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 Practical Database
Programming with Java

ffirs01.indd i 7/20/2011 11:12:56 AM

 IEEE Press
445 Hoes Lane
Piscataway, NJ 08854

IEEE Press Editorial Board

Lajos Hanzo, Editor in Chief

R. Abhari M. El-Hawary O. P. Malik

J. Anderson B-M. Haemmerli S. Nahavandi
G. W. Arnold M. Lanzerotti T. Samad
F. Canavero D. Jacobson G. Zobrist

Kenneth Moore, Director of IEEE Book and Information Services (BIS)

ffirs02.indd ii 7/20/2011 11:12:57 AM

 Practical Database
Programming with Java

Ying Bai
Department of Computer Science and Engineering
Johnson C. Smith University
Charlotte, North Carolina

IEEE PRESS

A John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Publication

ffirs03.indd iii 7/20/2011 11:12:57 AM

 Copyright © 2011 by the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Inc.

Published by John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey

Published simultaneously in Canada

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by
any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning, or otherwise, except as permitted under
Section 107 or 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright Act, without either the prior written permission of
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748-6008, or online at http://www.wiley.com/go/permissions.

Limit of Liability/Disclaimer of Warranty: While the publisher and author have used their best efforts in
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:

Bai, Ying, 1956-
Practical database programming with Java / Ying Bai.
p. cm.
ISBN 978-0-470-88940-4 (pbk.)
1. Database management–Computer programs. 2. Database design. 3. Java (Computer program
language) 4. Computer software–Development. I. Title.
QA76.9.D3B314 2011
005.13'3–dc22
2011009323
obook ISBN 9781118104651
ePDF ISBN 9781118104668
ePub ISBN 9781118104699

Printed in the United States of America

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

ffirs04.indd iv 7/25/2011 7:18:05 PM

 This book is dedicated to my wife, Yan Wang,
and to my daughter, Xue Bai.

ffirs05.indd v 7/20/2011 11:12:59 AM

 Contents

Preface xxiii

Acknowledgments xxv

Chapter 1 Introduction 1
What This Book Covers 2
How This Book Is Organized and How to Use This Book 3
How to Use the Source Code and Sample Databases 5
Instructor and Customer Support 6
Homework Solutions 7

Chapter 2 Introduction to Databases 9

2.1 What Are Databases and Database Programs? 10
2.1.1 File Processing System 10
2.1.2 Integrated Databases 11
2.2 Develop a Database 12
2.3 Sample Database 13
2.3.1 Relational Data Model 15
2.3.2 Entity–Relationship Model 16
2.4 Identifying Keys 17
2.4.1 Primary Key and Entity Integrity 17
2.4.2 Candidate Key 17
2.4.3 Foreign Keys and Referential Integrity 17
2.5 Define Relationships 18
2.5.1 Connectivity 18
2.6 ER Notation 21
2.7 Data Normalization 21
2.7.1 First Normal Form (1NF) 22
2.7.2 Second Normal Form (2NF) 23
2.7.3 Third Normal Form (3NF) 24
vii

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 viii Contents

2.8 Database Components in Some Popular Databases 26

2.8.1 Microsoft Access Databases 26
2.8.1.1 Database File 27
2.8.1.2 Tables 27
2.8.1.3 Queries 27
2.8.2 SQL Server Databases 27
2.8.2.1 Data Files 28
2.8.2.2 Tables 28
2.8.2.3 Views 29
2.8.2.4 Stored Procedures 29
2.8.2.5 Keys and Relationships 29
2.8.2.6 Indexes 30
2.8.2.7 Transaction Log Files 30
2.8.3 Oracle Databases 30
2.8.3.1 Data Files 31
2.8.3.2 Tables 31
2.8.3.3 Views 31
2.8.3.4 Stored Procedures 31
2.8.3.5 Indexes 32
2.8.3.6 Initialization Parameter Files 33
2.8.3.7 Control Files 33
2.8.3.8 Redo log Files 33
2.8.3.9 Password Files 34
2.9 Create Microsoft Access Sample Database 34
2.9.1 Create the LogIn Table 34
2.9.2 Create the Faculty Table 36
2.9.3 Create the Other Tables 37
2.9.4 Create Relationships among Tables 39
2.10 Create Microsoft SQL Server 2008
Sample Database 44
2.10.1 Create the LogIn Table 46
2.10.2 Create the Faculty Table 48
2.10.3 Create Other Tables 49
2.10.4 Create Relationships among Tables 54
2.10.4.1 Create Relationship between the LogIn and the Faculty Tables 54
2.10.4.2 Create Relationship between the LogIn and the Student Tables 57
2.10.4.3 Create Relationship between the Faculty and the Course Tables 58
2.10.4.4 Create Relationship between the Student and the
StudentCourse Tables 59
2.10.4.5 Create Relationship between the Course and the
StudentCourse Tables 60
2.11 Create Oracle 10g XE Sample Database 61
2.11.1 Create an Oracle User Database 63
2.11.2 Add New Data Tables into the Oracle User Database 64
2.11.2.1 Create the LogIn Table 65
2.11.2.2 Create the Faculty Table 69
2.11.2.3 Create Other Tables 74

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 Contents ix

2.11.3 Create the Constraints Between Tables 77

2.11.3.1 Create the Constraints between the LogIn and Faculty Tables 77
2.11.3.2 Create the Constraints between the LogIn and Student Tables 79
2.11.3.3 Create the Constraints between the Course and
Faculty Tables 80
2.11.3.4 Create the Constraints between the StudentCourse
and Student Tables 82
2.11.3.5 Create the Constraints between the StudentCourse
and Course Tables 82
2.12 Chapter Summary 85
Homework 85

Chapter 3 JDBC API and JDBC Drivers 89

3.1 What Are JDBC and JDBC API? 89
3.2 JDBC Components and Architecture 90
3.3 How Does JDBC Work? 92
3.3.1 Establish a Connection 92
3.3.1.1 Using DriverManager to Establish a Connection 92
3.3.1.2 Using DataSource Object to Establish a Connection 93
3.3.2 Build and Execute SQL Statements 94
3.3.3 Process Results 94
3.3.3.1 Using ResultSet Object 95
3.3.3.2 Using RowSet Object 95
3.4 JDBC Driver and Driver Types 95
3.4.1 Type I: JDBC-ODBC Bridge Driver 96
3.4.2 Type II: Native-API-Partly-Java Driver 97
3.4.3 Type III: JDBC-Net-All-Java Driver 97
3.4.4 Type IV: Native-Protocol-All-Java Driver 98
3.5 JDBC Standard Extension API 99
3.5.1 JDBC DataSource 99
3.5.1.1 Java Naming and Directory Interface 100
3.5.1.2 Deploy and Use a Basic Implementation of DataSource 100
3.5.2 JDBC Driver-Based Connection Pooling 102
3.5.3 Distributed Transactions 104
3.5.3.1 Distributed Transaction Components and Scenarios 104
3.5.3.2 The Distributed Transaction Process 105
3.5.4 JDBC RowSet 106
3.5.4.1 Introduction to Java RowSet Object 106
3.5.4.2 Implementation Process of a RowSet Object 107
3.6 Chapter Summary 108
Homework 109

Chapter 4 JDBC Application Design Considerations 113

4.1 JDBC Application Models 113
4.1.1 Two-Tier Client-Server Model 113
4.1.2 Three-Tier Client–Server Model 114

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 x Contents

4.2 JDBC Applications Fundamentals 115

4.2.1 Loading and Registering Drivers 116
4.2.2 Getting Connected 117
4.2.2.1 The DriverManager and Driver Classes 117
4.2.2.2 Using the DriverManager.getConnection() Method 119
4.2.2.3 Using the Driver.connect() Method 119
4.2.2.4 The JDBC Connection URL 120
4.2.2.5 Establish a Database Connection 120
4.2.3 Executing Statements 122
4.2.3.1 Overview of Statement Objects and Their Execution Methods 123
4.2.3.2 Using the Statement Object 126
4.2.3.3 Using the PreparedStatement Object 127
4.2.3.4 Using the CallableStatement Object 131
4.2.3.5 More about the Execution Methods 135
4.2.3.6 Creating and Executing SQL Statements 137
4.2.4 Retrieving Results 140
4.2.4.1 The ResultSet Interface 141
4.2.4.2 Getting and Processing the ResultSet Object 142
4.2.5 Using JDBC MetaData Interfaces 145
4.2.5.1 Using the ResultSetMetaData Interface 145
4.2.5.2 Using the DatabaseMetaData Interface 147
4.2.5.3 Using the ParameterMetaData Interface 149
4.2.6 Closing the Connection and Statements 149
4.3 Chapter Summary 151
Homework 152

Chapter 5 Introduction to NetBeans IDE 155

5.1 Overview of the NetBeans IDE 6.8 156
5.1.1 The NetBeans Platform 158
5.1.2 The NetBeans Open Source IDE 159
5.2 Installing and Configuring the NetBeans IDE 6.8 161
5.3 Exploring NetBeans IDE 6.8 164
5.3.1 An Overview of NetBeans IDE 6.8 GUI 165
5.3.2 Build a New Java Project 167
5.3.2.1 Build a Java Application Project 168
5.3.2.2 Build a Java Desktop Application 178
5.3.2.3 Build a Java Class Library 183
5.3.2.4 Build a Java Project with Existing Sources 191
5.3.2.5 Build a Java Free-Form Project 192
5.3.3 Build a JavaFX Application Project 193
5.3.3.1 Overview of JavaFX 193
5.3.3.2 JavaFX SDK 194
5.3.3.3 JavaFX Script Language 195
5.3.3.4 Build a JavaFX Script Application 195
5.3.3.5 Build a JavaFX Desktop Business Application 201
5.3.3.6 Build JavaFX Mobile Business Application 214

