowings don't represent any new credit; U nele sam's liabilities. are
)
Currencies and Credit Markets \ September 1991
4
Well, those may be cosy notions, however, brief dissection of the sequence of effects that are involved
a
in the bailout operations reveals otherwise. The starting point, of course, is found at the thrifts and the
banks that have suffered huge losses on their assets and collateral values. These losses necessarily imply
corresponding losses for stockholders and depositors. Essentially, their money has vanished.
Next, the government decides to take over the losses of the depositors. Actually, what it does is to
replace the vanished deposits. But whence do the hundreds of billions of dollars come from with which
the government pays off these depositors? Does the money rain from the sky? Is it a product of the
legendary printing press? Not at all. The government borrows the money in the markets, and in doing
so, essentially drains these funds from the existing pool of liquid savings. The funds for the bailouts
are withdrawn from other uses. The net effect, then, is a corresponding contraction in the overall money
supply.
Ironically, bailing out the thrift depositors by borrowing the necessary funds from the markets has
exactly the same contractionary effects on the money supply as the banking crisis of the 1930s when
the Fed and the administration did nothing to rescue the depositors. What's worse, the rescue operation
massively swells the supply of government bonds which tends to force up longer-term interest rates~
It's truly ludicrous to think that the bailout-related government borrowing is some kind of free lunch.
This type of public borrowing is really comparable to the private-sector example of a corporation
borrowing to fmance its losses. The government is doing precisely that
(
borrowing to fmance the
- .
Keynes called this type of financing "distress" borrowing. Quoting him: "The slump itself produces a
new queue of 'distress7 borrowers who have to raise money to meet their losses. The thing will never
. .
cure itself by the lack of borrowers forcing down the rate; for it absorbs just as much savings to finance
losses as to
finance investment." The point to recognize is that savmgs spill over into losses . . ~
good
money follows bad.
Summing it up: The new borrowing has no real stimulative impact, yet, at the same time, tends to force
up interest rates and to contract the money supply. It's hard to imagine a fiscaVmonetary mix that could
be more restrictive.
A CROWDING-OUT. TOO
The administration itself concedes that next year's fiscal deficit will hit $368 billion, of which $100
billion or more will be needed to fix the thrifts. That forecast, as pessimistic as it is, assumes a healthy
<-
Currencies and Credit Markets \ September 1991
5
conditions.
o
MONEY CRUNCH 74
LINKED TO CREDIT
Source: International Strategy and Investment
DEMAND SLUMP
It goes without saying that the thrift bailout can only be a partial explanation of the protracted monetary
weakness. Were it not for the burgeoning budget deficit, U.S. money supply would be collapsing.
Although increased bank lending activity is the predominant avenue of expanding money supply, it's
not the oilly way. During recessions, as already explained, banks regularly spur money and deposit
creation by stepping up investments in government bonds.
During the first seven months of 1991, as nùght be expected in a recession, commercial banks have
increased their bond holdings by $48 billion. What's new and unprecedented is that over the past few
months this money creation through bond investments has been largely cancelled out by shrinking loans.
At the end of July, total loans and securities at all commercial banks amounted to $2,758 billion as
compared to $2,751 billion at the end of March.
In this last analysis, we've shown that any money creation in the
United States is presently
budget
the result C
deficit have
of new government debt being taken up by the banks. But why does the soaring
~
The crowding-out is one side of the problem; the supply side of the credit crunch
is another.. If it's true
institutions have reasons
that consumers and others may be reluctant to borrow, banks and other financial
to slow or halt their lending, too.
A new plague across the whole U.S. financial system: precipitous declines in real estate
is sweeping
drops,
prices which happen to make up a sizable chunk of loan collateral. As the values of collateral
capital is impaired and the ability of banks, thrifts and insurance companies to expand new loans
becomes severely restricted.
As financial institutions,individuals and corporations scramble for liquidity, in the process dumping
assets on an illiquid market, they progressively undercut each others values and solvency.
