VOLUME 6 | 2 MARCH 2004 VOLUME 8 | 2 JANUARY 2006

Linking Advocates & Researchers

Sexual Harassment
Letter From The Editor
JANET ANDERSON, ADVOCACY EDUCATION DIRECTOR, WCSAP This edition of the Research and Advocacy Digest focuses on the phenomenon known as sexual harassment. In our attempt to be as broad as possible, we have included abstracts that deal with cultural, ethnic and racial perspectives on sexual harassment, issues specic to homophobic and heterosexist harassment, an analysis of sexual harassment complaints led by women, sexual harassment on the internet, sexual harassment perpetrated against and by adolescents and college professors, incidences and prevalence of bullying, an analysis of sexual harassers, and an examination of sexual harassment training programs. Furthermore, we have included some statistics pertaining to sexual harassment and strategies that can be used to assist both victims and agencies as you work to ght against sexual harassment.

Inside
5-14 15 16 Research Articles Statistics Additional Resources

Contributors
Janet Anderson, Editor, WCSAP Allen Trimmings, WCSAP

...sexual harassment includes a wide range of behaviors including unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature, when submission to or rejection of this conduct explicitly or implicitly affects an individuals employment, unreasonably interferes with an individuals work performance or creates an intimidating, hostile or offensive work environment (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission).
The topic of sexual harassment is often controversial due to diering perceptions and denitions. Broadly, sexual harassment is dened as a form of sex discrimination that violates Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. However, according to the EEOC, like other forms of sexual assault, sexual harassment includes a wide range of behaviors including unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature, when submission to or rejection of this conduct explicitly or implicitly aects an individuals employment, unreasonably interferes with an individuals work performance or creates an intimidating, hostile or oensive work environment (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission). It is considered harassment when the conduct is suciently severe or pervasive to create a hostile

A PUBLICATION OF | THE WASHINGTON COALITION OF SEXUAL ASSAULT PROGRAMS

work environment or a supervisors harassing conduct results in a tangible change in an employees employment status or benets (for example, demotion, termination, failure to promote, etc.) often referred to as quid pro quo. Regardless of its legal denition, sexual harassment is about power and status and is typically perpetrated by someone having power over someone with lower status or power. While the majority of sexual harassment is overwhelming targeted toward women, more and more studies are indicating that sexual harassment also applies to males as well as females and other adults, in addition to children and adolescents. For example, in 2004, the EEOC received 13,136 charges of sexual harassment and of the total, 15.1% of those charges were led by males. A study entitled Hostile Hallways: Bullying, Teasing, and Sexual Harassment in School by the American Association of University Women Educational Foundation found that: 83% of girls and 79% of boys report having ever experienced harassment. The number of boys reporting experiences with harassment often or occasionally has increased since 1993 (56% vs. 49%), although girls are still somewhat more likely to experience it. For many students sexual harassment is an ongoing experience: over 1 in 4 students experience it often. These numbers do not dier by whether the school is urban or suburban or rural. Much of the research contained within this Digest indicated that sexual harassment can be broken down into three categories: gender harassment, unwanted sexual attention, and sexual coercion. Gender harassment involves unwelcome verbal or visual comments and remarks that insult individuals because of their gender and can include such things as posting pornographic pictures in public places, telling jokes and making gender related degrading remarks. Unwanted sexual attention refers to uninvited behaviors that explicitly communicate sexual desires or intentions toward another person such as staring at someones breasts or making comments that insinuate sexual activities. Sexual coercion involves putting physical or psychological pressure on a person to elicit sexual cooperation and can include touching, oering of bribes for sexual favors. This type of harassment is typically known as quid pro quo. (Barak, 2005). Interestingly one study which explored the nature of womens sexual harassment complaints found that unwanted sexual attention accounted for the majority of the complaints (74%), while gender harassment accounted for 42% and sexual coercion accounted for 14% of the complaints (Walsh, 2000). In contrast, a study comparing oine sexual harassment to online sexual harassment found that gender harassment was the most common form of sexual harassment used on the internet. (Barak, 2005). Although research indicates that many schools and businesses have instituted sexual harassment policies and training programs, some of the research articles contained within this Digest indicate that these policies and training programs, while imparting knowledge, are ineective at changing behavior, and at increasing reporting. In addition to making these training programs and policies more eective, one article also points to the need for policies and training programs to be culturally and gender relevant and accessible. As with other forms of sexual assault, sexual harassment carries a set of impacts and consequences such as having physical eects, emotional eects, job and [school] related eects and current and
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future nancial consequences. Harassment also has negative consequences on the environment victims are in and can lead to a hostile and less productive work and [school] environment. It costs organizations and schools through damaged morale, lawsuits and absenteeism. It allows for the degradation of women and the perpetuation of gender inequalities. (Ontario Womens Justice Network). What To Do If You Are Being Sexually Harassed1 Should a client indicate that they have or are being sexually harassed some actions for them to consider: If the situation permits, tell the harasser that the sexual behavior is unwelcome, oensive, and should stop. Keep a personal written record. Document as precisely as possible, the incidents as they happen. Include the names of any witnesses, your response, and steps you have taken with your employer to resolve the problem, and any other information that may be helpful later. Make a copy of this record to keep in a safe place away from the workplace. Find out if co-workers have experienced similar harassment from this person. Report the complaint to your supervisor (or your supervisors supervisor if the harassment is from your supervisor). Send a letter to the harasser by registered mail with return receipt requested. State your objections to the behavior and ask that this conduct stop. Keep a copy of this letter and the return receipt showing that the harasser has received it. If the behavior continues, le a complaint with your employer and/or with a government agency. Actions Employers Should Take Since sexual harassment is against the law, the law requires employers to give prompt attention to complaints of sexual harassment and to take appropriate action to prevent and discipline this behavior. It is against the law to retaliate against an employee who makes a complaint about sexual harassment. The EEOC also advises that where employment opportunities or benets are granted because of an individuals submission to the employers requests for sexual favors, the employer may be held liable for unlawful sex discrimination against other persons who were qualied for but denied that employment opportunity or benet. Some actions that employers can take include the following: Establish and communicate a strong policy statement prohibiting sexual harassment in your workplace. Include the subject of sexual harassment in supervisory training programs and employee orientation.
1

