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12e
Anthropology
The Human Challenge
WILLIAM A. HAVILAND
University of Vermont
HARALD E. L. PRINS
Kansas State University
DANA WALRATH
University of Vermont
BUNNY MCBRIDE
Kansas State University
Australia • Brazil • Canada • Mexico • Singapore • Spain • United Kingdom • United States
Anthropology: The Human Challenge, Twelfth Edition
William A. Haviland, Harald E. L. Prins, Dana Walrath, Bunny McBride
© 2008, 2005 Thomson Wadsworth, a part of The Thomson Corpora- Thomson Higher Education
tion. Thomson, the Star logo, and Wadsworth are trademarks used 10 Davis Drive
herein under license. Belmont, CA 94002-3098
USA
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright
hereon may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means—
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For permission to use material from this text or product, submit a
Printed in the United States of America request online at http://www.thomsonrights.com.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 11 10 09 08 07 Any additional questions about permissions can be submitted by
e-mail to thomsonrights@thomson.com.
ExamView ® and ExamView Pro® are registered trademarks of FS-
Creations, Inc. Windows is a registered trademark of the Microsoft
Corporation used herein under license. Macintosh and Power Macin-
tosh are registered trademarks of Apple Computer, Inc. Used herein
under license.
Student Edition:
ISBN-13: 978-0-495-09559-0
ISBN-10: 0-495-09559-1
Dedicated to
the World’s Indigenous Peoples
in Their Quest for Human Rights
Putting the World in Perspective
Although all humans that we know about are capable of
producing accurate sketches of localities and regions with
which they are familiar, CARTOGRAPHY (the craft of
mapmaking as we know it today) had its beginnings in
13th century Europe, and its subsequent development
is related to the expansion of Europeans to all parts of
the globe. From the beginning, there have been two
problems with maps: the technical one of how to depict
on a two-dimensional, flat surface a three-dimensional
spherical object, and the cultural one of whose world-
view they reflect. In fact, the two issues are inseparable,
for the particular projection one uses inevitably makes
a statement about how one views one’s own people and
their place in the world. Indeed, maps often shape our
perception of reality as much as they reflect it.
In cartography, a PROJECTION refers to the system
of intersecting lines (of longitude and latitude) by which
part or all of the globe is represented on a flat surface.
There are more than 100 different projections in use to-
day, ranging from polar perspectives to interrupted “but-
terfl ies” to rectangles to heart shapes. Each projection
causes distortion in size, shape, or distance in some way
or another. A map that shows the shape of land masses
correctly will of necessity misrepresent the size. A map
that is accurate along the equator will be deceptive at the
poles.
Perhaps no projection has had more influence on
the way we see the world than that of Gerhardus Merca-
tor, who devised his map in 1569 as a navigational aid
for mariners. So well suited was Mercator’s map for this
purpose that it continues to be used for navigational
charts today. At the same time, the Mercator projection
became a standard for depicting land masses, something
for which it was never intended. Although an accurate
navigational tool, the Mercator projection greatly exag-
gerates the size of land masses in higher latitudes, giv-
ing about two-thirds of the map’s surface to the north-
ern hemisphere. Thus, the lands occupied by Europeans
and European descendants appear far larger than those
of other people. For example, North America (19 mil-
lion square kilometers) appears almost twice the size of
Africa (30 million square kilometers), while Europe is
shown as equal in size to South America, which actually
has nearly twice the land mass of Europe.
A map developed in 1805 by Karl B. Mollweide was
one of the earlier equal-area projections of the world.
Equal-area projections portray land masses in correct rel-
ative size, but, as a result, distort the shape of continents
more than other projections. They most often compress
iv
and warp lands in the higher latitudes and vertically improvement over the Van der Grinten, the Robinson
stretch land masses close to the equator. Other equal- projection still depicts lands in the northern latitudes
area projections include the Lambert Cylindrical Equal- as proportionally larger at the same time that it depicts
Area Projection (1772), the Hammer Equal-Area Projec- lands in the lower latitudes (representing most third-
tion (1892), and the Eckert Equal-Area Projection (1906). world nations) as proportionally smaller. Like European
The Van der Grinten Projection (1904) was a com- maps before it, the Robinson projection places Europe at
promise aimed at minimizing both the distortions of the center of the map with the Atlantic Ocean and the
size in the Mercator and the distortion of shape in equal- Americas to the left, emphasizing the cultural connec-
area maps such as the Mollweide. Allthough an improve- tion between Europe and North America, while neglect-
ment, the lands of the northern hemisphere are still em- ing the geographical closeness of northwestern North
phasized at the expense of the southern. For example, in America to northeast Asia.
