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A Contemporary
Theory
of Mathematics
Education
Research
A Contemporary Theory of Mathematics Education
Research
Tony Brown
A Contemporary Theory of
Mathematics Education
Research
Tony Brown
Manchester Metropolitan University
Manchester, UK
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2020
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Preface
This book addresses the domain, purpose and functioning of research in mathemat-
ics education. What is mathematics teaching? How do we improve mathematics
teaching? Why do we want to improve mathematics teaching? What do we under-
stand by improvement? Mathematics education research addresses many such ques-
tions. And although research and the scientific theories it produces may never reveal
the truth, theories have proved very useful in guiding us around an infinite land-
scape, even if ultimately each scientific model or theory reveals the limits of its own
functionality, style or endurance. But more generally, any story we tell about what
mathematics is, or what a learner is, or what we are trying to do, will eventually
become out of kilter with the times. New demands on “people” and new demands
on “mathematics” change what both of them are and how they respond to each
other. Research has as much to do with working out where we could go as it is with
assessing where we are now. The current state of affairs can be depicted in many
ways, where alternative mappings of our pasts and presents open alternative trajec-
tories into the future. This provokes a more general question that motivates this
book: What can theories do? How do we situate our theories in relation to other
theories, past and present? Do new theories replace old ones or sit alongside them?
Many contributions to theory in mathematics education comprise individual journal
articles or chapters in edited collections.1 Theories depend on the questions that we
ask and the world views that we presuppose and typically theories, especially social
theories are time-dependent, and need persistent updating. So in presenting “a con-
temporary theory of mathematics education research” the intention is to unsettle
some of the common presumptions of mathematics education research in generating
new ways of looking rather than to suppose any final resolution might be reached.
But in unsettling, the hope is that new ways of understanding the interface between
humans and mathematics will be suggested and stimulate life thereafter.
1
As examples, Springer has published theory-oriented chapters by over 100 authors in the follow-
ing edited collections alone: Sriraman and English (2010); Bikner-Ahsbahs et al. (2016); and
Ernest (2019b).
v
vi Preface
each of those alternative priorities. Research in the field increasingly finds its terms
of reference set according to assessment driven requirements and researchers have
become complicit in promoting particular conceptions of teaching and in construct-
ing the field as an ideological battleground, for example, in commissioned research
where briefs can presuppose improvements of some kind. Such complicity, com-
bined with the relative insularity of the field, has deflected many mathematics edu-
cation researchers from investigating other world visions that might define us and
serve us in different ways.
There is, however, need to pause to consider how we are drawn into our diverse
motivations. For example, is high performance according to a scientific measure
like PISA or TIMSS necessarily a good thing for a country? Insofar as such com-
parative instruments aspire to a standardisation of school mathematical priorities
there is a risk that countries are served differently, and not necessarily according to
their specific needs. A casual glance at TIMSS test items reveals a very specific
version of mathematics, centred on basic skills, short closed questions, in bland
“real life” situations. The format is echoed in school tests and a host of materials
widely available to parents designed to prepare children for such tests. But to rep-
resent mathematics as universal, spanning nations and generations, in such a singu-
lar fashion comes at a price. The resultant conceptions of school mathematics now
define and police everyday practice. At a major mathematics education interna-
tional conference a Mexican delegate spoke of how the exercises made her country
subservient to American priorities for school mathematics. An Ethiopian educator
depicted a situation in which teachers and students were obliged to engage with
pedagogical formations largely unrecognisable in his country situation. Meanwhile,
a Finnish commentator indicated that her country’s high performance still required
re-evaluation of their national practices in terms of the newly dominant interna-
tional discourse and its stated priorities. But cutting across those sorts of issues we
may ask if widespread success in such measures has any bearing in a country’s
ability to produce top-level mathematicians. Or conversely, if the aspirations of
TIMSS are so bland, is wider inclusiveness necessarily a good indicator of wider
basic functionality in the subject in any useful way? Many mathematics education
researchers would concur on the limitations of these comparative instruments, but
still they remain recurrent points of reference in so many reports on mathematics
education research, including my own, including this one, as an attempt to reach
out to mutually recognisable themes. And my use of such consensual issues weak-
ens my individual voice in its attempted compromise in the name of a short cut to
communication. We know that these shared points of reference are limited but we
still carry on using them and allow them to orientate, format and exchange our
evaluative efforts even though we secretly acknowledge their wobbly foundations.