(Montgomery County Commission for Women, Oce of Human Rights).

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 Inform employees of appropriate procedures to follow for complaints of sexual harassment within your organization. Investigate any claims of sexual harassment promptly and thoroughly and follow through on appropriate sanctions for oenders. Be aware of liability in sexual harassment cases. Corporations, individual managers, supervisors and employees may be sued and held personally liable for their own conduct and for the conduct of employees whom they supervise. 2 As always, we hope that you nd this information useful and relevant as you work to end sexual violence in all its forms.
2

(Montgomery County Commission for Women, Oce of Human Rights).

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Research Articles
Hispanic Perspectives on Sexual Harassment and Social Support
Cortina, Lilia, M. Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 30(5), May 2004, pgs. 570-584.

adacculturationdition, other measures included Organizational Tolerance of Sexual Harassment and levels of Coping with Harassment Scales, which assessed for job satisfaction and psychological distress.

Although much research has focused on supportseeking processes, few studies have focused on support seeking within the context of culture. Integrating literature on social support, sexual harassment and cultural perspectives, this research seeks to answer the question from whom do Hispanic American women seek support to cope with the stress of sexual harassment? The study examines both formal forms of support, such as ling an ofcial complaint within the organization, as well informal sources of support such as seeking help from family and friends. Using a cultural analysis, hypotheses were based on variables that included acculturation levels of the victim, social power of the harasser and severity of the harassment.

Because most of the participants in this study perceived negative or less than satisfying responses from their organizations, this research points to the need for more culturally sensitive policies and practices within organizations to increase support for those who are experiencing sexual harassment or other on-the-job stressors.
Results indicated that seeking support from all three sources (family, friends and organization) correlated only with higher levels of acculturation, harassment severity and perpetrator power. Conversely, the lower the womans acculturation level, the more likely they were to seek support from family and friends and not through more formal means. In terms of quality of support, harassed women perceived more supportive reactions when they turned to informal networks of friends and family, and perceived less positive reactions when they turned to formal, organizational sources. When examining the impact of social responses, as expected, unsupported responses correlated with less job satisfaction and higher levels of psychological distress. Lastly, the more powerful the perpetrator, the more likely victims sought support from all sources, including their organization. Because most of the participants in this study perceived negative or less than satisfying responses from their organizations, this research points to the need for more culturally sensitive policies and practices within organizations to increase support for those who are experiencing sexual harassment or other on-the-job stressors. This study also has implications for the continued
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In terms of quality of support, harassed women perceived more supportive reactions when they turned to informal networks of friends and family, and perceived less positive reactions when they turned to formal, organizational sources.
Participants included 462 employed women enrolled in vocational schools that served the Hispanic community. Of the 462, 249 indicated some encounter with sexual harassment within the workplace. The participants families originated from Mexico (90%), Central America (3%), Puerto Rico (1%), and Cuba (1%), and the mean level of acculturation was rated as low to moderate. The instruments used to measure the variables were specically designed to target those within the Hispanic community and included: Support Seeking, Acculturation Levels, Sexual Experience, and Harassment Intensity Scales. In