the Van der Grinten, the Commonwealth of Independent The following pages show four maps that each con-
States (the former Soviet Union) and Canada are shown vey quite different “cultural messages.” Included among
at more than twice their relative size. them is the Peters Projection, an equal-area map that has
The Robinson Projection, which was adopted by been adopted as the official map of UNESCO (the United
the National Geographic Society in 1988 to replace the Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organi-
Van der Grinten, is one of the best compromises to date zation), and a map made in Japan, showing us how the
between the distortion of size and shape. Although an world looks from the other side.
v
The Robinson Projection
The map above is based on the Robinson Projection, which is used
today by the National Geographic Society and Rand McNally.
Although the Robinson Projection distorts the relative size of
land masses, it does so to a much lesser degree than most other
projections. Still, it places Europe at the center of the map. This
particular view of the world has been used to identify the location
of many of the cultures discussed in this text.
vi
vii
AUS
GREENLAND GERMANY
ICELAND DENMARK
UNITED NORWAY
STATES NETHERLANDS
BELGIUM
UNITED
KINGDOM
CANADA
IRELAND
FRANCE
SWITZERLAND
IT
A
SPAIN
PORTUGAL
UNITED STATES SLOVE
TUNISIA
O
CC
RO
MO
ALGERIA
THE
BAHAMAS
MEXICO
WESTERN
SAHARA
A
NI
HAITI
ITA
CUBA
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
UR
MA
JAMAICA MALI
BELIZE NIG
GE
NI
PANAMA VENEZUELA FRENCH GUIANA SIERRA LEONE
LIBERIA
EQUATORIAL GUINEA
BRAZIL
PERU
BOLIVIA
PARAGUAY
CHILE
ARGENTINA
URUGUAY
ANTARCTICA
viii
RIA CZECHOSLOVAKIA
EN
ED
SW FINLAND
RUSSIA
ESTONIA AZERBAIJAN
LATVIA
LITHUANIA ARMENIA
POLAND BELARUS GEORGIA
KAZAKHSTAN
ROMANIA
UKRAINE KIRGHIZSTAN
HUNGARY MOLDOVA
TAJIKISTAN MONGOLIA
SERBIA UZ NORTH
BULGARIA BE KOREA
Y
MONTENEGRO KI
ST
TU AN
MACEDONIA SOUTH
RK
NIA ALBANIA ME KOREA
GREECE TURKEY NI
ST PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC
AN
BOSNIA-
HERZEGOVINA SYRIA OF CHINA
CROATIA AFGHAN-
LEBANON IRAN ISTAN JAPAN
IRAQ
ISRAEL
BHUTAN
AN
BAHRAIN I ST NEPAL
JORDAN K
PA
LIBYA KUWAIT
EGYPT
MYANMAR
INDIA
QATAR TAIWAN
SAUDI OMAN
ARABIA
UNITED
ARAB BANGLA- LAOS
R EMIRATES DESH
CHAD
SUDAN EN
M THAILAND
YE
VIETNAM PHILIPPINES
DJIBOUTI CAMBODIA
A
CAMEROON PAPUA
SO
SINGAPORE NEW
UGANDA GUINEA
GABON
CONGO INDONESIA
KENYA
RWANDA
BURUNDI
DEMOCRATIC
REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA
CONGO
MALAWI
ANGOLA
ZAMBIA
MADAGASCAR
NAMIBIA
ZIMBABWE
BOTS-
WANA
AUSTRALIA
MOZAMBIQUE
SWAZILAND
LESOTHO
SOUTH
AFRICA
NEW ZEALAND
ANTARCTICA
ix
GREENLAND
NORWAY
ICELAND GERMANY
DENMARK
EN
ED
NETHERLANDS
ND
SW
BELGIUM RUSSIA
LA
FIN
ESTONIA
UNITED LATVIA
KINGDOM
LITHUANIA ARMENIA
IRELAND POLAND BELARUS GEORGIA AZERBAIJAN
HUNGARY KAZAKHSTAN
CZECHOSLOVAKIA ROMANIA
AUSTRIA UKRAINE KIRGHIZSTAN
SWITZERLAND MOLDOVA
MONGOLIA
FRANCE SERBIA TAJIKISTAN NORTH
UZ
ITA
BULGARIA BE KOREA
LY
KI
SPAIN TU ST
PORTUGAL SLOVENIA MACEDONIA RK AN SOUTH
ME
CROATIA GREECE TURKEY NIS KOREA
TAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC
BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA ALBANIA SYRIA OF CHINA
TUNISIA MONTENEGRO LEBANON IRAN AFGHAN-
ISRAEL IRAQ ISTAN JAPAN
MOROCCO NEPAL BHUTAN
KUWAIT AN
ST
ALGERIA JORDAN
BAHRAIN KI
LIBYA EGYPT PA MYANMAR
WESTERN SAUDI
SAHARA INDIA TAIWAN
ARABIA
UNITED
AN
QATAR
MAURITANIA SUDAN
M ARAB VIETNAM
O
MALI NIGER EMIRATES BANGLA-
SENEGAL CHAD EN DESH LAOS PHILIPPINES
GAMBIA CENTRAL YEM
GUINEA- AFRICAN DJIBOUTI THAILAND
NIGERIA REPUBLIC SOMALIA