This need to chip away at our own false premises is a key ingredient of this book’s
discussion. But sometimes these false or alternative premises are imposed on us
through official agencies more concerned with wider policy-driven social manage-
ment than with more precise research-led ideals. In short, mathematics in schools
is governed by ideologies that have varying shelf-lives, domains of relevance and
underlying motivations.
viii Preface
A reviewer of the proposal for this book was keen to capture the “take away”
message that lay beyond the analysis I had presented, and I am similarly keen to
establish this message from the outset. Here goes: People and mathematics are in
persistent co-evolution and any account of their mutual interaction requires a flex-
ibility of language, where the operation of that very flexibility is often the instru-
ment of change. That is, our understanding of what it is to be a person is persistently
changing, as is our understanding of what we want mathematics to do, but where
certain aspects of mathematics, unlike other disciplines, remain remarkably stable.
Research must comprise the analysis of these understandings targeted at develop-
ing actions through which the mutual evolution can be better understood and acti-
vated according to newly defined priorities. Similarly, teacher education is
presented as a challenge for student teachers to research their own process of
becoming a teacher through critically analysing their own engagement with math-
ematics and their early attempts to teach it. We all need to adopt a critical attitude
towards our past assumptions or contemporary officialdom that constrain our
thinking into specific pathways. In this book, the attempt is to see research as the
motor with which to achieve this. Mathematics is not just out there waiting to be
found – the very content of mathematics is a function of human processing that is
necessarily governed by historical processes, human priorities and power relations,
but where these processes, priorities and relations will be persistently in motion
and potential conflict.
The reviewer also asked, in recognising my normal home base of social theory:
“is it possible to discuss the implications about classroom instruction based on this
work? That is, is it possible to base on this work to at least discuss about the way
to teach mathematics in classroom for maximizing students’ learning opportuni-
ties?” I do propose to do that as I have in earlier work. This is a reasonable request.
Lots of people spend lots of their time in their formative years in mathematics
classrooms and it is an obvious forum in which to consider the issues being
addressed in this book. I have discussed classroom work with children in my earlier
work (e.g. Brown 2001). In this present book, my main point of intervention is with
student teachers. I see this challenge in terms of how teachers might re-think their
participation in their lessons tomorrow rather than assuming that structural changes
are necessary before one can begin new forms of practice. We cannot await per-
fectly prepared children, in a perfect classroom, with a perfect curriculum, in a
perfect future. It is possible to rethink teacher/student/mathematical relationships
in any current setting. The main instrument proposed comprises student teachers
carrying out analysis of their own emerging teaching practice and in relation to
their own attempts at mathematical tasks. Yet the book also discusses the many cur-
riculum and institutional constraints that operate on classroom practice in
mathematics.
I will loosen any assumption that we are only in the business of supporting
classes of students. “Classes” are very much a time-dependent educational con-
struct, normal, perhaps, for most young people presently. Yet, this has been the case
for much less than a century, only since contemporary social organisation has
required such arrangements for a lot of young people, where they experience their
Preface ix
The remainder of this preface will set out some of the moments that have resulted in
the perspectives presented above and in the chapters to follow. The material for this,
my tenth book, is drawn from my work in mathematics education produced since
the 2011 publication of two books, Becoming a mathematics teacher, a write up of
two empirically based primary mathematics teacher education projects funded by
the UK Economic and Social Research Council, and Mathematics education and
subjectivity. The intervening period however has also been devoted to a teacher
education project that I led culminating in two books without a specific mathemati-
cal theme entitled Teacher education in England (Brown 2018) and Research on
becoming an English teacher (Brown et al. 2019). This current book will be an
attempt to make cumulative sense of my complete body of work in mathematics
over my career, an attempt at an articulation of a unifying theme, a composite argu-
ment, or even a “take away message”. The autobiographical dimension to this pref-
ace situates the current work into a longer-term professional trajectory with view to
offering some explanation of how I have ended up where I am today and why I think
some of the things that I do.
I was fortunate in my early career to encounter two influential figures in the for-
mation of Britain’s Association of Teachers of Mathematics, Dick Tahta and Bill
Brookes, who were responsible for my relatively counter-culture engagement with
mathematics education research from the outset. Following my first degree in math-
ematics and economics, I studied secondary mathematics education, with Dick in
Exeter (1978–79) for my initial teacher education, and later in my PhD with Bill in
Southampton (1985–87). I was also fortunate that my first two jobs also provided
havens of “progressive” experimentation; 3 years teaching secondary level mathe-
matics (11–19-year-olds) at Holland Park School in central London, followed by a
similar period as a primary level teacher educator with the organisation Voluntary
Services Overseas in the tiny Caribbean island of Dominica.