need to explore how cultural, sexual victimization and support seeking behaviors intersect. Gender Dierences in Sexual Harassment and Coercion in College Students: Developmental, Individual and Situational Determinants
Menard, Kim, S.; Hall, Gordon, Phung, Amber, H.; Ghebrial, Marian, K.; & Martin, Lynette. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Vol. 18(10), October, 2003, pgs. 1222-1239.

adversarial heterosexual beliefs, aggression and alcohol expectancies increased sexually harassing behaviors. Regarding sexual coercion for men, adult sexual victimization and alcohol expectancies predicted this behavior while a hostile interpersonal style predicted sexually coercive behaviors for women.

While studies have typically focused on the perpetration of sexual harassment by males, this study examines sexual harassment and coercion tactics used by both males and females with a college setting. This study also examines how individual and situational factors inuenced these behaviors. Participants included 148 males and 278 females recruited from psychology and sociology classes. Participants were given a battery of questionnaires which measured their sexual attitudes and experiences as well as: 1) child sexual abuse experiences, 2) adult sexual victimization, 3) personality traits, 4) adverse heterosexual beliefs, 5) non-sexual aggression behaviors, 6) alcohol expectancies, 7) sexual harassment behaviors, and 8) sexual coercion indicators.

The results of this study point to the need for providing early and adequate treatment for child and adult sexual assault victims as these factors were shown to increase the odds of perpetrating sexually harassing and sexually coercive behaviors for both males and females.
The results of this study point to the need for providing early and adequate treatment for child and adult sexual assault victims as these factors were shown to increase the odds of perpetrating sexually harassing and sexually coercive behaviors for both males and females. Furthermore, because alcohol use increased these behaviors, a need for greater alcohol education amongst college campuses is warranted. The Inuence of Race and Gender on Student Self-Reports of Sexual Harassment by College Professors
Kalof, Linda, Eby, Kimberly, Matheson, Jennifer, L.; & Kroska, Rob, J. Gender and Society, Vol. 15(2), April, 2001, pgs. 283-302.

More specically, men were twice as likely to be sexually harassing and three times more likely to be sexually coercive as women.
Results indicated that men had signicantly higher scores on both the sexual harassment and sexual coercion scales than women. More specically, men were twice as likely to be sexually harassing and three times more likely to be sexually coercive as women. Regarding sexually harassment behavior for men, higher scores on childhood sexual abuse, hostility, adversarial heterosexual beliefs (beliefs that sexual relationships are antagonistic) and alcohol expectancies (when I drink I get into ghts) was shown to predict higher rates of sexually harassing behavior. For women, adult sexual victimization,
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Sexual harassment by college professors is a welldocumented phenomenon and studies estimate that between 30-70% of females and 36% of males have experienced sexual harassment in college by professors. Traditional studies have focused on sexual harassment of white women within the work setting but few to none have focused on the intersection of race, gender and sexual harassment within a college setting. Sexual harassment in this study was dened using several categories: 1) gender harassment - suggestive remarks, crude jokes, use of sexist teaching materials, sexual comments, 2) seduc-

tion offensive, but sanction free advances, 3) sexual bribery solicitation of sexual activity for the promise of rewards, or what is more commonly known as quid pro quo, 4) sexual coercion - threats of punishment and, 5) unwanted sexual attention and/or sexual assault. This study focused on three categories: gender harassment, sexual coercion and unwanted sexual attention.

students, 7.7% of Hispanics, 10.9% of Asians, 11% of whites and 4.1 percent of students from other minorities. Sexual coercion was reported by only 9 students.