Irving
"debt is playing out in the nation-wide depression of real
Fisher's famous textbook deflation" real-life,
its wake.
estate values, destroying capital, liquidity and money supply in
'-
Currencies and Credit Markets \ September 1991
7
) Considering the gigantic overhang of vacant commercial real est~te, the real estate deflation
is certainly
to
only in its first phase. The salient point to see is,. that over time, asset deflation will be transITÙtted
adjusted to reflect the depressed
the whole of the real estate market as lease and rent renewals are
just as the reverse happened on the upside during the asset inflation of the 1980s.
prevailing market -
1930s REVISITED
Most observers, it appears, have yet to realize that the U.S. banking system of today is far more shaky
is that altogether
than it was during the early 19308. The most memorable statistic of that earlier crisis
more than 9,000 of some 30,000 banks crashed between the- four years of
1930 through 1933. By that
abyss.
measure, it seems that about one-third of the banking es~blishment fell into the
Those statistics are deceptive,. however. With. one single, but infamous
exception the Bank of the
-
United States in New York the rest of the failed banks were
-
comprised mostly of fiÚcIoscopic
capital
institutions in agricultural communities. Well over 60% of the crashes were among banks with
loss
of $25,000 or less and were located in towns of no more than 1,000 inhabitants. Overall, the total
approximately $2.5 billion
borne by depositors,- stockholders and other creditors amounted to
-
depositors taking the brunt for roughly half representing hardly more than 3% of total bank- and thrift
deposits. By comparison, estimated stock market losses towere_d to about $85 billion over the same four
years.
The larger banks, particularly the New York money-centre banks, weathered the storm with strong
capital positions and extremely high liquidity. Citybank, for example, the .predecessor to modem-day
Citicorp, had a ratio of liquid assets to net deposits of 63% in 1929. lbroughout the entire banking
) contraction, this ratio never fell below 59%. Banks then were roundly criticized for fear that their
penchant for liquidity was preventing Today, this liquidity ratio is often well
an economic recovery.
below 30% for the big banks.
1929 and
Another well-known fact of the 1930s is that a savage monetary contraction ensued. Between
supply by Much less
1933, banks deposits plunged by over 42% and money contracted over one-third.
appreciated, though, is that this monetary collapse didn't start in earnest until March-April of 1931.
$55.5 billion to $54.9 billion.
From year-end 1928 to year-end 1929, broad money only declined from
By March of 1931, broad money was only marginally lower at $53.8 billion. That was a pretty mild
decline and much less than the coincident decline in the consumer price index. On that basis, even in
the frrst Depression year, there was no decrease in the real supply of money. And, compared to the
wholesale price index, the real money supply actually soared.
"as a
In their book, The Monetary History of the United States, Friedman and Schwartz admit that
fraction of total wealth, the losses produced by bank failures were minor and would deserve no more
attention than losses of a comparable amount in, say, real estate." They then continue: "If the bank
failures deserve special attention, it is clearly because they were the mechanism through which the
important
drastic decline in the stock of money was produced and because the stock of money plays an
role in economic developments."
conspicuous contrasts: In
But in comparing the situation of 1990-91 with that of 1930-31 we note two
they were back then.
terms of real money growth, today's monetary conditions are more stringent than
\ September 1991
Currencies and Credit Markets
8
More vivid and sensational is the difference in the behaviour of the U.S. stock market. In 1929-30, it ('
was the first to collapse while today it remains
resolutely and stubbornly optimistic.
of
The important question really is what has to happen to arrest and reverse this cumulative process
contraction. The short answer is that a rapid credit and money creation is required that would finance
is the opposite: a financial
increased spending on both goods and assets. What's happening, though,
deepest profit squeeze in decades
system in the midst of a capital squeeze, corporations witnessing the
and the consumer immobilized by an income squeeze.
The savings necessary to absorb the current deluge of government bonds are simply not there. New
private savings are running at $150-160 billion annually as compared to a budget deficit of more than
$300 billion. From that perspective, U.S. long-term interest rates should rise over the longer run.