Freed from the regulative structures that shape early teacher practice in many
countries today, I found myself asking questions that do not quite fit with the way
in which school education is often approached in the current climate. It was Dick
who was rather troubled by the idea that teaching had become characterised as
providing explanations to prescribed questions. He preferred rather that teaching
would be about the displacement of perspectives with the teacher responding to a
child’s question by providing another question in return. I have pursued this
approach doggedly over the years to the irritation of my students, many of whom
have given up any hope of receiving a straight answer from me to their questions.
Further, Dick argued that children were rarely wrong in what they said, they were
simply addressing a different question, rather than the one supposed to be in the
teacher’s alien language.
I was left to work things out for myself with the occasional book nudged my way
but with an accompanying expectation that I found my own books as well. For
example, Dick passed me an essay by Roland Barthes called “Writers, teachers and
intellectuals”, a paper not included on many training year reading lists, even in the
Preface xi
heady late 1970s. In this article, written shortly after the student uprisings in Paris
in 1968, I encountered my first reference to Jacques Lacan, a psychoanalytical prac-
titioner and theorist influenced by Sigmund Freud and the philosopher Georg
Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Lacan was to later become my main intellectual influence
for over 30 years. This iconic quote from Barthes’ essay appeared in the final chap-
ters of my training year dissertation, in my PhD, in my first book and in several
other places since, including in a tribute I read at Dick’s funeral.
Just as psychoanalysis, with the work of Lacan, is in the process of extending the Freudian
topic into a topology of the subject… so likewise we need to substitute for the magisterial
space (the word delivered by the master from the pulpit above with the audience below,
the flock, the sheep, the herd) – a less upright, less Euclidean space where no one, neither
teacher nor students, would ever be in his final place. One would then be able to see that
what must be made reversible are not social “roles” (is there any point squabbling for
“authority”, for the right to speak?) but the regions of speech. Where is speech? In locu-
tion? In listening? In the returns of the one and the other? The problem is not to abolish
the distinction in functions (teacher/student…) but to protect the instability and, as it
were, the giddying whirl of positions of speech. In the teaching space, nobody should
anywhere be in his place (I am comforted by this constant displacement: Were I to find my
place, I would not even go on pretending to teach, I would give up). (Barthes 1977,
pp. 205–206)
Three years teaching secondary level at Holland Park School in central London
followed, where it was true that children often did not stay in their place for very
long. This wholly exciting urban environment in the Notting Hill area of London
where over 70 nationalities and as many languages were represented in the school
defied the production of clear formulae for teacher success. My task as a teacher
was to make things happen, and to go with the flow, not to follow a prescribed route,
even if that were possible. Often, this was not comfortable, but it could be exhilarat-
ing to enable children to choose their own routes through mathematics in an envi-
ronment that encouraged that. And those years did serve as an anchor to my future
understandings of what it is to be a teacher. Inner city schools offer resistance to the
best intentioned teaching approaches. There are immediate challenges that do not
allow teachers to wait for an ideal state of affairs before proper teaching can begin.
Moreover, the school itself went through multiple changes of identity in response to
evolving ideas of how educational policies should be shaped and prioritised. London
schools, for example, have been more recently successfully responsive to demands
for better exam results to the possible demise of earlier more “progressive”
approaches tolerated by the city’s earlier left-wing administration.
I spent three subsequent years in Dominica, a small rain-forested island of
29 miles by 16, but with several mountains higher than any of those in my native
England. I was working with teachers training on the job mainly in remote rural
primary schools (5–11-year-olds) some without electricity or running water. The
teachers were straight from their own schooling, where many of these teachers had
not secured their own 16+ high school success in mathematics. Many of the lessons
that I observed entailed a verbose teacher preaching to the flock. My teacher educa-
tion strategy entailed persuading the teachers to experiment with giving more
opportunity for the children themselves to structure their own learning and by
xii Preface
t alking with each other. For the teacher the challenge was to say fewer words but for
those fewer words to be selected more carefully with view to having higher impact.
In an island of just 70,000 people, I was given unusual responsibilities for someone
in his mid-twenties, including the writing of the national primary school mathemat-
ics curriculum, an activity that enabled me to build a grasp of children’s early math-
ematical development, but also to think of ways in which a curriculum could be
presented to make problem solving more prominent. More importantly for my later
work, it extended my range of interest in mathematics learning to span the whole of
childhood through to university level study. On the island, with no TV or internet, at
best my daily news comprised 10 minutes of crackles from the BBC World Service
radio. I was untroubled by and largely unaware of the popular concerns of the day.
I commenced my PhD centred on these experiences following a meeting with
Bill Brookes during a break between my second and third years in the Caribbean.