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 Contents xi

5.3.4 Build
a Java Web Application Project 214
5.3.5 Build
a Java Enterprise Edition Project 214
5.3.5.1 Overview of Java Enterprise Edition 6 215
5.3.5.2 Install and Configure Java EE 6 Software and Tools 222
5.3.5.3 Create a Java EE 6 Web Application Project 224
5.3.5.4 Creating the Entity Classes from the Database 227
5.3.5.5 Creating Enterprise Java Beans 229
5.3.5.6 Using JavaServer Faces (JSF) 2.0 232
5.3.5.7 Creating the Manufacturer Managed Bean 234
5.3.5.8 Creating the Manufacturer Listing Web Page 235
5.3.5.9 Building and Running the First Java EE 6 Web Page 238
5.3.5.10Deploying the Project Using the Administration Console 239
5.3.5.11Creating the Manufacturer Details Web Page 241
5.3.5.12Creating and Editing the faces-config.xml Configuration File 242
5.3.5.13Editing the General Web Application Configuration
File web.xml 247
5.3.5.14 Modifying the JSF Pages to Perform Page Switching 248
5.3.5.15 Building and Running the Entire Java EE 6 Project 249
5.3.6 Build a Maven Project 251
5.3.6.1 Introduction to Maven 251
5.3.6.2 Introduction to Hibernate Framework 253
5.3.6.3 Installing and Configuring the Apache Maven 255
5.3.6.4 Configuring Maven Inside the NetBeans IDE 258
5.3.6.5 Creating a Maven Database Application Project 259
5.3.6.6 Adding Hibernate Files and Dependencies 261
5.3.6.7 Generating Hibernate Mapping Files and Java Classes 265
5.3.6.8 Creating the Application GUI 268
5.3.6.9 Creating the Query in the HQL Query Editor 270
5.3.6.10 Adding the Query to the GUI Form 272
5.3.7 Build a PHP Project 276
5.3.7.1 Introduction to PHP 276
5.3.7.2 Downloading and Installing Apache HTTP Web Server 277
5.3.7.3 Configuring and Testing the Installed Apache HTTP
Web Server 279
5.3.7.4 Downloading and Installing the PHP Engine 280
5.3.7.5 Testing the Installed PHP Engine 281
5.3.7.6 Creating a PHP Project 283
5.3.7.7 Downloading and Configuring MySQL Database Server 285
5.3.7.8 Configuring the MySQL Server in NetBeans IDE 288
5.3.7.9 Creating Our Sample Database MySQLSample 290
5.3.7.10 Building the Functions for the PHP Project 293
5.3.7.11 Running and Testing the PHP Project 297
5.3.8 Build a NetBeans Module 299
5.3.8.1 Create a New NetBeans Module Project 300
5.3.8.2 Create the Customer Entity Class and Wrap It into a Module 301
5.3.8.3 Create Other Related Modules 303
5.3.8.4 Create the User Interface Module 306

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 xii Contents

5.3.8.5 Set Dependencies between Modules 309

5.3.8.6 Build and Run the NetBeans Module Project 311
5.4 Chapter Summary 312
Homework 313

PART I Building Two-Tier Client–Server Applications 317

Chapter 6 Query Data from Databases 319
Section I Query Data Using Java Persistence API Wizards 319
6.1 Java Persistence APIs 319
6.1.1 Features of JPA 320
6.1.2 Advantages of JPA 320
6.1.3 Architecture and Function of JPA 320
6.2 Query Data Using Java Persistence API Wizards (JPA) 321
6.2.1 Connect to Different Databases and Drivers Using
JPA Wizards 322
6.2.1.1 Connect to the Microsoft Access Database
CSE_DEPT 322
6.2.1.2 Connect to the Microsoft SQL Server 2008 Express
Database CSE_DEPT 323
6.2.1.3 Connect to the Oracle Database 10g Express Edition
CSE_DEPT 333
6.2.2 Create a Java Application Project to Query SQL
Server Database 338
6.2.3 Use Java JPA Wizards to Query the LogIn Table 340
6.2.4 Use Java Persistence API to Build Entity Classes
from Databases 341
6.2.5 Add LogIn Entity Manager and JPA Components
into the Project 344
6.2.5.1 Entity Classes Mapping Files 345
6.2.5.2 Use Java Persistence Query Language Statement 346
6.2.5.3 Static and Dynamic JPA Query API 346
6.2.5.4 Positional Parameters and Named Parameters 348
6.2.5.5 Use Entity Classes to Build a Query to Perform the
Login Process 349
6.2.5.6 Use a JDialog as a MessageBox 351
6.2.6 Use Java JPA Wizards to Create Selection Window 354
6.2.6.1 Add a New JFrame as the SelectionFrame Form 354
6.2.6.2 Modify Codes to Coordinate Operations in SelectionFrame
and LogInFrame 358
6.2.7 Use Java JPA Wizards to Query the Faculty Table 360
6.2.7.1 Create a New FacultyFrame Class and Add It into Our Project 360
6.2.7.2 Add Faculty Entity Manager and JPA Components into
the Project 362
6.2.7.3 Use Entity Classes to Perform Data Query from the
Faculty Table 363

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 Contents xiii

6.2.8 Use Java JPA Wizards to Query the Course Table 372
6.2.8.1 Create a New CourseFrame Class and Add It into Our Project 372
6.2.8.2 Add Course Entity Manager and JPA Components into
the Project 373
6.2.8.3 Use Entity Classes to Perform Data Query from the
Course Table 374
6.2.9 Use Java JPA Wizards to Query Oracle Database 381

Section II Query Data Using Java Runtime Objects Method 383

6.3 Introduction to Runtime Object Method 383
6.4 Create a Java Application Project to Access the SQL Server Database 384
6.4.1 Create Graphic User Interfaces 384
6.4.2 Perform the Data Query for the LogIn Table 388
6.4.2.1 Load and Register Database Drivers 389
6.4.2.2 Connect to Databases and Drivers 393
6.4.2.3 Create and Manage Statement Object 394
6.4.2.4 Use PreparedStatement Object to Perform Dynamic Query 395
6.4.2.5 Use ResultSet Object 398
6.4.3 Develop the Codes for the SelectionFrame Form 399
6.4.3.1 Modify Codes to Coordinate between SelectionFrame
and LogInFrame 402
6.4.4 Perform the Data Query for the Faculty Table 403
6.4.4.1 Add Java Package and Coding for the Constructor 403
6.4.4.2 Query Data using JDBC MetaData Interface 404
6.4.4.3 Query Data Using the execute() Method to Perform a
Query-Related Action 410
6.4.4.4 Query Data Using the CallableStatement Method 412
6.4.5 Perform the Data Query for the Course Table 412
6.4.5.1 Import Java Packages and Coding for the
CourseFrame Constructor 413
6.4.5.2 Query Data from Course Table Using CallableStatements 414
6.4.5.3 Coding for the Select Button Click Event Handler to Perform
CallableStatement Query 420
6.4.5.4 Build the SQL Stored Procedure dbo.FacultyCourse 421
6.4.5.5 Coding for the CourseList Box to Display Detailed Information for the
Selected Course 427
6.4.5.6 Coding for the Back Button Click Event Handler 429
6.4.6 Query Data from the Student Table Using the Java RowSet Object 430
6.4.6.1 Introduction to Java RowSet Object 430
6.4.6.2 The Operational Procedure of Using the JDBC
RowSet Object 432
6.4.6.3 Build a Graphical User Interface StudentFrame Form 433
6.4.6.4 Coding for the Constructor of the StudentFrame Class 435
6.4.6.5 Coding for the Select Button Event Handler to Query Data Using the
CachedRowSet 436
6.4.6.6 Add and Display a Student Picture for the Selected Student 439

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 xiv Contents

6.5 Create a Java Application Project to Access the Oracle Database 441
6.5.1 Create Graphic User Interfaces 442
6.5.2 Perform the Data Query for the LogIn Table 442
6.5.2.1 Add Oracle JDBC Driver to the Project 442
6.5.2.2 Load and Register Oracle JDBC Driver 443
6.5.2.3 The JDBC Uniform Resource Locators (URLs) 443
6.5.3 Develop the Codes for the SelectionFrame Form 445
6.5.4 Perform the Data Query for the Faculty Table 445
6.5.4.1 Create an Oracle Package FacultyInfo 446
6.5.4.2 Develop the Codes to Perform the CallableStatement Query 447
6.5.5 Perform the Data Query for the Course Table 449
6.5.5.1 Create an Oracle Package FacultyCourse 449
6.5.5.2 Develop the Codes to Perform the CallableStatement Query 451
6.5.6 Query Data from the Student Table Using the Java RowSet Object 453
6.5.6.1 Modify the Codes in the Constructor of the
StudentFrame Class 453
6.5.6.2 Modify the Codes in the Select Button Click Event Handler 453
6.6 Chapter Summary 455
Homework 457