BISSAU CAMBODIA BRUNEI
ETHIOPIA
GUINEA MALAYSIA
SIERRA LEONE SRI LANKA PAPUA
DEMOCRATIC NEW
LIBERIA UGANDA SINGAPORE
REPUBLIC OF KENYA GUINEA
IVORY COAST CONGO INDONESIA
BURKINA FASO RWANDA
GHANA TANZANIA
BURUNDI
TOGO CONGO
MALAWI
BENIN
CAMEROON ANGOLA ZAMBIA
EQUATORIAL MADAGASCAR
GUINEA NAMIBIA ZIMBABWE
GABON
AUSTRALIA
BOTSWANA MOZAMBIQUE
SWAZILAND
SOUTH
AFRICA LESOTHO
ANTARCTICA
Japanese Map
Not all maps place Europe at the center of the world, as this
Japanese map illustrates. Besides reflecting the importance the
Japanese attach to themselves in the world, this map has the virtue
of showing the geographic proximity of North America to Asia, a
fact easily overlooked when maps place Europe at their center.
x
GREENLAND
UNITED
STATES
CANADA
UNITED STATES
THE
BAHAMAS
MEXICO HAITI
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
CUBA
JAMAICA
BELIZE NICARAGUA
GUATEMALA
EL SALVADOR VENEZUELA FRENCH GUIANA
HONDURAS
COSTA RICA COLOMBIA
PANAMA
GUYANA
ECUADOR SURINAM
BRAZIL
PERU
BOLIVIA
PARAGUAY
CHILE
ARGENTINA URUGUAY
NEW ZEALAND
ANTARCTICA
xi
The Turnabout Map
The way maps may reflect (and influence) our thinking is exemplified by the “Turnabout Map,” which places the South
Pole at the top and the North Pole at the bottom. Words and phrases such as “on top,” “over,” and “above” tend to be
equated by some people with superiority. Turning things upside down may cause us to rethink the way North Ameri-
cans regard themselves in relation to the people of Central America. © 1982 by Jesse Levine Turnabout Map™—Dist. by
Laguna Sales, Inc., 7040 Via Valverde, San Jose, CA 95135
xii
Brief Contents
1 The Essence of Anthropology 2
2 Biology and Evolution 24
3 Living Primates 50
4 Field Methods in Archaeology and Paleoanthropology 80
5 Macroevolution and the Early Primates 104
6 The First Bipeds 124
7 Early Homo and the Origins of Culture 148
8 Pre-Modern Humans and the Elaboration of Culture 178
9 The Global Expansion of Homo sapiens and Their Technology 200
10 The Neolithic Transition: The Domestication of Plants and Animals 220
11 The Emergence of Cities and States 242
12 Modern Human Diversity: Race and Racism 264
13 Human Adaptation to a Changing World 284
14 Characteristics of Culture 308
15 Ethnographic Research: Its History, Methods, and Theories 326
16 Language and Communication 352
17 Social Identity, Personality, and Gender 378
18 Patterns of Subsistence 404
19 Economic Systems 430
20 Sex, Marriage, and Family 454
21 Kinship and Descent 480
22 Grouping by Gender, Age, Common Interest, and Class 502
23 Politics, Power, and Violence 522
24 Spirituality, Religion, and the Supernatural 550
25 The Arts 576
26 Processes of Change 598
27 Global Challenges, Local Responses, and the Role of Anthropology 622
Contents
Preface xxv Anthropology Applied: In the Belly of the Beast: Reflections
on a Decade of Service to U.S. Genetics Policy
Commissions 42
CHAP TER 1 The Essence of Anthropology 2
Natural Selection 42
The Development of Anthropology 4 The Case of Sickle-Cell Anemia 45
The Anthropological Perspective 5 Natural Selection, Time, and Nonadaptive
Anthropology and Its Fields 7 Traits 47
Biocultural Connection: The Anthropology of Questions for Reflection 48
Organ Transplantation 7 Suggested Readings 48
Physical Anthropology 8 Thomson Audio Study Products 48
Cultural Anthropology 9 The Anthropology Resource Center 48
Anthropology Applied: Forensic Anthropology:
Voices for the Dead 10
Archaeology 12
Linguistic Anthropology 14
Anthropology, Science, and the Humanities 14
Anthropologists of Note: Franz Boas, Matilda Coxe
Stevenson 15