Bill’s introductory directions had advised seven or so books including Wittgenstein’s
(1983) Philosophical investigations, Ricoeur’s (1981) Hermeneutics and human
sciences, Polanyi’s (1978) Personal knowledge, Schütz’s (1962) Problem of social
reality, Collingwood’s (1982) Autobiography and oddly, Raymond William’s (1983)
glossary Keywords. Each taking up valuable luggage space in advance of a further
year’s isolation where my sole phone call comprising 5 minutes of conversation
with Bill cost me a few days’ wages. But there was nothing in that reading with any
sort of mathematical theme. If there was any sort of unifying theme it would be to
do with how we conceptualise communication and knowledge through the medium
of language. It was Bill, following the famous Oxford historian R. G. Collingwood,
who alerted me to the idea that explanations are not so much statements of fact but
more generally a function of the question that had been asked, or the audience to
whom the answer is addressed. The questions that we ask, reveal the perspective
that we are taking and the world view associated with that perspective. The ques-
tions we answer may well reveal who it is that we are talking to and what we hope
to achieve in doing this. That is, our answers reveal the demands to which we are
responding. On an island, where the tiny college library had recently been blown
away by a devastating hurricane in 1979, my reading for the year was highly focused
on these difficult books which defied easy synthesis to someone educated in math-
ematics and economics. Yet they each provided interesting and challenging ways of
thinking about humans interacting in language, here specifically, young Dominican
children engaged in experimental mathematics. Beyond my everyday duties as a
teacher educator the empirical work focused on a group of seven teachers who I was
supervising, seeking to better manage their use of language in lessons featuring
investigational mathematics. The subsequent PhD, completed after further field-
work in London schools, was not an engagement with contemporary research
debates but a discussion of how children and teachers shared mathematics as seen
through alternative theoretical filters. At my first (unsuccessful) interview for an
academic job at London University as my PhD approached completion it was
pointed out that an FLM “research” paper that I had submitted to the panel had no
reference list (Brown 1987a). The two spells with Dick and Bill had been remark-
ably devoid of any reference to mathematics education research prevalent at the
Preface xiii
time. I was also painfully aware that the references list in my PhD thesis did not
reach the bottom of the second page with very few mentions of work specifically in
the field of mathematics education (Brown 1987b). A reviewer of the current manu-
script despaired in a similar way.
I had returned to England at a time when there was a strong preference to recruit
teacher educators with recent school teaching experience, where my 3 years in
Dominica counted as distance from the classroom rather than relevant experience.
For that reason, I returned to school teaching after completing my PhD. I decided to
work at a middle school (9–13-year-olds) in the Isle of Wight (23 miles by 13) as a
mathematics specialist to retain and develop my connection to both primary and
secondary education. Through this period, I applied for many academic jobs with-
out success. Despite my academic and school experience shortfalls, on my fortieth
application for a teacher education post, I finally secured my first academic post in
Manchester a couple of years later (1988), mainly involved in the education of pri-
mary teachers. Manchester has always been a rich environment for intellectual dis-
cussion and it was especially exciting for teachers and teacher educators wanting to
consider new ways of understanding their work. Weekly meetings of the Teaching
and Learning Enquiry Group continued for 9 years and centred on discussions of
mathematics teaching practice, with relatively little attention to the wider work of
mathematics education research.
My belated temptation to reach out to the mathematics education research com-
munity in the early 1990s required a little more awareness of other people’s work.
At the time, mathematics education research was firmly centred in debates concern-
ing what was called constructivism. To enter serious debate on social aspects of
mathematics education research and get published one had to position one’s ideas in
relation to the discussions taking place under that name. The early days of my more
formal research engagement and my first attendance at the conference on the
Psychology of Mathematics Education in Lisbon in 1994 were dominated by a
debate between radical constructivism, referenced to the individualist developmen-
tal psychology of Piaget,2 and Social Constructivism,3 which increasingly identified
with Vygotsky and perhaps a more sociological perspective. The apparent options
for a young researcher like myself at the time was either to take sides in these alter-
native routes4 or, given my counter-culture tendencies, to show that both were pro-
viding partial perspectives that would surely reach their shelf life in due course. I
had misgivings from the start as the American dominated international research
landscape, where many researchers pushed for constructivist-oriented “reform” ref-
erenced to the math-wars centred more on problem solving approaches, seemed not
to have noticed the Piagetian child-centred philosophies that had been the norm in
English primary schools for a couple of decades. Here, children’s minds followed
natural paths of development as individuals, where that development determined
2
e.g. von Glasersfeld (1991, 1995); Steffe and Kieran (1994).
3
e.g. Cobb and Bowers (1999); Lerman (2000).