Chapter 7 Insert, Update, and Delete Data from Databases 463

Section I Insert, Update and Delete Data Using Java Persistence API Wizards 463
7.1 Perform Data Manipulations to SQL Server Database Using JPA
Wizards 464
7.1.1 Perform Data Insertion to SQL Server Database
Using JPA Wizards 464
7.1.1.1 Modify the FacultyFrame Window Form 465
7.1.1.2 The Persist Method in the EntityManager Class 466
7.1.1.3 Develop the Codes for the Insert Button Event Handler 468
7.1.1.4 Develop the Codes for the Validation of the Data Insertion 469
7.1.1.5 Build and Run the Project to Test the Data Insertion 471
7.1.2 Perform Data Updating to SQL Server Database Using JPA
Wizards 474
7.1.2.1 Develop the Codes for the Update Button Event Handler 474
7.1.2.2 Build and Run the Project to Test the Data Updating 476
7.1.3 Perform Data Deleting to SQL Server Database Using JPA Wizards 478
7.1.3.1 Develop the Codes for the Delete Button Event Handler 478
7.1.3.2 Build and Run the Project to Test the Data Deletion 480
7.2 Perform Data Manipulations to Oracle Database Using JPA Wizards 482
7.2.1 Perform Data Insertion to Oracle Database Using JPA Wizards 482
7.2.1.1 Modify the FacultyFrame Window Form 482
7.2.1.2 Develop the Codes for the Insert Button Event Handler 483
7.2.2 Perform Data Updating to Oracle Database Using
JPA Wizards 485
7.2.3 Perform Data Deleting to Oracle Database Using JPA Wizards 487

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 Contents xv

Section II Insert, Update and Delete Data Using Java Runtime Objects Method 488

7.3 Perform Data Manipulations to SQL Server Database Using Java

Runtime Object 488
7.3.1 Perform Data Insertion to SQL Server Database Using Java
Runtime Object 488
7.3.1.1 Modify the FacultyFrame Window Form 489
7.3.1.2 Develop the Codes for the Insert Button Event Handler 490
7.3.1.3 Develop the Codes for the Validation of the Data Insertion 492
7.3.1.4 Build and Run the Project to Test the Data Insertion 493
7.3.2 Perform Data Updating to SQL Server Database Using Java
Runtime Object 496
7.3.2.1 Develop the Codes for the Update Button Event Handler 496
7.3.2.2 Build and Run the Project to Test the Data Updating 497
7.3.3 Perform Data Deleting to SQL Server Database Using Java
Runtime Object 499
7.3.3.1 Develop the Codes for the Delete Button Event Handler 499
7.3.3.2 Build and Run the Project to Test the Data Deleting 500
7.4 Perform Data Manipulations to Oracle Database Using Java Runtime Object 502
7.4.1 Perform Data Insertion to Oracle Database Using Java Runtime
Object 503
7.4.1.1 Modify the FacultyFrame Window Form 503
7.4.1.2 Develop the Codes for the Insert Button Event Handler 504
7.4.2 Perform Data Updating to Oracle Database Using Java Runtime
Object 507
7.4.3 Perform Data Deleting to Oracle Database Using Java Runtime
Object 509
7.5 Perform Data Manipulations Using Updatable ResultSet 510
7.5.1 Introduction to ResultSet Enhanced Functionalities and Categories 510
7.5.2 Perform Data Manipulations Using Updatable ResultSet Object 512
7.5.2.1 Insert a New Row Using the Updatable ResultSet 512
7.5.2.2 Update a Row Using the Updatable ResultSet 517
7.5.2.3 Delete a Row Using the Updatable ResultSet 520
7.6 Perform Data Manipulations Using Callable Statements 522
7.6.1 Perform Data Manipulations to SQL Server Database Using
Callable Statements 523
7.6.1.1 Insert Data to SQL Server Database Using Callable Statements 523
7.6.1.2 Update Data to SQL Server Database Using Callable
Statements 530
7.6.1.3 Delete Data from SQL Server Database Using Callable
Statements 536
7.6.2 Perform Data Manipulations to Oracle Database Using Callable
Statements 540
7.6.2.1 Modify the CourseFrame Form Window 541
7.6.2.2 Build Three Oracle Stored Procedures 542
7.6.2.3 Build and Run the Project to Test the Data Manipulations 547