Fieldwork 16
Original Study: Fighting HIV/AIDS in Africa:
Traditional Healers on the Front Line 16
Anthropology’s Comparative Method 18
Questions of Ethics 18
Anthropology and Globalization 19
Questions for Reflection 21
Suggested Readings 21
Thomson Audio Study Products 22
The Anthropology Resource Center 22
Grouping by Gender,
CHAP TER 22 CHAP TER 24Spirituality, Religion,
Age, Common Interest, and Class 502 and the Supernatural 550
Grouping by Gender 504 The Anthropological Approach to Religion 554
Grouping by Age 505 The Practice of Religion 554
Institutions of Age Grouping 506 Supernatural Beings and Powers 554
Grouping by Common Interest 508 Religious Specialists 558
Kinds of Common-Interest Associations 509 Biocultural Connection: Change Your Karma and
Original Study: The Jewish Eruv: Symbolic Place in Change Your Sex? 560
Public Space 509 Original Study: Healing among the Ju/’hoansi of
Associations in the Postindustrial World 512 the Kalahari 561
Grouping by Class or Social Rank in Stratified Rituals and Ceremonies 563
Societies 512 Rites of Passage 563
Social Class and Caste 512 Anthropology Applied: Reconciling Modern Medicine
Anthropology Applied: Anthropologists and Social Impact with Traditional Beliefs in Swaziland 564
Assessment 513 Rites of Intensification 565
Biocultural Connection: African Burial Ground Magic 566
Project 517 Witchcraft 567
Social Mobility 518 Ibibio Witchcraft 568
Maintaining Stratification 518 The Functions of Witchcraft 569
Questions for Reflection 520 The Consequences of Witchcraft 570
Suggested Readings 520 The Functions of Religion 570
Thomson Audio Study Products 520 Religion and Culture Change: Revitalization
The Anthropology Resource Center 520 Movements 571
Persistence of Religion 573
CHAP TER 23 Politics, Power, Questions for Reflection 573
and Violence 522 Suggested Readings 574
Thomson Audio Study Products 574
Kinds of Political Systems 524 The Anthropology Resource Center 574
Uncentralized Political Systems 524
Centralized Political Systems 529
Anthropologists of Note: Laura Nader 533 CHAP TER 25 The Arts 576
Political Systems and the Question of Legitimacy 533 The Anthropological Study of Art 578
Politics and Religion 534 Visual Art 580
Political Leadership and Gender 535 Original Study: The Modern Tattoo Community 581
Political Organization and the Maintenance Southern Africa Rock Art 583
of Order 537 Verbal Art 584
Internalized Controls 537
Biocultural Connection: Peyote Art: Divine Visions among
Externalized Controls 537
the Huichol 585
Social Control Through Witchcraft 538
Myth 585
Social Control Through Law 539
Legend 586
Defi nition of Law 539
Tale 588
Functions of Law 540
Other Verbal Art 589
Crime 541
Musical Art 590
Restorative Justice and Confl ict Resolution 542
Functions of Art 591
Violent Confl ict and Warfare 542
Functions of Music 592
Anthropology Applied: Dispute Resolution and
Anthropologists of Note: Frederica de Laguna 595
the Anthropologist 543
Art, Globalization, and Cultural Survival 595
Biocultural Connection: Sex, Gender, and Human
Questions for Reflection 596
Violence 545
Suggested Readings 596
Questions for Reflection 548
Thomson Audio Study Products 597
Suggested Readings 548
The Anthropology Resource Center 597
Thomson Audio Study Products 549
The Anthropology Resource Center 549
xxii Contents
xxiii
xxiv Features Contents
Surviving in the Andes: Aymara Adaptation to African Burial Ground Project 517
High Altitude 408 Sex, Gender, and Human Violence 545
Cacao: The Love Bean in the Money Tree 449 Change Your Karma and Change Your Sex? 560