4
Confrey (1991) provided an influential comparison of the two trajectories around that time.
xiv Preface
what they could do. But at the time of my earlier teaching in London in the early
1980s, a Marxist tradition had emerged to resist the apparent truths of Piaget’s
notion of a naturally developing child that had underpinned this child-centred peda-
gogy. Valerie Walkerdine was a prominent figure in this movement, introducing
poststructuralism to the fringes of a British mathematics education research com-
munity unaccustomed to such philosophical orientations, nor to existential critiques
of Piaget’s psychology. Valerie kindly joined the “Teaching and Learning Enquiry
Group” for two separate days after we had spent some time reading her book, The
mastery of reason. The following paragraph from that book gives a flavour of her
highly controversial opposition to the styles of child-centred teaching then so preva-
lent in English primary schools.
modern scientific accounts, like Piaget’s, can be understood as implicated in the production
of our modern form of government – the democratic government of reason. Foucault goes
beyond the idea of ideologies as relatively autonomous, as sign systems, to discourses
which produce a truth, which claim to be an account of “the real”… For me the importance
of this work lies in the way in which actual social practices may be discursively regulated
by the production of “truths”, “knowledges” about children, for example, which claim to
tell the truth about child development … creating a normalising vision of a “natural child”.
(Walkerdine 1988, p. 5)
The underlying claim here is that there is no such thing as “natural development” – a
rather shocking notion for teachers schooled in the work of Piaget. The label masks
something altogether more complicated in a world not defined by such clear sign-
posts. Walkerdine was following Lacan’s psychoanalytic theory where the words
that label things (i.e. the word-thing couple) are rather less secure than is often sup-
posed. The landscape is not defined by a set of agreed things with given labels, or
not for very long anyway. For Lacan, the individual’s understanding of who she is,
is encapsulated in her response to an ever-shifting symbolic network. This symbolic
network directs and controls their acts, but without knowing what it wants. The
network comprises the discourses that I inhabit, try out for size, explore myself
through, in which I see myself reflected, etc., and ultimately learn “who I am” in an
infinitely contingent manner. Lacan, writing in the late 1960s, was explicitly critical
of his contemporary Piaget: “The Piagetic error … lies in the notion of what is
called the egocentric discourse of the child, defined as the stage at which he lacks
what this Alpine psychology calls reciprocity. … The child, … does not speak for
himself, … – they don’t speak to a particular person, they just speak to nobody in
particular” (Lacan 1986, p. 208). Lacan’s analysis sees our actions as always
responding to some perceived demand in the social network, but that we never fully
reconcile the conflicts between the multitude of apparent demands that we encounter.
The Piaget/Vygotsky debate between those of different persuasions was never
likely to settle and contemporary protagonists occupy similar sorts of territory,
albeit asking a variety of incommensurate questions that defy the achievement of
consensus (e.g. Roth 2010). A specific departure from the dominance of the
Psychology of Mathematics Education conference was the emergence of
Mathematics Education and Society predicated on a less individualised conception
of mathematical development. Rather, social systems made demands on their
Preface xv
c itizens that shaped them according to conventional expectations, but where radical
politics might be able to resist the oppressive dimensions of such expectations. And
that bumpy environment provided the backdrop to the emergence of my own ideas.
The re-ascendance of Vygotsky’s social theory in the noughties within the banter
of mathematics education research derived from the earlier debate described above
to become an alternative mainstream in mathematics education research. Debates
surrounding this trend provided a common theme within a group that I co-founded
with Julian Williams and Yvette Solomon in Manchester in more recent years;
Mathematics Education and Contemporary Theory. This conference emerged out of
a small group reading Badiou’s Logics of Worlds over an 18-month period shortly
after it was published. Three conferences in Manchester were held over the period
2011–2016 and guest edited the proceedings for two special issues of the journal
Educational Studies in Mathematics (Brown and Walshaw 2012; Brown et al. 2016).
Our community had emerged from earlier collaborations on four edited collections,
which included multiple chapters by over 20 authors from the group (Walshaw
2004, 2010; DeFreitas and Nolan 2008; Brown 2008; Black et al. 2009). Primarily
through discussion and the advance circulation of papers each of the invitational
conferences with about 45 delegates from multiple countries each time asserted, or
at least explored, conceptions of theory in the development of mathematics educa-
tion research. The production of the special issues comprised a key activity associ-
ated with the conference, where delegates were invited to submit papers for
consideration. The papers in the Special Issues sought to explore the frontiers and
possible futures of mathematics education research through considering how alter-
native theoretical lenses enabled new possibilities in apprehending practice. They
offered theoretical, narrative, empirical and practical applications of alternative
concepts to and around the field of mathematics education to that end, the confer-
ences and Special Issues contained essays that made a case for theory. A recurrent
issue in processing the papers for publication was the need to insist on an explicitly
mathematical dimension in socially oriented discussion.