ftoc.indd xv 7/20/2011 6:26:20 PM

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Somewhere about the year 1360 there appeared at Paris a young
Flemish student named Gerard, a native of the town of Deventer,
whose success in every branch of study acquired him no mean fame
in academic circles, and inflated him with a corresponding degree of
vanity. He took his master’s degree in his eighteenth year, received
several rich benefices, began a very pompous and expensive way of
life, and at last removed to Cologne, less to study than to display
and enjoy himself. There, however, he found his fate awaiting him. It
was the precise period when a great spiritual reaction was going on
in Rhenish Germany: not twenty years before Cologne had
witnessed the conversion of the celebrated John Tauler, whose pride
of learning had yielded to the simple word of a nameless unlettered
layman, and who spent the rest of his life in preaching those
doctrines of self-abnegation on which he built the edifice of the
spiritual life. Ruysbroek, the greatest contemplative of his time, was
still living in the Green Valley of the forest of Soignies, and training
many a fervid soul in the mystic science which aimed at uniting man
to God by utterly separating him from creatures. It was probably one
of these disciples of Ruysbroek, a religious solitary, whose name, like
that of Tauler’s “layman,” has not been preserved, who determined
to undertake the conversion of the gay young canon, in whom,
despite his vanity and his love of the world, he detected the promise
of more excellent things.
The biographer of Gerard has told the story of his conversion
briefly enough, and compressed the arguments of the orator into
one brief sentence, Quid hic stas, vanis intentus? Alius homo fieri
debes. And another man Gerard indeed became. He flung the world
behind his back, and entered on a life of penance with no less
ardour than that with which he had applied himself awhile before to
the business of the schools. For three years he retired among the
Carthusians and wholly disappeared from the world; and when he
returned there was little of the old Gerard about him. He at once
devoted himself to the work of preaching, and generally preached
twice a day, his sermons being seldom less than three hours in
length. But it was difficult to weary a German congregation of that
enthusiastic period, and no complaints appear to have been made of
Gerard’s prolixity. During his retirement he had placed himself under
the direction of Ruysbroek, and appears to have caught much of his
tone and spirit. He had made the Scriptures his only study, and
these, expounded with simple eloquence from earnest lips, drew him
crowds of hearers, “clergy and laity, men and women, little and
great, learned and unlearned, lawyers and magistrates, bond and
free, rich and poor, beggars and pilgrims.” He laid the axe to the root
of the tree, and like St. John Baptist, called on all men to do worthy
works of penance. In short, he gave the age what it wanted, and
though he met with many contradictions, he also effected many
practical reforms.
Gerard the Great, as he was called, soon reckoned a considerable
number of disciples, whom he made it his chief object to ground in
the spiritual life; and in spite of his renown as one of the most
learned doctors of his time, he thoroughly inculcated the lesson of
intellectual humility. Out of the ranks of his followers was gradually
formed a sort of fraternity or congregation; and he had conceived
the design of founding for their reception certain monasteries under
the rule of the Canons Regular, in which purpose he was greatly
encouraged by Ruysbroek. Gerard died before he was able to put his
plans into execution, but they were carried out by his disciples, and
specially by Master Florentius Radewyns, a canon of Utrecht, a
former student at the university of Prague. The new religious
assumed the title of “Brethren of the Common Life;” their mother-
house was at Deventer, they lived like monks, though without at first
taking the religious vows, and their employment was the correction
and transcription of books, which formed their principal source of
revenue. Gerard, in the rule he had drawn up for his own guidance,
had prohibited all profane studies. He desired that his children
should exclusively addict themselves to the reading of the Scriptures
and the Fathers, not wasting their time over “such vanities as
geometry, arithmetic, rhetoric, logic, grammar, lyric poetry, and
judicial astrology.” In the rigorism of these views we detect the spirit
of one who has tasted of a poisoned cup, and knows no other
security than a rule of total abstinence. He specially forbids all
gainful studies, which obscure and obliquify the human reason, and
do not tend to God; and he roundly asserts that very few persons
who follow the pursuits of law or medicine are ever found who live a
just, honest, and quiet life. No doubt his principles were extreme,
and it is some consolation to find that he admitted of certain
dispensations. The wiser of the Gentile philosophers, such as Plato
and Socrates, might, he admitted, be read with profit. Seneca also
was to be tolerated, and with an amiable inconsistency we find him,
even in his rule of life, slipping in, half unconsciously, a quotation
from Virgil.
All this was exactly what might have been expected from a
converted man of the world; but Florentius had gone through a
different kind of experience, and one which made his views less
austere and exclusive. He had passed the ordeal of a university
career unscathed, and his biographer expends an entire chapter in
bringing forward proofs why the name he bore was specially
appropriate to one whose life from childhood had been so holy and
unspotted. Not only was he himself a flower of all perfection, but he
was also destined to make the houses he governed flower-beds from
which spiritual bees were to suck the honey of wisdom; his brethren
were to give out to a naughty world the sweet odour of virtue,
according to that of the Spouse in the Canticles, “The flowers have
appeared in our land.” Florentius was the model of a good scholar,
kind to his equals, respectful to his superiors, a proficient in the
liberal arts, but keeping his heart for the Divine law, which he loved
and studied far more diligently than he did the book of the Gentiles.
Under his superiority the labours of the brethren were made to
embrace a larger sphere of usefulness, and to include the education
of youth. The prohibition against profane learning speedily
disappeared, and the schools of Deventer attained high celebrity;
and there, in 1393, a little scholar, Thomas Hammerlein by name,
was admitted under the roof of Florentius, becoming afterwards the
biographer of his revered master, and the reputed author of the
“Following of Christ.”
Not to enter into the vexed question whether he were indeed the
author, or only the transcriber, of that first of uninspired books, it is
yet satisfactory to know that the Thomas à Kempis, whom from
infancy we have been used to revere, is not reduced by the
investigations of ruthless critics to a mere mythical existence. He
really lived, wrote, taught, and prayed. In the college of Deventer he
studied grammar and plain-chant under Florentius, and tells us how,
when present in choir with his schoolfellows, he loved stealthily to
watch his master, because of his devout aspect, being cautious,
however, that his pious curiosity was not perceived, inasmuch as the
good rector could make himself feared as well as loved. He takes us
into the school, too, and shows us the master setting copies, and
praising the flexible fingers of a little disciple, whom, with the
blessing of God, he hopes to form into a good writer. Or we enter
the cell of the devout brother, Gerard of Zutphen, whose whole
consolation lay in holy books, and who was liable to get so absorbed
in the study of them, that a charitable brother had to come and
warn him when the bell had rung for dinner. He was the librarian,
and had a passing great care for his books; but as for himself and
his corporeal wants, if superiors and companions had not seen to
them better than he did himself, he would have fared but poorly. He
thought so highly of the benefits to be derived from useful reading,
that he lent his books to ecclesiastics out of doors, to win them from
idle and frivolous amusements. “Books,” he would say, “preach
better than we can do.” And therefore he held them in great
reverence, read them lovingly, and copied them with the utmost
diligence. Nor must we omit to mention the pious cook, John Ketel,
the saint of the community, as all, by common consent, seem to
have regarded him. Florentius knew his merit, and to increase it
never gave him a civil word; but his humility and sweetness were
proof against every trial. Or that devout clerk, Arnold Schoonhove, a
schoolfellow of Thomas, who never played in the streets with other
idle boys, and when he sat in school with them heeded not their
childish pranks, but steadily wrote down the master’s words on
paper, and got a chosen comrade (who was probably Thomas
himself) to read over the lesson to him, or hear him repeat it. “It
was God whom he chiefly sought in his studies,” says his friend, “and
what he liked best was to get into a quiet corner and pray.” After
seven years’ study among the Brethren of Common Life, Thomas
took the habit of the Canons Regular in the monastery of St. Agnes,
at Zwoll, where he lived till his ninety-second year, engaged in useful
labours, transcribing and composing pious books, which earned for
him the sobriquet of the Hammer of Hearts. He has left us
memorials of his monastery and his college-life, written with a sweet
simplicity which reminds us of Bede. Of his own life we know but
little, yet that little has a character of its own. His world was his cell;
he was never quite happy out of it, and if sometimes induced by his
brethren to go abroad and take a little air, he would soon contrive to
get away, with the transparent excuse, that “Some one was waiting
for him in his chamber.” The others would smile, knowing well Who
He was of Whom he spoke, even the Beloved, of Whom it is written
that He stands at the door and knocks. In all the books that he
transcribed he wrote his favourite motto, “Everywhere I sought for
rest, but I found it nowhere save in a little corner, with a little book.”
And a certain old and much-defaced picture was long preserved,
which represented his effigies surrounded with the legend, which
must here be added in its original phraseology:—“In omnibus
requiem quæsivi, sed non inveni, nisi in Hoexkins ende Boexkins.”
In process of time the Brethren of Common Life spread over
Flanders, France, and Germany, and the schools they founded
multiplied and flourished. They were introduced into the University
of Paris by John Standonch, a doctor of the Sorbonne, who gave into
their direction the College de Montaigu, of which he was the
principal, and established them in Cambray, Valenciennes, Mechlin,
and Louvain. He drew up statutes for their use, which are supposed
by Du Boulay to have furnished St. Ignatius with the first notions of
his rule, an idea which receives some corroboration from the fact
that the saint studied at the College de Montaigu during his
residence at the University of Paris. Standonch himself received the
habit of the Poor Clerks, as they were now often called, and had the
satisfaction of seeing more than 300 good scholars issue from his
schools, many of whom undertook the direction or reform of other
academies. In 1430 the Institute numbered forty-five houses, and
thirty years later the numbers were increased threefold. The
Deventer brethren were far from being mere mystics and
transcribers of books. The aim of their foundation was doubtless to
supply a system of education which should revive something of the
old monastic discipline, but they cultivated all the higher branches of
learning, and their schools were among the first of those north of
the Alps which introduced the revived study of classical literature.
One of their most illustrious scholars was Nicholas of Cusa, or
Cusanus, the son of a poor fisherman, who won his doctor’s cap at
Padua, and became renowned for his Greek, Hebrew, and
mathematical learning. Eugenius IV. appointed him his legate, and
Nicholas V. created him Cardinal and Bishop of Brixen, in the Tyrol.
His personal character won him the veneration of his people, but,
according to Tennemann, his love of mathematics led him into many
theological extravagances. He was strongly inclined to the views of
the Neo-Platonists; he considered, moreover, that all human
knowledge was contained in the ideas of numbers, and attempted to
explain the mystery of the Holy Trinity on mathematical principles.
He was undoubtedly a distinguished man of science, and was the
first among moderns to revive the Pythagorean hypothesis of the