Marriage Prohibitions in the United States 461 Peyote Art: Divine Visions among the Huichol 585
Maori Connections: Ancestral Genes and Studying the Emergence of New Diseases 620
Mythical Canoes 483 Toxic Breast Milk Threatens Arctic Culture 643
Discovering Diverse Content Through
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Then the fiddles struck up the air of ‘Sur le pont d’Avignon,’ and
the whole company formed up into circles for the opening Branle.
There was her father, grimacing and leaping like a baboon in a
nightmare, grave magistrates capering like foals, and giving
smacking kisses to their youthful partners, young burghers shouting
the words at the top of their voices. The whole scene seemed to
Madeleine to grow every minute more unreal.
Then the fiddles stopped and the circles broke up into laughing,
breathless groups. A young bourgeois, beplumed and beribboned,
and wearing absurd thick shoes, came up to her, and taking off his
great hat by the crown, instead of, in the manner of ‘les honnêtes
gens,’ by the brim, made her a clumsy bow. He began to ‘galantise’
her. Madeleine wondered if he had learned the art from the elephant
at a fair. She fixed him with her great, still eyes. Then she found
herself forced to lead him out to dance a Pavane. The fiddles were
playing a faint, lonely tune, full of the sadness of light things bound
to a ponderous earth, for these were the days before Lulli had made
dance tunes gay. The beautiful pageant had begun—the Pavane,
proud and preposterous as a peacock or a Spaniard. Then some old
ladies sitting round the room began in thin, cracked voices to sing
according to a bygone fashion, the words of the dance:—
They beat time with their fans, and their eyes filled with tears.
Gradually the song was taken up by the whole room, the words
rising up strong and triumphant:—
When Madeleine awoke next morning, the feeling she had had
over night of being in a dream had by no means left her.
From the street rose the cries of the hawkers:—
Would she get it finished before they arrived? She felt all her
happiness depended on it.
She then made a little bow to the company, and sat down again
on her tabouret, quite undisturbed by the enthusiastic applause that
had followed her recitation.
‘Mademoiselle,’ began Godeau solemnly, ‘words fail me, to use the
delicious expression of Saint Amant, with which to praise your
ravishing verses as they deserve. But if the Abbé Ménage were here,
I think he might ask you if the qui in ... let me see ... the sixth line,
refers to the bourse or to the act of pricking your finger. Because if,
as I imagine, it is to the latter, the laws of our language demand the
insertion of a ce before the qui, while the unwritten laws of universal
experience assert that the action of pricking one’s finger should be
called bête not pas bête. We writers must be prepared for this sort
of ignoble criticism.’
‘Of course the qui refers to bourse,’ said Madame de Montausier,
for the child was looking bewildered. ‘You will pardon me but what
an exceeding foolish question from a Member of the Academy! It
was bête to prick one’s finger, but who, with justice, could call bête a
bourse of most quaint and excellent design? Is it not so, ma chatte?’
The child nodded solemnly, and Monsieur de Grasse was profuse in
his apologies for his stupidity.
Madeleine had noticed that the only member of the company,
except herself, who had not been entranced by this performance,
was Mademoiselle de Scudéry. Though she smiled the whole time,
and was profuse in her compliments, yet she was evidently bored.