A common debate centred on how the supposed trajectory from Vygotsky men-
tioned earlier could be understood. Prominent members of the group Radford,
Williams, Solomon and Roth identified with Vygotsky and referenced their work to
that trajectory. For example, Roth and Lee (2007) discuss Vygotsky’s neglected
legacy, Williams (2015) mediated between Bourdieu and neo-Vygotskian perspec-
tives. In contrast, Bibby (2010) argued that Vygotsky’s Zone of Proximal
Development was not the neutral place one might imagine, an individual might not
always respond well to being included in the clan. My own work (e.g. Brown 2016)
and that of my colleague Alexandre Pais (2015, 2016) resisted the nodal power
given to Vygotsky and Piaget suggesting they had a normalising effect on the dis-
course of mathematics education research since their work widely underpinned its
ideologies and supposed terrain. Meanwhile, Llewellyn (2018) followed
Walkerdine’s use of Foucault to argue against the normalising effect of mathematics
curriculum. Similarly, Nolan (2016) followed Bourdieu in seeing school practices
as producing and reproducing “opinions” or notions of “the good mathematics
teacher”, thereby shaping identity and agency in “becoming” a teacher within
xvi Preface
1 Introduction���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1
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2 Reason to Believe in Mathematics���������������������������������������������������������� 11
2.1 Introduction�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11
2.2 The Location of Mathematics ���������������������������������������������������������� 12
2.3 What’s the Point?������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 13
2.4 The Production of Mathematics�������������������������������������������������������� 16
2.5 Rationality and Belief ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 18
2.6 The Incomplete Production of Mathematical Reality Through
Commodification������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 20
3 The Social Packaging of Mathematical Learning in Schools�������������� 25
3.1 Curriculum as Acquisition���������������������������������������������������������������� 27
3.2 The Production of School Mathematical Concepts�������������������������� 30
4 The Ideology of Mastering the Curriculum (with Peter Pawlik)�������� 35
4.1 Mastery Teaching������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 36
4.2 Teaching for Mastery: The Master of Us All������������������������������������ 37
4.3 Ideology of the Mastery Curriculum������������������������������������������������ 38
4.4 Lacan’s Schemata of the Four Discourses���������������������������������������� 39
4.4.1 University Discourse������������������������������������������������������������ 40
4.4.2 Master Discourse������������������������������������������������������������������ 41
4.4.3 Hysteric Discourse���������������������������������������������������������������� 42
4.4.4 Analytic Discourse���������������������������������������������������������������� 43
4.5 Emily’s Negotiation of the Mastery Curriculum������������������������������ 43
5 The Social Administration of Mathematics Subject Knowledge
Through Teacher Education ������������������������������������������������������������������ 49
5.1 Introduction�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 49
5.2 The Discursive Shaping of Research in Mathematics
Education������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 51
5.3 International Changes in Teacher Education������������������������������������ 52
xvii
xviii Contents
Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 147
About the Author
xxi
Chapter 1
Introduction
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to 1
Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020
T. Brown, A Contemporary Theory of Mathematics Education Research,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55100-1_1
2 1 Introduction
it about taking a more critical approach to such prescription with view to opening
new trajectories, such as seeing education in much broader terms, thereby chal-
lenging more the familiar framings that characterise the common sense of the day?
Any answer to such a question is far from clear-cut. Institutionalised conceptions
of mathematics are often created towards supporting agenda of inclusion, but that
very inclusion may temper the aspirations of those wanting to pursue a more indi-
vidual or eccentric path.
Restrictive conceptions of mathematics and of education, like these, mean that
the composite term “mathematics education” is held in place by a variety of cultur-
ally bound assumptions. Largely circumscribed by something bigger than itself,
mathematics education is constituted through dense webs of power. Traces of the
determining effects of power are apparent in any mathematics education community
of practice. A dilemma presents itself to those involved directly with those commu-
nities: Do we conceptualise our task in terms of initiating our students into existing
knowledges? Or, might our task be seen, more radically, as troubling the limits of
those knowledges, with a view towards keeping open the prospect of our students
accessing a truth that transcends the parameters of our own teaching since the world
that they are entering is one that we do not know ourselves? In other words, is it
possible for students to reach beyond the frameworks that their teachers offer to
produce a new future beyond our current vision? The latter option is not to be taken
lightly since it requires a major shift in conventional thinking and practice. How do
we fashion a new imaginary in which teachers forego a comprehensive understand-
ing of what their students should be able to achieve? Thus, a key question for math-
ematics education research can be framed in this way: Is it possible to embrace new
ontological possibilities for the learner and teacher beyond established states of
representation? The intention here would be to open another space for talking about
the field in a way that is responsive to the diverse demands it encounters and the
multiple contexts that shape its practices.