motion of the earth round the sun. Cusanus had studied at most of
the great universities, but held none of them in great esteem, for he
professed a sovereign contempt for the scholastic philosophy which
still held its ground in those academies. At his death he left his
wealth to an hospital which he had founded in his native village, and
to which he attached a magnificent library. Deventer could boast
indeed of being the fruitful mother of great scholars, such as Hegius,
Langius, and Dringeberg, all of whom afterwards took part in the
restoration of letters. The brethren, moreover, displayed
extraordinary zeal in promoting the new art of printing, and one of
the earliest Flemish presses was set up in their college. And in 1475,
when Alexander Hegius became rector of the schools, he made the
first bold experiment of printing Greek.
It is not to be supposed that such a revolution as that which was
brought about in the world of letters by the new invention could fail
of producing events of a mixed character of good and evil. Whatever
was fermenting in the minds of the people now found expression
through the press, and Hallam notices “the incredible host of popular
religious tracts poured forth” before the close of the fifteenth
century, most of them of a character hostile to the faith. The first
censorship of printed books appears to have been established in
1480, by Berthold, Archbishop of Mentz, who explained his reasons
for taking this step in a mandate, wherein he complains of the abuse
of the “divine art” of printing, whereby perverse men have turned
that to the injury of mankind which was designed for their
instruction. Specially he alludes to those unauthorised and faulty
translations into the vulgar tongue of the Scriptures, and even the
canons of the Church, wherein men of no learning or experience
have taken on them to invent new words or use old ones in
erroneous senses, in order to express the meaning of the original, “a
thing most dangerous in the Sacred Scriptures.” He therefore forbids
any such translations to be thenceforward published without being
approved by four doctors, under pain of excommunication, desiring
that the art which was first of all discovered in his city, “not without
divine aid,” should be maintained in all its honour.
This mandate was only directed against the faulty translations of
the Holy Scriptures. No opposition was offered to the multiplication
of correct versions, both of the Latin Vulgate and its various
translations. The Cologne Bible, printed in 1479, had before this
appeared, with the formal approbation of the university. The very
first book printed by Gutenburg and Fust in 1453, was the Latin
Bible, and among the twenty-four books printed in Germany before
the year 1470 we find five Latin and two German editions of the
Bible. Translations of the Holy Scriptures into various modern
tongues were among the very first books issued from the press; as
the Bohemian version in 1475, Italian in 1471—which ran through
eleven editions before the close of the century, the Dutch in 1477,
and the French in the same year. The admirers of Luther have
therefore fallen into a strange error, when they represent him as the
first to unlock the Scriptures to the people, for twenty-four editions
of the German Bible alone had been printed and published before his
time.
It was in the year 1476 that a little choir-boy of Utrecht entered
the college of Deventer, and gave such signs of genius and industry
as to draw from his masters the prediction that he would one day be
the light of his age. He was a namesake of the founder, but, after
the fashion of the day, adopted a Latin and Greek version of his
Flemish name of Gerard, and was to be known to posterity as
Desiderius Erasmus. Like Thomas à Kempis, he passed from the
schools of Deventer to the cloisters of the Canons Regular, a step
which, he assures us, was forced on him by his guardians, and never
had his own assent. A happy accident enabled him to visit Rome in
the suite of the Bishop of Cambray and once released from the
wearisome discipline of convent life, he never returned to it, but
spent the rest of his life wandering from one to another of the
capitals of France, Italy, and England, teaching for a livelihood,
courted by all the literary and religious parties of the day, and
satirising them all by turns, indisputably the literary Coryphæus of
his age, but penetrated through and through with its scoffing and
presumptuous spirit. It was an age fruitful in pedants and
humanists, whose destiny it was to help on the revolution in faith by
a revolution in letters. Schools and professors multiplied throughout
Germany. At the very time when Hegius was teaching the elements
of Greek to Erasmus, his old comrades Langius and Dringeberg were
presiding over the schools of Munster and Schelstadt. Rodolph
Langius exerted himself strenuously in the cause of polite letters,
and whilst superintending his classes occupied spare moments in
correcting the text of almost every Latin work which at that time
issued from the press, and in making deadly war on the scholastic
philosophy. His rejection of the old-fashioned school-books and his
innovations on time-honoured abuses raised against him the friars of
Cologne, and a controversy ensued in which Langius won so much
success as enabled him to affix the stigma of barbarism on his
opponents. His friend and namesake Rodolph Agricola, who had
studied at Ferrara under Theodore of Gaza, and was held by his
admirers superior in erudition to Politian himself, at this time
presided over the school of Groningen. Besides his skill in the
learned tongues he was a poet, a painter, a musician, an orator, and
a philosopher. Such a multitude of accomplishments won him an
invitation to the court of the Elector Palatine at Heidelberg, where a
certain learned academy had been founded, called the Rhenish
Society, for the encouragement of Greek and Hebrew literature, the
members of which, says Hallam, “did not scorn to relax their minds
with feasting and dancing, not forgetting the ancient German
attachment to the flowing cup.” This is a polite way of rendering a
very ugly passage, which in the original tells us plainly that the
Rhenish academicians were addicted to excessive inebriety and other
disgraceful vices. It is somewhat remarkable, however, that Agricola,
who died three years after his removal to Heidelberg, received on his
death-bed the habit of those very friars whom, during life, he and
his friend Langius had done their best to hold up to popular
contempt.
 About the same time Reuchlin was studying at Paris, where, in
1458, Gregory of Tiferno had been appointed Greek professor.
Reuchlin visited Rome, and translated a passage from Thucydides in
the presence of Argyrophilus, with such success that the Greek
exclaimed, in a transport of delight (and possibly of surprise, at such
an achievement on the part of a Northern barbarian), “Our banished
Greece has flown beyond the Alps!” Reuchlin was a Hebrew scholar,
a circumstance which, in the end, proved his ruin; for, embracing the
Cabalistic philosophy, he abandoned classics and good sense in the
pursuit of that absurd mysticism. In this strange infatuation he had
many companions. Not a few of those who had shown themselves
foremost in deriding the scholastic philosophy, ended by substituting
in its place either open scepticism or the philosophy of magic. A few
years later, the wild theories of Cornelius Agrippa, Paracelsus, and
Jerome Cardan, found eager adherents among those who conceived
it a proof of good scholarship to despise St. Thomas as a Goth.
Reuchlin, whilst pouring forth his bitter satires against the old
theologians, was printing his treatise on the Cabala, entitled De
Verbo Mirifico, wherein magic is declared to be the perfection of
philosophy, which work was formally condemned at Rome. However,
all the French savants of the Renaissance were not Cabalists, nor did
all, when they introduced the study of Greek, forget that it was the
language of the Gospels. The real restoration of Greek studies in
France must be ascribed to Budæus, who made up, by the piety and
indefatigable studies of his later years, for a youth of wild
irregularity. He had studied under Lascaris, and though he had
reached a very mature age before he devoted himself to letters, he
soon became as familiar with the learned tongues as with his native
idiom. His treatise on the Ancient Money first rendered his name
famous, and secured him the friendship of Francis I. He profited
from the favour shown him by that monarch, to solicit from him the
foundation of the Royal College of France, for the cultivation of the
three learned tongues, and thus fairly introduced the “Cecropian
Muse” into the University of Paris. If we may credit the authority of a
grave rector of that university, this momentous change was
advantageous, not merely to the minds but also to the morals of her
students. St. Jerome, as we know, imposed upon himself the study
of Hebrew as an efficacious means of taming the passions; and
Rollin affirms that many who, in former years, had been nothing but
idle men of pleasure, when once they began to read the Greek
authors flung their vices and follies to the winds, and led the simple
and austere manner of life that becomes a scholar. He quotes a
passage from the manuscript Memoirs of Henry de Mesmes, which
gives a pleasant picture of the college life of those days, and may be
taken as an example of the sort of labour imposed on a hard-
working law student of the sixteenth century:—“My father,” he says,
“gave me for a tutor John Maludan of Limoges, a pupil of the
learned Durat, who was chosen for the innocence of his life and his
suitable age to preside over my early years, till I should be old
enough to govern myself. With him and my brother, John James de
Mesmes, I was sent to the college of Burgundy, and was put into the
third class and I afterwards spent almost a year in the first. My
father said he had two motives for thus sending me to the college:
the one was the cheerful and innocent conversation of the boys, and
the other was the school discipline, by which he trusted that we
should be weaned from the over-fondness that had been shown us
at home, and purified, as it were, in fresh water. Those eighteen
months I passed at college were of great service to me. I learnt to
recite, to dispute, and to speak in public; and I became acquainted
with several excellent men, many of whom are still living. I learned,
moreover, the frugality of the scholar’s life, and how to portion out
my day to advantage; so that, by the time I left, I had repeated, in
public, abundance of Latin, and two thousand Greek verses, which I
had written after the fashion of boys of my age, and I could repeat
Homer from one end to the other. I was thus well received by the
chief men of my time, to some of whom my tutor introduced me. In
1545, I was sent to Toulouse with my tutor and brother, to study law
under an old grey-haired professor, who had travelled half over the
world. There we remained for three years, studying severely, and
under such strict rules as I fancy few persons nowadays would care
to comply with. We rose at four, and, having said our prayers, went
to lectures at five, with our great books under our arms, and our
inkhorns and candlesticks in our hands. We attended all the lectures
until ten o’clock, without intermission; then we went to dinner, after
having hastily collated during half an hour what our master had
written down. After dinner, by way of diversion, we read Sophocles,
or Aristophanes, or Euripides, and sometimes Demosthenes, Tully,
Virgil, and Horace. At one we were at our studies again, returning
home at five to repeat and turn to the places quoted in our books till
past six. Then came supper, after which we read some Greek or
Latin author. On feast days we heard mass and vespers, and the rest
of the day we were allowed a little music and walking. Sometimes
we went to see our friends, who invited us much oftener than we
were permitted to go. The rest of the day we spent in reading, and
we generally had with us some learned men of that time.”
We have the satisfaction of knowing that the frugal and laborious
training of Henry’s early life was the means of forming a manly and
Christian character. Nor is the portrait less pleasing which the
biographer of Budæus has left us of the domestic life of that great
man, who, though he had visited the court of Leo X., in quality of
ambassador of France, and was the chief lion of the French world of
letters, retained to his dying day those simple tastes and habits,
which we are assured resulted from no affectation of laconic
manners, but a certain genuine sentiment of humility.[314] His
secretary and constant fellow-labourer was his wife, who sat in his
study, found out passages in his books of reference, copied his
papers, and withal did not forget his domestic comfort. Budæus