Instead of pleasing Madeleine, this shocked her, it also made her
rather despise her, for being out of it.
She turned to Montausier and said timidly:—
‘I should dearly love to see Mademoiselle votre fille and the
Cardinal’s baby niece together. They would make a delicious pair.’
But Montausier either really did not hear, or pretended not to, and
Madeleine had the horrible embarrassment of speaking to air.
‘Who is that demoiselle?’ the child suddenly cried in a shrill voice,
looking at Madeleine.
‘That is Mademoiselle Hoqueville, my love.’
‘Hoqueville! what a droll name!’ and she went into peals of shrill
laughter. The grandparents and mother of the child smiled
apologetically at Madeleine, but she, in agony at being humiliated,
as she considered, before Mademoiselle de Scudéry, tried to improve
matters by looking haughty and angry. However, this remark
reminded Madame de Rambouillet of Madeleine’s existence, and she
exclaimed:—
‘Oh! Mademoiselle Hoqueville, you have, as yet, seen naught of
the hôtel. Marie-Julie, my love, go and say bon-jour to that lady and
ask her if she will accompany you to the salle bleue.’
The child obediently went over to Madeleine, curtseyed, and held
out her hand. Madeleine was not certain whether she ought to
curtsey back or merely bow without rising from the chair. She
compromised in a cross between the two, which made her feel
extremely foolish. On being asked if she would like to see la salle
bleue, she had to say yes, and followed the child out of the room.
She followed her through a little cabinet, and then they were in
the famous room, sung by so many poets, the scene of so many gay
and brilliant happenings.
Madeleine’s first feeling was one of intense relief at being freed
from the strain of the bedroom, then, as it were, she galvanised into
activity her demand upon life, and felt in despair at losing even a
few moments of Mademoiselle de Scudéry’s company. The child
walked on in front humming a little tune to herself. Madeleine felt
she must pull herself together, and make friends with her.
‘What rare and skilful verses those were you recited to us,’ she
began, her voice harshly breaking the silence of the huge room. The
child looked at her out of her crab-eyes, pursed up her mouth, and
went on humming.
‘Do you dearly love your little dog?’
‘Haven’t got one.’ This was startling.
‘But you made mention of one in your poem,’ said Madeleine in an
aggrieved tone.
The child screamed with scornful laughter:—
‘She isn’t mine, she’s Aunt Angélique’s!’ she cried, and looked at
Madeleine as if she must be mad for having made such a mistake.
There was another pause. Madeleine sighed wearily and went to
look at the famous tapestry, the child followed her.
Its design consisted of groups of small pastoral figures disporting
themselves in a blue Arcady. In one group there was a shepherdess
sitting on a rustic bench, surrounded by shepherds; a nymph was
offering her a basket of flowers. The child pointed to the
shepherdess: ‘That is my grandmother, and that is me bringing her
flowers, and that is my father, and that is Monsieur Sarrasin, and
that is my dear Maître Claude!’ ... This was better. Madeleine made a
violent effort to be suitably fantastic.
‘It may be when you are asleep you do in truth become that
nymph and live in the tapestry.’ The child stared at her, frowned, and
continued her catalogue:—
‘And that is my mother, and that is Aunt Angélique, and that is
Madame de Longueville, and that is Madame de Sablé, and that is
Monsieur de la Rochefoucauld, and that is my little friend
Mademoiselle de Sévigné,’ and so on.
When she had been through the list of her acquaintances, she
wandered off and began to play with a box of ivory puzzles.
Madeleine, in a final attempt to ingratiate herself, found for her
some of the missing pieces, at which her mouth began to tremble,
and Madeleine realised that all the pleasure lay in doing it by herself,
so she left her, and with a heavy heart crept back to the bedroom.
She found Madame Cornuel and Mademoiselle Legendre preparing
to go, and supposing they had already said good-bye, solemnly
curtseyed to all the company in turn. They responded with great
friendliness and kindness, but she suddenly noticed Madame Cornuel
exchanging glances with her step-daughter, and realised in a flash
that by making her adieux she had been guilty of a provincialism.
She smiled grimly to herself. What did it matter?
Madame Cornuel dropped her in the rue Saint-Honoré, and she
walked quietly home.
She had not exchanged a single word with Mademoiselle de
Scudéry.
CHAPTER X
AFTERWARDS
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