Sexual harassment by college professors is a well-documented phenomenon and studies estimate that between 30-70% of females and 36% of males have experienced sexual harassment in college by professors.
Participants included 386 women and 139 men enrolled in a large diverse university. The ethnic breakdown included 7.6% African American, 63.2% Caucasian, 11.9% Asian, Pacic Islander or Filipino, 4.9% Hispanic and 9.5% of other minority groups. Results indicated that 40% of the women and 28.7% of the men had experienced at least one of the 16 incidents of sexual harassment identied. Gender harassment comprised the highest incidence of sexual harassment with 38.9% of the women reporting and 26.6% percent of men reporting this form, while unwanted sexual attention was reported by 11.1% of the women and 6% by men. In terms of race, 30% of the African Americans experienced at least one of the 16 incidents of sexual harassment by a college professor and at least one sexually harassing experience was reported by 30.8% of Hispanics, 33.9% of Asians, 39.4% of whites and 30.6% of the students from other minorities. In comparing gender harassment and race, 30% of African Americans reported this form of sexual harassment, 23.1% of Hispanics, 32.8% of Asians, 36.5% of whites and 28.6% of other minority groups. Unwanted sexual attention was reported by 7.5% of the African American

In terms of race, 30% of the African Americans experienced at least one of the 16 incidents of sexual harassment by a college professor and at least one sexually harassing experience was reported by 30.8% of Hispanics, 33.9% of Asians, 39.4% of whites and 30.6% of the students from other minorities.
Based on the results the authors hypothesis that there would be gender and racial dierences in the overall incidence and types of sexual harassment was not conrmed. This study is signicant in that it demonstrates extremely high rates of sexual harassment by professors within a college setting and points to the need for more solid prevention and intervention strategies that are culturally competent and relevant, particularly ones that help victims and perpetrators understand what constitutes a sexually harassing act and consequences for committing such oenses. Bullying and Sexual Harassment Among Brazilian High School Students
DeSouza, Eron, R.; & Ribeiro, JAims. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Vol. 20(9), September, 2005, pgs. 1018-1038.

While attention to bullying and sexual harassment have been explored in developed countries like the United States and Europe, studies on this subject have been neglected as it pertains to countries like Latin America. The authors point out that bullying and sexual harassment in schools, colleges and universities in Latin America is widespread and often tolerated due to the patriarchal nature of the culture and because male power structures are embedded and institutionalized. Four hundred high school students from
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two schools, with 200 coming from a public school and the other 200 from a private school participated. The sample included 237 girls and 163 boys with 50% being Juniors and 50% being Seniors. Measures included overall general misconduct, bullying, sexual harassment, and sexism scales.

60% (239) reported having bullied other students at least once or twice within the past 30 days and of these, 85% reported bullying more than twice, and 14% reported bullying frequently.
60% (239) reported having bullied other students at least once or twice within the past 30 days and of these 85% reported bullying more than twice, and 14% reported bullying frequently. Boys bullied their peers more often than girls. Additionally, there was a correlation between general misconduct and bullying for both boys and girls. Interestingly, the results demonstrated that that when boys perceived that teachers would punish them for bullying, they responded with more bullying behaviors rather than less. Possible explanations included boys need to assert independence and desire to provoke responses from adults in positions of authority. Another interesting nding was that hostile sexism did not correlate with higher rates of bullying. Explanations for this nding include the fact that bullying behaviors often occurred between same-sex peers rather than between other-sex peers. Lastly, girls who scored higher on general misconduct were shown to demonstrate more bullying behaviors.

between bullying and peer sexual harassment and supports the notion that sexual harassment is a form of bullying and are ways of attempting to establish social dominance. Teacher norms, such as taking actions to curb such behaviors had no direct correlation on sexual harassment or its frequency. Possible explanations included overall school climate and lack of support from administrators. The authors recommend that school administrators develop and institutionalize clear policies and strict enforcement policies and practices in addition to comprehensive prevention education programs for both students and personnel and to evaluate both the policies and programs periodically to determine their effectiveness. The Unexpected Eects of a Sexual Harassment Educational Program

Bingham, Shereen, G.; & Scherer, Lisa, L. Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, Vol. 27(2), 2002, pgs. 125-153.