needed some such good angel by his side, for he belonged to that
class of scholars who are more familiar with the Latin As than with
the value of louis d’ors. His mind was in his books, and whilst busy
with the doings of the Greeks and Romans he could not always call
home his absent thoughts. It is to be regretted, that with a character
in many respects so amiable, Budæus should have permitted his love
of Greek to lead him to take part with the Humanists in the ferocious
onslaughts which they directed against the adherents of the
mediæval learning. It was surely possible to revive the study of
Homer and Cicero with rejecting the philosophy of St. Thomas, nor
did there seem any reason why the lovers of polite literature should
seek to establish their fame as scholars by savage and unseemly
pasquinades on their literary rivals. And here it may be remarked
that the title of Humanists, applied to the rising school, was one of
their own choosing. By it they intended at one and the same time to
indicate themselves as the only cultivators of “humane” letters, and
to imply that the professors of the old school were barbarians. They
were not content with advocating good Latin, and reviving the study
of Greek; no one could join their camp who was not ready to rail at
monks and schoolmen as offensive idiots. The former, in the choice
vocabulary of Luther, were “locusts, caterpillars, frogs, and lice,” the
latter, in the more polished phraseology of Budæus, “prating
sophists,” and “divines of the Sorbonian Lake,” “Monks,” says
Erasmus (himself an apostate canon[315]), “are only acceptable to
silly women, bigots, and blockheads.” The Dominicans had the
audacity to protest against the freedoms he had taken with the Latin
Vulgate, and to complain of his version as that of a poet and orator
rather than of a divine. “Most men who know anything of the value
of a poet,” replies Erasmus, “think you to be swine rather than men,
when they hear your stupid raving. Poetry is so little known to you,
that you cannot even spell its name;[316] but let me tell you, it
would be easier to cut two Thomists out of a log of wood, than one
tolerable orator.” No matter what were a man’s talents, or how
reasonable were his arguments, the moment he opened his mouth
in opposition to these writers, he was placarded as a dunce.
Erasmus, in his new Version of the Greek Testament, had given just
cause of complaint by his use of a phraseology more elegant than
theological. A certain Franciscan friar ventured to object in particular
to his rendering of the Magnificat, whereupon Erasmus vented his
spleen in a Colloquy, and branded the critic as “a pig and a donkey;
more of a donkey than all donkeys put together;” and proceeded to
justify his translation by quoting the comedies of Terence. Standish,
Bishop of St. Asaph, took exception to another blot in the new
version, the substitution, namely, of the word Sermo, for that of
Verbum, in the first chapter of St. John’s Gospel; and Erasmus and
his friends considered that they sufficiently vindicated their good
Latin by nicknaming the objector, the Bishop of St. Ass. In the same
style of wit, Vincent the Dominican was Bucentum the ox-driver, and
the Carmelites were commonly designated the Camelites. “I have
hopes of Cochlæus,” writes Luther, speaking of some of his
adversaries, “he is only an idiot; as for the other two, they belong to
the devil.” This was the ordinary style of the humanist
controversialists; their puns and sarcasms being, in most cases,
accompanied with a shower of mud.
With these, however, we need not more particularly concern
ourselves, but turn our glance on Louvain, where, in the early part of
the century, a new university had arisen, under Duke John of
Brabant, which received its first diploma from Pope Martin V. in
1425, the theological faculty being erected six years later by
Eugenius IV. The latter Pontiff had the satisfaction of receiving the
firmest support from the Louvain doctors during the troublous times
of the Council of Basle; and during the following century Louvain
continued to be not merely the chief seat of learning in Flanders, but
one of the soundest nurseries of the faith. She held stoutly to
scholasticism, and was distinguished by her resolute opposition to
the Lutheran heretics; yet it was in vain that her enemies attempted
to charge her with retrogression, for even Erasmus owns in his
letters, that the schools of Louvain were considered second only to
those of Paris.
It is not difficult to explain the hostility which the Louvain scholars
had to encounter on the part of the partisans of the new learning.
Louvain, from the first, consecrated herself to the defence of the
scholastic theology. Immediately on the erection of the theological
faculty in 1431, the Dominicans arrived at Louvain, and opened a
school whence they sent forth fourteen doctors in the space of
twenty years. In 1447 they were formally admitted to all the rights
of the university, and obtained chairs of theology, and the other
privileges formerly granted to them at Paris and Bologna. Their
brethren were frequently aggregated to the college of the strict
faculty, and one of their order was always a member of the council
strictæ facultatis. From this period the studium generale of the order
at Louvain ranked as one of the highest character in the order, and
the influence of the Dominican doctors made itself powerfully felt
throughout the whole university. St. Thomas of Aquin was the
doctor, par excellence, of the Louvain schools, and in 1637 was
chosen by the faculty of theology their perpetual patron and
protector. It is needless to say that this determined Thomism was
not more agreeable to the humanists and their partisans than the
Scotism of the Paris theologians; and they sought, with very poor
success, to squib down the university by representing it as nothing
but a nest of friars.
The University of Louvain enjoyed some advantages in which the
more ancient academies had been wanting. Not having grown up
out of accidental circumstances, like so many of her elder sisters,
but having been begun at a time when the principles necessary for
governing such institutions had been made manifest by long
experience, her founders were careful to provide her, from the first,
with a body of statutes sagaciously drawn up, so as to ensure the
preservation of regular discipline; and a well-organised collegiate
system protected the students from those disorders which had
disgraced the beginnings of Paris and Oxford.
In course of time separate schools and colleges were established
for the different faculties, one for medicine, eight for arts, and eight
for mixed studies. Among the latter was Standonch’s college of poor
scholars, and the celebrated Collegium Trilingue founded in 1516 by
Jerome Busleiden, the friend of More and Erasmus, for the study of
Greek, Latin, and Hebrew. The idea of this academy had been
suggested to the founder by a visit to Alcala, where Cardinal
Ximenes was then completing the establishment of his university.
Hallam tells us that its foundation was fiercely opposed by the
monks and friars, “those unbeaten enemies of learning,” and it is
true that the old professors did at first regard the new institution
with some jealousy. They had been used to write and speak
mediæval Latin, and grumbled sorely when required to turn
Ciceronians. The college happened to be first opened in the fish-
market, and hence arose the favourite bon-mot of the Louvain
Conservatives, “We do not talk Fish-Market Latin.” In time, however,
the fish-market Latin established its supremacy, and Louvain grew
proud of her classical professors, such as Louis Vives and Conrad
Goclen. The colleges gradually multiplied in number, and even at the
present day the city is filled with splendid buildings, all of which owe
their existence to the university of which they once formed part.
It was at Louvain that Pope Adrian VI. received his education, and
from a poor scholar rose to fill the posts of professor and rector of
the university. The son of a boat-builder of Utrecht, he was admitted
among a certain number of poor boys whom the university bound
itself to educate gratuitously, and endured rather more than his
share of the hardships and privations to which scholars of that class
are usually exposed. Seldom able to provide himself with the luxury
of a lamp or a candle, he was accustomed to prosecute his studies
after dark in the porch of some church, where a lamp was then
usually suspended, or at the street corner, which supplied him with a
feeble light. However, he seems sometimes to have been able to
procure himself a better sort of light, for we read that, one cold
winter’s night, Margaret, the widow of Duke Charles of Burgundy,
then governess of the Netherlands, remarked a tiny ray that issued
from one of the college windows at a very late hour, and bidding her
chamberlain find out which of the students sat up so late in such
intense cold, she was told that it was only “little Florentius” over his
books. With a woman’s instinct of compassion, she sent him the next
day three hundred florins for the purchase of books and firewood.
When he was afterwards raised to the head of the university, he
exhibited the same zeal for the promotion of ecclesiastical discipline
which afterwards won him so much unpopularity from his Roman
subjects. In spite of their contemptuous strictures on his supposed
barbarism, Adrian was revered in Louvain as a generous patron of
letters. He erected and endowed one of the most magnificent
colleges of which Louvain could boast, and in it was deposited the
autograph copy of his works, which is still preserved in the great
seminary of Mechlin.
 A considerable number of other new universities sprang up in
Germany about the beginning of the sixteenth century, all more or
less stamped with the literary character of the age. Of these the
most famous was Wittemberg, marked out by an evil destiny as the
cradle of the Lutheran apostasy. It was founded in 1502 by Frederic,
elector of Saxony, who commissioned Staupitz, the provincial of the
Augustinians, to seek out men of learning and ability to fill its vacant
professorships. Luther was invited hither in 1508 to teach the
Aristotelian logic, and, four years later, after his return from Rome,
received his doctor’s cap, and took the customary oaths to defend
the faith against heresy to the last drop of his blood. In 1516 the
professor was to be found waging open war against the philosophy
he was engaged to teach, and drawing up ninety-nine theses against
the scholastic theology, in which is clearly laid down the fundamental
dogma of Lutheranism—the denial of free-will. They were published
many years later with a preface by Melancthon, declaring them to
contain the veritable sum of the reformed religion, which had thus
been reduced to system a year before that quarrel with Tetzel,
usually represented as the origin of Luther’s revolt.
Melancthon was given the chair of Greek in 1518, on the
recommendation of his master Reuchlin, and was introduced to
Wittemberg at the moment when Luther’s quarrel had been taken up
by the students and professors. In him Luther gained a disciple
whose learning and natural moderation of character were worthy of
better things than to become the author of the Confession of
Augsburg, and the colleague of Bucer. That horrible apostate, a
renegade Dominican, who condescended to every one of the rival
schools of heresy, provided only he was suffered to enjoy the license
which first tempted him to abjure the faith, filled for twenty years
the theological chair at Strasburg. Everywhere the reins of power
had fallen into the hands of the pedagogues, and the Lutheran army
was to be seen officered by humanists and university professors.
The facilities offered by the numerous academies that had sprung up
since the beginning of the century encouraged a rage for learning
among all classes, and many a poor artisan’s son, like Wolfgang
Musculus, or the notorious Henry Bullinger, scraped together a
scanty pittance by street singing, which they afterwards spent in
procuring the means of study at one or other of the universities.
Musculus, indeed, found charitable patrons in the person of some
Benedictine monks, who educated him, and gave him the habit; but
he soon abandoned the cloister, and after a wild adventurous life,
during which we find him working as a mason, and, during the
scanty moments he could snatch from his toil, studying the Hebrew
grammar, he became “Minister” of Strasburg, and theological
professor in the Protestant University of Berne. About the same time
the Greek professorship of Calvin’s college at Geneva was filled with
another of these strange itinerant scholars, Sebastian Castillon, a
native of Dauphiny, who studied the Oriental tongues in the early
morning hours, before he went to his day labour in the fields. He
afterwards quarrelled with Calvin, who accused him of theft, and