This book seeks to provide a theoretical account of how processes of learning
and teaching mathematics create us as particular types of human compatible with
prevalent ideologies. Not so much inclusivity for all in the study of mathematics
but rather compliance for all. The book speculates on why the mathematical work
that precedes each of us motivates us to understand ourselves in the way that we
do. But having understood ourselves in given ways, how do those self-conceptions
then motivate us to construct mathematics in our own actions and pass it on to new
generations? The book argues that caricatures, whether of humans or of mathe-
matical ideas, result from contingent aggregations of historically derived ele-
ments. In these caricatures, we fix ourselves as “humans” by “counting as one” a
certain set of elements (body parts, key locations, years of experience, grade point
averages, Facebook “likes”, consumer preferences, etc.). We fix mathematics in
much the same way (multiplication tables, iteration processes, graphs) and cross-
reference these reductions to each other to the potential exclusion of renewal seen
in more nuanced terms. That is, compliance for mathematics and for people in the
name of inclusivity according to current agenda with the chosen characteristics
sutures new ways of being.
4 1 Introduction
That is, my sense of self is always rather speculative. Lacan’s iconic example of
what he calls the Imaginary is that a child looks into a mirror and says, “That’s
me”. But this identification is with an image, or caricature, rather than the real me.
What’s me, or not me? “The Imaginary is the transformation that takes place in the
subject at the formative mirror phase, when it assumes a discrete image, which
allows it to postulate a series of equivalences, samenesses, identities, between the
objects of the surrounding world” (Bhabha 1994, p. 77). The Lacanian subject is
known through the stories in which the subject appears, such as in a psychoana-
lytic encounter where an analysand depicts aspects of her life through a sequence
of spoken words. That is, the focus is on how life is organised as a conglomerate
of words or symbols or stories or narratives rather than on a supposition of an
actual (biological) life to be observed and classified according to key characteris-
tics. The signifier is privileged over signified. The story that is told somehow
replaces the life that it sought to describe.
The notion of “one life”, “one self” or “one individual”, however, is not always
quite so distinct. Research has described many examples of children accessing
mathematics through computers where the boundary dividing teacher and student is
obscured. For example, the teacher function in the educational use of software can
1 Introduction 5
be enacted in different ways with different degrees of human teacher input. It is easy
to generate many alternative contemporary examples where the nodal boundaries
(teacher, student, mathematics, human, machine) are rather less clear, such as
between where the human stops and the machine begins: children sharing an app on
an iPad; computers consummating a prearranged date to trade shares as predicted
market conditions move into place; Andy Warhol getting confused between the real
and the artificial; Lewis Hamilton and Felipe Massa who became renowned for
repeatedly driving their cars into each other and blaming the cars; Arnold
Schwarzenegger’s alter ego terminating one of his adversaries; the absence of cen-
trality in the World Wide Web; Stephen Hawking producing equations through his
electronic media; or Richard Dawkins and his genes each claiming primacy. The
talking and gesturing individual human described by Piaget as an immediately pres-
ent physical entity is rather less prominent in the landscape of contemporary society
with machines or pedagogical apparatus replacing so much of what had previously
been more direct human contributions. These machinic supplements to human
activity have earlier mathematical conceptions built into them, like bionic arms. The
assumption of a self in an assertion of saying “that’s me” comprises a collation of a
set of characteristics, attributes, organs, etc. that make up “me”, for now. This set of
characteristics is “counted as one” person. Yet there are different ways of constitut-
ing “me”, and different aspects of oneself create the characteristics that make “me”.
And in these constructions of myself I am using, knowingly or unknowingly, more
or fewer of the machine-like supplements that are available to “me”. My personal
boundaries lack clear definition. And I can never be sure how much “me” integrates
forces that I might not support in conscious awareness. Ian McEwan’s fictional
futuristic character Adam is a factory made entity who has so many human charac-
teristics that he is unsure whether he “feels” human or not (McEwan 2019).