Interestingly, the results demonstrated that that when boys perceived that teachers would punish them for bullying, they responded with more bullying behaviors rather than less.
Approximately 24% of the students reported having sexually harassed their peers with boys sexually harassing more often than girls. The results also demonstrated a signicant correlation
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Few studies on sexual harassment and evaluation of training programs have been conducted within an organizational setting, and more often than not, most of the research has focused on females. To address this gap, the purpose of this study was to evaluate a sexual harassment program for employees within a medium-size university focusing on both males and females experiences. Unlike other evaluation studies, this sexual harassment program was developed by a committee of sta and faculty members rather than by the researchers themselves. The committee developed a 30 minute program with three components 1) a three-minute videotape by the chancellor outlining the universitys policy and lack of tolerance of sexual harassment, the harm of this conduct, reporting procedures, and consequences for perpetrators, 2) a handout and oral presentation by a mixedsex, two person team, focusing on denitions of sexual harassment, forms and behavioral tactics, potential victims and perpetrators, and, 3) a ve minute discussion. The program was administered to 100 men and 97 women and results were compared to those who did not participate in the program

(141 men and 178 women) but who lled out a questionnaire on the topic. Variables measured included: 1) knowledge about sexual harassment, 2) perceptions and detection of sexual harassment, 3) willingness to report, 4) attributions of blame, and 5) attitudes toward sexual behavior at work.

...participating males reported less willingness to report sexual harassment than nonparticipating males, participating females or nonparticipating females. Regarding issues of blame, participating males were signicantly more likely to blame the victim than all other groups.
Results indicated that those who participated in the program were signicantly more knowledgeable about the legal and policy aspects of sexual harassment. Gender did not have a signicant role on the variable of knowledge. Gender and participation in the program also did not have a signicant eect on perceptions of what constitutes sexual harassment. Furthermore, contrary to the intent of the program, results indicated that participating males reported less willingness to report sexual harassment than nonparticipating males, participating females or non-participating females. Regarding issues of blame, participating males were signicantly more likely to blame the victim than all other groups. Finally, men were signicantly more likely than women to view sexual behavior at work as harmless. However, program participants of both genders were more likely than non-participants to view that sexual behavior at work is inappropriate.

of this study had more to do with program design which focused mainly on imparting information about the legal and policy aspects, avenues for reporting and punishments. Therefore, organizations need to develop more comprehensive programs on sexual harassment programs that actually impact behavior rather than just impart knowledge on the legalities of the issue. Additionally, developing sexual harassment programs for specic audiences and target populations is also warranted. Gender and Power Issues of Peer Sexual Harassment Among Teenagers

Fineran, Susan, & Bennett, Larry, Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Vol. 14(6), 2000, pgs. 626-641.

Although research has focused on peer sexual harassment on college campuses, little attention has been paid to sexual harassment experiences of students in middle and high schools. The authors also point out that much of our society typically views that sexual harassment behaviors as a part of normal adolescent development and is often overlooked for the hurtful behavior that it is. To ll gaps within the literature, the purpose of this research was to identify what role gender, power and relationships play in peer sexual assault. Three hundred and forty two (342) students were given a battery of tests that measured gender, power issues, relationships and sexual harassing behaviors. The breakdown of the students included 62% girls and 38% boys and was racially diverse.

The authors believe that the negative outcomes of this study had more to do with program design which focused mainly on imparting information about the legal and policy aspects, avenues for reporting and punishments.
The authors believe that the negative outcomes

Results indicated that 87% of girls and 79% of boys reported being the targets of sexual harassment and 77% of girls and 72% of boys reported perpetrating sexual harassment of their peers. Furthermore, the study demonstrated that girls were the recipients of more overt forms sexual harassment and boys perpetrated these behaviors more often than girls.

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Results indicated that 87% of girls and 79% of boys reported being the targets of sexual harassment and 77% of girls and 72% of boys reported perpetrating sexual harassment of their peers. Furthermore, the study demonstrated that girls were the recipients of more overt forms sexual harassment and boys perpetrated these behaviors more often than girls.

The results of this study also demonstrated a strong link between the frequency of peer sexual harassment, male power beliefs, and personal power beliefs. More specically, peer sexual harassment creates and supports hierarchies in which boys and girls endorse beliefs that males should be dominate and thus can victimize more often to assert this dominant stance.
The results of this study also demonstrated a strong link between the frequency of peer sexual harassment, male power beliefs, and personal power beliefs. More specically, peer sexual harassment creates and supports hierarchies in which boys and girls endorse beliefs that males should be dominate and thus can victimize more often to assert this dominant stance. Finally, this study indicated that society tends to view sexual harassment as a normal, acceptable and expected element of adolescent development and behavior and indicates that this social belief needs to be challenged as an accepted adolescent developmental norm or behavior An Empirical Investigation of Sexual Harassers: Toward a Perpetrator Typology
Lucero, Margaret, A.; Middleton, Karen, L.; Finch, Wendy, & Valentine, Sean, R. Human Relations, Vol. 56(12) December, 2003, pgs. 1461-1483.