went to teach Greek and Hebrew at Basle. Here he produced a Latin
and French version of the Scriptures, and endeavoured to render the
sacred books into the classical diction of profane authors. We can
scarcely form any correct idea of the period of the Reformation
without a glimpse at men of this stamp, who then swarmed in every
part of Germany; restless, self-sufficient, often more than half self-
taught, their minds untrained with the healthy discipline of the
schools, disposed to run after every novelty, and to overvalue
themselves and their attainments, they inevitably fell into the
extravagances to which vanity commonly betrays her victims.
From this class of men the German professorships were chiefly
recruited, and little foresight was needed to anticipate the
consequences which must ensue when the work of education had
passed into such hands. The state of the German universities during
the century subsequent to the Lutheran revolution, has been
described by the Protestant historian Menzel, from whom
Rohrbacher has quoted some remarkable passages. “The colleges
where the future ministers of the Lutheran religion spent six or
seven years, were the abode of a ferocity and licentiousness from
which our moral sensibility shrinks aghast. In the German schools
and universities, the elder students obliged new-comers to go about
in ragged garments, filled their mouths with ‘soup’ made of mud and
broken bits of earthenware, compelled them to clean their boots and
shoes, and by way of salary, to imitate the barking of dogs and the
mewing of cats, and to lick up the filth from under the table. In vain
did the princes endeavour to banish these savage customs; they
held their ground in spite of ordinances and edicts.”[317] At the
University of Jena, the younger students were robbed of their
money, their clothes, and their books by their elder companions, and
compelled to discharge the most disgraceful services. Those who
had received what was called “absolution,” treated new-comers in
the same way; and these outrages were often committed in the
streets, and even in the churches during the preaching, when the
poor victims were pulled and knocked about, and otherwise
maltreated by their persecutors. And that no one might escape, a
particular part of the church was devoted to the reception of
“freshmen,” who were installed there with these edifying
ceremonies. Hence, during the whole time of divine service, one
incessant clamour went on, made up of the trampling, the cries, the
murmurs, and coarse laughter of the combatants.
If such were the manners of the future pastors, those of their
flocks may be imagined. Any one who tried to lead a good life,
observes Menzel, was stigmatised as an enthusiast, a
Schwenkfeldian, an Anabaptist, and a hypocrite; Luther’s dogma of
justification by faith only having brought good works into actual
discredit. It was dangerous at that time for a preacher to exhort his
people to keep the commandments—as if they were able to do so—
it was quite sufficient to render him a suspected person.[318] But we
have no heart to dwell on this subject, or to realise the degradation
of those old German dioceses and schools, the names of which are
so linked in our hearts with the memory of St. Boniface and St.
Wilibald, St. Bernward and St. Anscharius. So we will turn our back
on Germany and seek on Catholic soil for some more consoling
spectacle. We shall hardly find it in France: there, indeed, a revival
of letters is going on, under the splendid patronage of Francis I.;
and Budæus, the prodigy of his country, as Erasmus called him, is
writing his learned treatise on Ancient Money, and persuading the
king to found the College Royal. There perhaps the greatest scholar
of his time, though known to posterity chiefly by his artistic fame,
Leonardo da Vinci, is expiring at Fontainebleau in the arms of the
king. But the French Renaissance school is mostly remarkable for its
poets, by whom, indeed, the revival of letters was first set on foot.
Much edification was not to be anticipated from a movement that
reckoned as its originator Villon, whose verses were as infamous as
his life, and who found a worthy successor in Clement Marot. The
French kings, who by their Pragmatic Sanctions[319] had condemned
the Papal provision of benefices as a crying abuse, used their royal
patronage of the same as a convenient mode of rewarding Court
poets. Thus Octavien de St. Gelais, the translator of Terence,
obtained the bishopric of Angoulême from Charles VIII.; and his son,
Melin de St. Gelais, surnamed the French Ovid, was rewarded by
Francis I. for his “Epigrams” with an abbey. Ronsard, formally
proclaimed “the Poet of France, par excellence,” who was born on
the same day as the defeat of Pavia—as though (to make use of the
king’s words) “Heaven would make up to France, by his birth, for the
disgrace sustained by her arms”—who was the literary idol of his
time, had statues erected to his honour, and silver images of the
goddess Minerva presented to him by learned academies, to whom
Elizabeth sent a rich diamond, and Mary Stuart presented a gilded
model of Parnassus—the most appropriate present that could be
offered to the new Apollo—Ronsard, the vainest of men, as he might
well be, for assuredly he was the most flattered, died, literally
overwhelmed under the weight of his laurels and his priories. I will
not attempt the enumeration of his benefices, and perhaps he would
hardly have undertaken the task himself, for the prince of poets
enjoyed the revenues of half the royal monasteries of France. It
would be unbecoming to notice any writer of less renown, after so
very illustrious a personage, and the bare name of Rabelais will
probably content most readers. These were the stars of the French
Renaissance, well worthy of the monarch who patronised them, and
the Court over which he presided. Warton has thought good to
praise the enlightened wisdom which induced this prince to purge
his Court from the monkish precision of old-fashioned times, and
enliven it with a larger admixture of ladies’ society. There was
certainly not much to be complained of on the score of precision in
the coteries of Fontainebleau; yet it is curious that the fair dames
who graced the royal circle were chosen by the grim disciples of
Calvin as the likeliest agents for disseminating their views. The ladies
of the Court of Francis I. were the first Huguenot apostles, and it
was in this school that Anne Boleyn, in her quality of maid of honour
to Queen Claude, acquired, together with her inimitable skill in
dancing, that “gospel light” which, the poet informs us, first shone
on England and her king “from Boleyn’s eyes.”
Let us rather direct our steps across the Pyrenees, and watch the
erection of a Catholic university on the orthodox soil of Spain. Up to
this time the education which prevailed in the peninsula appears to
have been thoroughly of the old school. The Spanish universities had
indeed some peculiarities arising from their proximity to the Moorish
schools, and appear to have cultivated the geometrical sciences and
the Eastern tongues more generally than was elsewhere the
practice. But the prevailing tone was scholastic and ecclesiastical.
The monasteries still maintained those public schools, which served
as feeders to the universities, and in these a discipline was kept up
differing very little from that of Fulda and St Gall. At Montserrat,
peasants and nobles were received together, and each wore a little
black habit, and, in church, a surplice. They sang every day at the
Mass, and recited the Office of Our Lady, eating always in the
refectory of the brethren, and sleeping in a common dormitory.
Every month they went to confession, as well as on all festivals, and
their studies were of the monastic stamp, with plenty of Latin and
plain chant, and also instrumental music. A number of the bravest
Spanish knights had their education in these monastery schools, and
one of them, John of Cardonna, who commanded the galleys of
Sicily, and relieved Malta when besieged by the Turks, chose as his
patroness, in memory of his school days, Our Lady of Montserrat,
and bore her banner into battle. He used to call himself Our Lady’s
page, and said he valued the privilege of having been brought up in
her house more than his rank as admiral.
But these are old-fashioned memories, and must give place to
something more in accordance with the requirements of the age.
The Renaissance was making its way even into the Spanish schools,
and the literary movement had been fortunate enough to find a
nursing mother in the person of Isabella the Catholic. German
printers and Italian professors were invited into her kingdom, and
Spanish students sent to gather up the treasures of learning in
foreign academies. Among these was Antonio de Lebrija, whom
Hallam calls the restorer of classical literature in Spain. Italian
masters directed the education of the royal children, and from them
the Princess Catherine, doomed to be the hapless Queen of Henry
VIII., received those learned tastes which won the admiration of
Erasmus. A Palatine school was attached to the Court, in imitation of
that of Charlemagne, and was placed under the direction of Peter
Martyr,[320] whose letters are filled with accounts of the noble pupils
who thronged his school, won from frivolous pastimes by the charm
of letters. In 1488 he appeared at Salamanca to deliver lectures on
Juvenal, and writes word that the audience who came to hear him
so blocked up the entrance to the hall, that he had to be carried to
his place over the heads of the students, “like a victor in the Olympic
games.” The rage for learning went on at such a pace that the
proudest grandees of Castile thought it not beneath them to ascend
the professor’s chair, and even noble ladies delivered lectures on
classical learning in the halls of universities.[321] The queen’s noble
encouragement of learning had been fostered by her confessor, F.
Francis Ximenes; and when, in 1495, the Franciscan friar became
Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain, one of his first thoughts
was the erection of a model university, to which he resolved to
devote the immense revenues of his see.
It has been said that seats of learning require the accessories of a
fine air, and even the charms of natural scenery; and we might
quote one of the most exquisite pieces of word-painting to be found
in any language,[322] which is written to show the special gift
enjoyed by Athens, rendering her worthy to be the capital of mind.
It was the clear elastic air of Attica which communicated something
of its own sunniness and elasticity to the intellect of her citizens, just
as it imparted a golden colouring even to the marble dug out of that
favoured soil. So it had been with Paris, the Athens of the Middle
Ages, where students from the foggy shores of Britain conceived
themselves endowed with some new faculty when relieved from the
oppression of their native atmosphere. And even Louvain, though
less favoured than these by nature, had been chosen in preference
to other Flemish cities, chiefly on account of her purer air and her
pleasant entourage of copses and meadows, with their abundant
store of “corn, apples, sheep, oxen, and chirping birds.”
It is not surprising, therefore, that Ximenes, when seeking the
fittest spot in which to plant his academy, took very gravely into
consideration the question of scenery and climate. The clear
atmosphere of Alcala, and the tranquil landscapes on the banks of
the Henares, so soothing to the meditative eye, had their share in
determining him to fix his foundation at the ancient Complutum. In
its grammar schools he had made his early studies, and old boyish
recollections attached him to the spot, the ancient traditions of
which rendered it dear to Christian scholars.[323] There, then, in the
year 1500 he laid the foundation of his first college, which he
dedicated to his saintly predecessor, St. Ildefonsus. This was
intended to be the head college of the university, to which all the
others were in a manner to be subordinate. It consisted of thirty-
three professors, in honour of the years of our Lord’s earthly life,
and twelve priests or chaplains, in honour of the twelve Apostles.
These latter had nothing to do with the education of the students,
but were to recite the divine office in common, and carry out the
rites of the Church with becoming solemnity. The professors, who
were all to be theologians, were distinguished by their dress, a long
red robe, which, being flung over their left shoulder, hung to the
ground in large and graceful folds. The colleges of St. Balbina and
St. Catherine were intended for students in philosophy, each
containing forty-eight students. There was a small college, dedicated
to Our Lady, for poor students in theology and medicine; and a
larger one, used for the reception of the sick. The college of SS.