In the meantime, then, who is buying all of those bonds? As already mentioned, the commercial banks
background.
are big buyers. But there's an even bigger buyer operating in the
That's the securities
brokers and dealers who are arbitraging out huge profits by borrowing short in the fepo-market and
employing the funds in the longer-term, higher-yielding bond markets.
acting to depress the market. We would guess that dealers are back again as big buyers, now that
in money, credit, business profits, real estate and available savings, there's little question that the stock
market strength stands out as an flagrant oddity. a year ago, the average price-earnings
Compared to
ratio has soared from 12.2X to 23.3X for the Dow Jones Industrial stocks and from 14.8X to 21.6X for
the component S&P 500 stocks. The average earnings/yield (the inverse of the price/earnings ratio) for
500 from 6.74%
the Dow Jones Industrial stocks has slumped from 8.20% to 4.29& and for the S&P
to 4.63%.
forecasting recession-ends
But, Wall Street looks away and boasts of the stock market's perfect record of
and the onset of economic recoveries during the past 70 years. Stock market wisdom, of course, is a
modest circumscription for Wall Street wisdom.
The international situation today is diametrically different from that of the 1930s. Then, the United
States absolutely dominated the world both in trade and finance the latter, above all, as the world's
-
greatest lender. In contrast, Europe was financially vulnerable and econoßÜcally weak. As it was,
Germany collapsed immediately when U.S. capital outflows dried up.
Today, America weak while Europe is economically and fmancially stronger than ever
is vulnerable and
before. As already explained, the U.S. bank and S&L failures of our time are just as bad or worse in
relative terms than the banking collapses of the 1930s. Even more ominous than the similarities on the
part of the United States, are the differences. After the World War I, America emerged as the world's
leading creditor nation. Today, it is a
country heavily indebted to foreigners. Today, on top of it all,
America is dealing with a serious and unprecedented budget crisis.
In the 1930s, America drew the whole world into the Depression because it abruptly cut both its imports
and its foreign lending.. Today, the world is more financially independent of America. In fact, to the
contrary, America today is dependent on foreign capitaL
Moreover, American markets have lost some of their importance to Europe's foreign trade. In 1989,
the United States only accounted for 5.9% of EC country exports as compared to a much higher 7.9%
in 19584
No doubt, deepening U.S. recession will adversely ìrÍ1pact economic growth in the rest of the world..
a
But U.S. trade is only marginal for Europe. In 1989, U.S..-bound exports only accounted for 5.9% of
the EC countries' total. The United States imports little more from Europe than from Canada.
What the world does have to fear from the U.S., however, are the potential world-wide repercussions
of a financial crisis. That, essentially, would entail a currency crisis.
In the meantime, both the dollar and the stock markets worldwide have been buoyed by legions of
forecasts that the recession-economies importantly the U.S..
-
recovery4 Whether there will be such a recovery is the most important question for everyone policy- -
makers, markets, investors, and people in generaL In the play, Godot never arrives, and that's the end.
If so, however, what would happen?
How will the central banks of countries either in recession or on the brink: of recession respond if their
own economy and that of the rest of the world proves much weaker than expected? The major critical
~ points in this scene would be the United States, Canada, Australia, Britain, France and Italy. For the
time being, markets hail each new easing as a necessary and desirable step towards recovery. There may
well come a time, though, where easing measures will be seen as a sign of weakness and desperate
policies4
It's easy for any government and central bank to stick to a policy of stable exchange rates and tight
money as long as it doesn't risk spreading a recession. That acid-test for these policies will come when
the policy requirements for stable exchange rates begin to clash very harshly with those for growth and )
employment Not all governments and central banks will be able to stand the pressure.
SUMMARY CONCLUSIONS
The more we study the u.s. monetary, financial and economic fundamentals, the more we are convinced
that the U.S. economy is locked in- a recessionary environment. in fact, a long-term downtrend.
. .
Summing it all up: U~S~ monetary growth is far too low to alleviate the devastating real estate crisis and
to permit any kind of sustained economic recovery. Considering all the aggravating financial woes, we
dangerous period since the Great Depression.
venture to say that the U4S. economy has entered-its most
What are the chief factors underlying our negative assessment? No less than unanimous fundamental
Although officials in
indications of the quartet of money, credit, business profits and income growth4
Washington and an army of economists may continue to promise that better times are
just around the
progressively deteriorating.
comer, the hard troth is that all four recovery fundamentals are
and monetary crunch the nonchalance of markets and experts just boggles the senses. There's the
-
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Currencies and Credit Markets \ September 1991