actions considered to be sexual harassment and involved only male sexual harassment of females. Based on the cases, four initial categories were developed: 1) types of sexual harassment behavior, 2) the overtness of the behavior, 3) the number of victims, and 4) whether the harasser was a repeat oender. Other issues, such as adversarial sexual beliefs, authoritarian personality, levels of sexual maturity, and the harassers desire for a relationship with the victim were also examined. Based on the results, two major themes emerged from the study - the number of victims targeted and the types of behaviors used. Some harassed one or two victims repeatedly while those in the exploitive category targeted many victims over an extended period of time. In addition, the study identified four types of sexual harassment typologies. Type 1 perpetrators were viewed as persistent harassers - harassing multiple victims over multiple incidents, Type 2 perpetrators also harassed many targets, used competitive and aggressive behaviors and viewed relationships with women as adversarial, Type 3 perpetrators were those in power positions over the victim and harassed a few victims when the situation allowed them to assert control, and Type 4 perpetrators were those seeking to have a relationship with the victim, but used emotionally coercive behaviors over an extended period of time to solicit a relationship.

This study illuminates the fact that not all perpetrators are the same and each use different behaviors and tactics based on their goals.
This study illuminates the fact that not all perpetrators are the same and each have dierent behavioral patterns and tactics used based on their goals. Additionally, this study has implications for managers in corporations and agencies in that understanding the dierent types of perpetrators may assist in development of better prevention and education programs.

Using 67 sexual harassment arbitration decisions, this study expands on current literature to determine sexual harassment perpetrator types over an extended period of time. All cases used involved discipline of an employee for

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Presumed Innocence: Heterosexual, Heterosexist and Homophobic Harassment Among Primary School Girls and Boys
Renold, Emma, Childhood, Vol. 9(4), 2002 pgs. 415-434.

Studies on sexual harassment within school settings have traditionally been focused on teenagers in middle and high schools or on college campuses. This particular study however, focuses on the sexual harassment experiences of pre-adolescents and examines the harassment from a heterosexual, homophobic and heterosexist harassment construct carried out by both boys and girls. The data used for this study came from a larger ethnology study that explored the construction of childrens gender and sexual identities.

behavior was seen in boys who were considered lower down on the heterosexuality hierarchy and often was motivated by the need to increase their social status. While much of the heterosexist verbal and physical harassment was perpetrated by boys there were also several incidents of girls harassing boys, particularly toward those who appeared more feminine or homosexual. Homophobic harassment (calling someone gay) was perpetrated against boys and girls who did not appear invested in traditional and dominant heterosexuality and who did not demonstrate adherence to traditional feminine and masculine roles. For boys, this occurred when they did not engage in overt heterosexual boyfriend-girlfriend relationships, or who did not participate in traditional sports.

Interestingly, this type of behavior was seen in boys who were considered lower down on the heterosexuality hierarchy and often was motivated by the need to increase their social status.
For the purposes of this study, sexual harassment was dened as unwanted conduct of a sexual nature. Using unstructured interviews of the youth over a years time period, several themes emerged.

This study was an important one in that it demonstrated that for those transgressing traditional gender norms, physical, verbal, and sexual harassment was used to assert dominant heterosexism, dominant feminine and masculine roles and to claim homosexuality as abhorrent.
This study was an important one in that it demonstrated that for those transgressing traditional gender norms, physical, verbal, and sexual harassment was used to assert dominant heterosexism, dominant feminine and masculine roles and to claim homosexuality as abhorrent. Because of the destructive nature of the sexual harassment, schools need to develop more consistent policies against sexual harassment and bullying and to better understand how childrens need to develop traditional gender roles directly inuences the nature of bullying and sexual harassment behaviors in pre-adolescents.