Peter and Paul was exclusively for Franciscan scholars,
corresponding in character to the monastic colleges or houses of
study at Oxford. There were also two classical schools for young
students, forty-two of whom received a free education for three
years; these were severally dedicated to St. Eugenius and St.
Isidore. And lastly, there was the college of St. Jerome for the three
languages, in which ten scholars studied Latin, ten Greek, and ten
Hebrew; a foundation which, as we have seen, formed the model on
which the Collegium Trilingue at Louvain was afterwards established.
[324] I will say nothing of the libraries, refectories, and chapels, all of
which were finished with great splendour; and the whole city was
restored and beautified, so as to make it more worthy of being the
site of so magnificent a seat of learning. Other houses of study soon
sprang up in connection with the different religious orders, all of
which were anxious to secure for their members advantages which
were nowhere else to be found in such abundance. For though
Ximenes was a mighty builder, and thereby exposed himself to many
bad puns from Court wits, who made much of the “edification” he
gave when he superintended his workmen rule in hand, he certainly
did not neglect the spiritual for the material building. Eight years
after he had solemnly laid the foundation stone of his first college,
the university was opened, and a brilliant staff of professors—in all
forty-two in number—were gathered round the Cardinal primate to
receive their respective offices from his hands. The government of
the university was vested in the hands of a chancellor, rector, and
senate. The system of graduation was copied from that of Paris,
except that the theological degrees were given a pre-eminence over
the others, and made both more honourable and more difficult to
attain. The professorships were distributed as follows:—Six for
theology; six for canon law; four for medicine; one, anatomy; one,
surgery; nine, philosophy; one, mathematics; four, Greek and
Hebrew; four, rhetoric; and six, grammar. There was no chair of civil
law, as this faculty was excellently taught at the other Spanish
universities, and Ximenes had no liking for it, and did not wish to
introduce it at Alcala, probably fearing lest it might prevent that
predominance of the theological faculty which he desired should be
the characteristic of his university. Provision was made for the
support of the aged and infirm professors; and on this point the
Cardinal consulted his former colleague in the regency of Castile,
Adrian of Utrecht, and established similar regulations to those which
existed at Louvain. The system of studies and rule of college
discipline were drawn up by himself, the former being in a great
degree borrowed from that established at Paris. Frequent
disputations and examinations quickened the application of the
students, and at these Ximenes loved to preside, and encourage the
emulation of his scholars with his presence. In the choice of his
professors he considered nothing but the merit of the candidates,
and set at nought all the narrowness of mere nationality. Spain was
by this time, however, able to furnish humanists and philologists
equal to those of Italy or Germany. And most of the first professors
were of native birth. Among them was Antonio de Lebrija, and
though he afterwards accepted a chair at Salamanca, yet he finally
returned to Alcala, and rendered invaluable aid to Ximenes in the
philological labours in which he was about to engage, and which
shed an additional lustre over the new academy.
Ximenes had always manifested a peculiar predilection for the
cultivation of Biblical literature. In his earlier years his love of the
Holy Scriptures had induced him to devote himself to the study of
Hebrew and Chaldaic, and he had often been heard to say that he
would willingly give up all his knowledge of jurisprudence to be able
to explain a single verse of the Bible. He considered a thorough
revival of biblical studies the surest means of defeating the new
heretics, and in the midst of Court engagements and political toils,
he at length conceived the plan of his great Polyglot Bible, in which
the sacred text was to appear in the four learned languages, after
the most correct versions that could be obtained. This great work,
which was to serve as the model for all subsequent attempts of a
similar kind, was no sooner designed than he set about its
execution, and secured the co-operation of a number of skilful
scholars, fixing on Alcala as the scene of their labours. Immense
sums were expended in obtaining Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and
Chaldaic manuscripts; and in his dedication, Ximenes acknowledges
the invaluable assistance which he received from Pope Leo X. The
plan was exactly one sure to engage the sympathies of that
generous Pontiff, who accordingly placed at his command all the
treasures of the Vatican Library. The costly work when complete
presented the Hebrew text of the Old Testament, the Greek version
of the Septuagint, the Latin version of St. Jerome, and the Chaldaic
paraphrase of the Pentateuch, together with certain letters,
prefaces, and dissertations to assist the study of the Sacred Books.
The work was commenced in 1502, and the last volume was
published in 1517. The same energy which had succeeded, in the
brief space of eight years, in raising a university which received the
title of “the eighth wonder of the world,” was able, in fifteen years,
to bring to a happy conclusion a literary undertaking which might
well have occupied thrice that space of time. Ximenes, who felt his
end approaching, desired to leave all his great works complete, and
urged on his scholars with frequent admonitions on the shortness of
human life. If they lost him as their patron, or if he were to lose
their labours, the whole design might fall to the ground. On the 10th
of July 1517 the last sheet of the great Complutensian Polyglot was
printed, and the young son of the printer, Bocario, putting on his
holiday garments, ran at once to present it to the Cardinal. Ximenes
received it with a solemn emotion of gratitude and joy. “I thank
Thee, O Lord Christ,” he said, “that Thou hast brought this work to a
desired end.” It was as though he had been permitted this as his last
earthly consolation, for four months later he closed his great and
useful career, being in the eighty-second year of his age.
Louvain and Alcala, the two great Catholic creations of the age of
the Renaissance, both fell under the hammer of Revolution. The
memory of Ximenes has not prevailed to preserve his university from
destruction at the hands of the Spanish Progressistas, and we can
but hope that its restoration may be reserved for another
generation. That of Louvain has been witnessed even in our own
time. Swept away in 1797 by the decree of the French Republic,
which at the same time suppressed all the great ecclesiastical
seminaries, it was not restored by the Nassau sovereigns who, in
1814, became masters of the Catholic Netherlands. William of
Holland, so far from showing his Catholic subjects any larger degree
of favour than they had enjoyed under French rule, did his best to
render their position worse than it had been under the Revolution.
He put down all the little seminaries, and proposed to supply the
place of the ancient university of Louvain by a grand royal
philosophical college, through which all ecclesiastical students were
to be compelled to pass before being received into the great
seminaries. This was in the June of 1825; in the January of 1830 the
determined resistance of the Belgian Catholics obliged him to
suppress his college, which had proved a total failure. The August
following witnessed the expulsion of his dynasty and the
establishment of Belgian independence; events which were followed
in 1834 by the erection at Louvain of a new university, in virtue of an
Apostolic brief of Pope Gregory XVI.
Planted on the Belgian soil, which has so long and so successfully
resisted the inroads of heresy, and which appears destined in our
own day to become the battle-ground of a yet deadlier struggle with
open unbelief, the Catholic university of Louvain has already merited
to be declared by illustrious lips “the glory of Belgium and of the
Church.” She has been presented by the Sovereign Pontiff to the
Catholics of these islands, as the model on which our own academic
restorations may fitly be formed; and at this very moment her
example is understood to have encouraged the prelates of Germany
to attempt a similar foundation in that land. May their generous
efforts be crowned with ample success, and may such institutions,
wherein Faith and Science will never be divorced, multiply in the
Church, supported by the prayers and good wishes of every Catholic
heart.
 CHAPTER XXII.
THE RENAISSANCE IN ROME.
a.d. 1513 TO 1528.
On the morning of the 11th of April 1513 the streets of Rome were
thronged with a joyous and expectant crowd, assembled to witness
the public procession of the newly-elected Pontiff, Leo X., on
occasion of his taking possession of the Basilica of St. John Lateran.
Many circumstances combined to render the accession of Leo
welcome to his new subjects: they had already felt the charm of his
courteous manners, springing partly from careful culture, and partly
from an innate kindness of heart; and whilst the Roman citizens,
who were heartily tired of the wars and war-taxes of Julius II.,
rejoiced at the prospect of peace and plenty, the artists and
professors, who made up a population by themselves, regarded the
election of a Medici as a sufficient guarantee for the protection of
their personal interests. The son of Lorenzo, and the pupil of
Politian, of Chalcondylus, and of Bernard Dovizi, he had imbibed a
love of art and poetry in the gardens of Florence and the villas of
Fiesole. Created a Cardinal at the age of fourteen, he was but thirty-
seven at the period of his election to the Papal chair, and during his
residence at Rome under the two preceding Pontificates had
acquired a character which his friends condensed into a motto, and
exhibited in golden letters on the canopy under which he was
enthroned, Litteratorum præsidium ac bonitatis fautor. If an ancient
statue had been disinterred in the baths of Titus, the Cardinal de’
Medici had been the first to celebrate the auspicious event in
graceful iambics improvised to the music of his lyre; his house had
been the rendezvous of artists, poets, and, above all, of musicians;
and whilst men of this stamp loudly proclaimed the taste and
munificence of the new Pontiff, the unblemished name which he had
preserved in the midst of a society the corruptions of which were
matter of public notoriety, put to silence the busy tongue of scandal.
It was truly, therefore, a festa-day which his subjects were now
celebrating; and as he rode on his white charger through the brilliant
streets, men contrasted his mild and débonnaire countenance, his
gay smile, and affable address; with the imperious bearing of his
predecessor, the warlike Julius; and the contrast was all to his
advantage. What a scene it was through which he was now passing!
Rome had been all but rebuilt under the four last Pontiffs, and from
the Vatican to the Coliseum the way was marked with monuments of
their munificence and of the genius of their artists. Domes,
amphitheatres, arcades, and fountains had risen during the last
seventy years with magnificent profusion; the old Basilica of the
Apostles had disappeared, and was in process of being replaced by a
pile worthy of the vast conceptions of its founders and its architects.
And now the splendid city had decked herself in gala costume, and
amid velvet tapestries and flowery wreaths, triumphal arches, and
private houses, with their facades improvised into heathen temples,
appeared a strange medley of saints and mythological characters, in
which the statues of Mars, Apollo, Minerva, and Venus, were
exhibited in close proximity to those of SS. Peter and Paul. On the
whole, however, the classic element predominated, and the
characters chosen at each resting-place to harangue the new Pontiff
were the Muses, the Seasons, and their attendant nymphs.
The hopes and expectations of the Roman populace on that day
were abundantly fulfilled. Leo did his best to restore peace to Italy,
and raised Rome to the dignity of a great capital. Few princes have
ever been more richly endowed than he with the qualities which
make princedom popular; a liberality which bordered on
profuseness, a generous readiness to reward merit, and a charming
urbanity of manners, which made every one who approached his
person believe himself the object of the Pope’s particular regard.
Erasmus felt the magical influence of his presence, and wrote to his
friends, saying, that Leo was as far superior to the rest of men, as
men are superior, to beasts. “He has the genius and the virtues of all