Technological advances have resulted in the very infrastructure we inhabit
absorbing socialised mathematical framings from earlier era (Bastani 2019). For
example, the widespread personal ownership of smartphones has relocated and
redefined the very collectivism of encountering mathematics and the tangible mani-
festations or nodal points that locate and define mathematics in the popular imagi-
nary. Numeric algorithms are absorbed into sequences of button presses, swipes,
etc., whilst geometric objects are constructed and apprehended according to the
processes of digital apparatus, rather than with analogic rulers and compasses. But
these digital manipulations conceal design-stage choices in terms of how certain
ideas or procedures are incorporated and understood. Pedagogical choices or func-
tional routes have been made within the technology prior to the user pressing any
buttons at all. Similarly, the very physical and mental formation of humans them-
selves is a function of the textualised and mathematical ecology of which they are
part, and their choices feed into the big data that characterises new forms of normal-
ity. In some countries, smartphones provide an excellent means of governmental
surveillance, where it can even be decided if someone deserves a holiday.
School mathematics is increasingly viewed as part of the apparatus deployed in
responding to political demands for economic and technological development.
Schooling in general, and mathematics education, is increasingly shaped, funded
6 1 Introduction
and judged by its perceived capacity to deliver success in terms of the prescribed
quantitative measures by which so many governments reference their ambitions and
achievements. Good performance here has sometimes been taken as being indica-
tive of wider economic potential: the policy rhetoric suggests that the more we can
improve in those areas, the better for our future national well-being. Governments
of right and left have been seduced by the appeal of “raising standards” in a statisti-
cally defined world, in which standards become a fetish for intellectual life and
academic achievement. Measures of school performance developed in various inter-
national exercises now often define what education is for or what it should be, polic-
ing educational boundaries with ever-greater efficiency. These instruments have
transformed the content of what they purported to compare and similarly threaten to
transform the demands on teachers and pupils preparing to meet these newly defined
challenges. A key effect is a convergence of the metrics that produce normalcy,
equating compliance with specific patterns of achievement with being “good” or
“better”, or even “outstanding”. Policy thus legislates for a specific version of math-
ematics according to a centralised script, normalising what it is or should be to be a
mathematics student and what it is or should be to be a mathematics teacher.
But “improvement” or “maximising” and similar aspirational metaphors for the
passage of time can be understood in many ways. Academic motives and ethics for
working with children in school such as enjoyment of mathematics, mathematical
integrity and functionality in practical situations do not always pull in the same
direction as “improvement” or its metrics. A choice needs to be made as to the sort
of mathematical activity that is worth living, and what or who it is for or against.
Do we want to invest funds in centres of excellence in learning at the expense of
wider inclusion? Should mathematics be promoted at the risk of discriminating
against certain students or promoting dominant political agenda? Should mathe-
matical understanding be conflated with functional technology? We might even ask
whether functional mathematics or its pedagogy is inhibited by overly asserted
notions of certainty. Further, the advance of mathematics is not always desirable.
Often the economic drivers of research in mathematics are not decided by altruistic
purpose or ethical priorities. Missiles rely on research into sophisticated mathemat-
ical models and that can influence the priorities of government funding in mathe-
matics. Our access to scientific and mathematical phenomena is mediated by
multiple foregrounds and is affected by the way in which we apprehend their pur-
pose and accept the challenge of engaging with them as imaginations, possibilities,
obstructions, hopes, fears, stereotypes and preconceptions (Skovsmose 2016,
2019). Manchester residents Ernest Rutherford and Alan Turing each provided
operational levers to ending World War II through their work in mathematics.
Rutherford probably did not predict Hiroshima as an application of his work when
he split the atom. Turing’s work on breaking codes, however, is credited with short-
ening the war by 2 years, by weakening the Nazi naval siege of Britain. We might
also add that mathematics is implicated in the ongoing financial uncertainties
where confidence intervals have sometimes delivered their outliers. Bankers have
calculated their bonuses, but not the outcomes of their own actions amidst the seis-
mic sliding. Their sums seem not to work for other people. Ambitions to improve
the teaching of mathematics can serve multiple ends, not all worthy of our support.
1 Introduction 7
across the spectrum of educational needs and aspirations. There are relatively few
mathematics specialists working at the primary level addressing needs at that stage
of education. Mathematics at the primary level is often tackled by more generalist
educators where the specificity and identity of mathematics education might be seen
very differently. Issues of inclusion in mathematics often need to be considered at a
structural level of putting appropriate curriculums in place rather than equipping
individual teachers with pertinent skills. For this reason, this book is less concerned
with operating in a functional way at any specific level of education such as teacher
agency but rather more concerned with understanding mathematics from a more
general educational perspective across the breadth of schooling where the adminis-
tration of that socially oriented schooling process impacts on the nature of mathe-
matics as we understand it and on how it is taught. The book asserts a new “social
theory” where both of those words remain in transition where the book’s purpose is
to articulate the mechanisms of that transition.
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