Homophobic harassment (calling someone gay) was perpetrated against boys and girls who did not appear invested in traditional and dominant heterosexuality and who did not demonstrate adherence to traditional feminine and masculine roles.
Heterosexual harassment perpetrated by boys to girls commonly took the form of verbal insults that were sexually abusive and aggressive, calling them bitches, sluts, etc. Although not typically found in the literature for youth this age, incidents of physical sexual harassment was also observed. Interestingly, this type of

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The Multidimensional Nature of Sexual Harassment: An Empirical Analysis of Womens Sexual Harassment Complaints

Welsh, Sandy, Violence Against Women, Vol. 6(2), February, 200, pgs. 118-141.

sexual derogation, 3) unwanted sexual attention, 4) relational advances or requests, and 5) sexual coercion or quid pro quo. The results indicated that unwanted sexual attention was the most common type of harassment mentioned and occurred in 74% of the complaints, with gender harassment being mentioned as the second most common form, comprising 46% of the complaints led. Thirtytwo percent (32%) of the complaints described sexual derogatory comments, while only 14% of the women mentioned sexual coercion or quid pro quo harassment as their motivation for making complaints. Contrary to other ndings, this study demonstrated that women who are motivated to make complaints are not necessarily subjected to what is considered to be the most severe or legal denitions of sexual harassment. Conversely, the majority of the complaints involved either gender based harassment or sexualized touching and comments.

The purpose of this study was to determine the types of sexual harassment experiences of women in the workplace. Two general questions were asked: 1) what types of harassment are they experiencing, and 2) are they isolated events or multidimensional incidents that cause the complaints to be led? Answering these questions on what motivates women to file complaints can help inform policy and prevention strategies and future research about sexual harassment. Analysis of the data was drawn from 296 sexual harassment complaints led by women with the Canadian Human Rights Commission between the years 1978 and 1983. The complaints were read and coded from the investigators case les which contained records of the investigation process, what occurred, type of harassment behavior involved, and how the case was resolved.

The results indicated that unwanted sexual attention was the most common type of harassment mentioned and occurred in 74% of the complaints, with gender harassment being mentioned as the second most common form, comprising 46% of the complaints led.
Once coded, 15 types of sexual harassment behaviors emerged: gendered insults and jokes, gendered derogatory remarks, personal remarks, subtle pressures, sexual advances, sexual touching, sexual posturing and cornering, subjective objectification, sexual materials, graffiti or anonymous postings, relational advances, letters, phone calls, solicitation with promise, solicitation with threats and coerced sex. Once these 15 behaviors were identied, they were then categorized into 5 common sexual harassing behaviors 1) gender harassment, 2)
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Additionally, many of the harassing behaviors were not isolated events and were considered to be multidimensional in nature as many of the women described a variety of harassing behaviors occurring simultaneously which created the most signicant reason for ling charges.
Additionally, many of the harassing behaviors were not isolated events and were considered to be multidimensional in nature as many of the women described a variety of harassing behaviors occurring simultaneously which created the most signicant reason for ling charges. For example, some reported being groped while the harasser asked for sex. The author points out that this supports prior research which indicates that it is not the experience of one behavior alone but the cumulative nature of the experience that leads to ling sexual harassment complaints.

Sexual Harassment Among Female Personnel in an Italian Hospital: Fresquency and Correlates
Romitio, Patrizia, Ballard, Terri & Maton, Ncccoletta. Violence Against Women, Vol. 10(4), April, 2004, pg. 366-417.

Results indicated that 54% of the women reported at least some kind of sexual harassment by another employee or by a patient. Of those, 46% reported gender harassment, 29% reported unwanted sexual attention and 3% reported sexual coercion.

This particular study examines the incidence of sexual harassment of female health professionals in Italy. Supporting literature reviews indicate that female hospital personnel are subject to sexual harassment at alarming rates by superiors, same-rank coworkers and by patients. The authors were also interested in understanding whether or not personal and social characteristics, including domestic violence, were associated with workplace sexual harassment. The context for this study is based on a feminist analysis that views sexual harassment from a patriarchal framework and postulates that sexual harassment is born out of culturally legitimate power and status dierences between men and women.

Another interesting nding was that while patient harassers tended to be less discriminate and harassed less often, colleagues targeted women who possessed certain characteristics including, being separated, being the sole breadwinner, having nancial problems and having a history of domestic violence experiences.
In addition, the participants also reported being harassed several times and by more than one perpetrator. Another interesting finding was that while patient harassers tended to be less discriminate and harassed less often, colleagues targeted women who possessed certain characteristics including, being separated, being the sole breadwinner, having financial problems and having a history of domestic violence experiences. Thus, a history of domestic violence and strong nancial worries was shown to be the two strongest risk factors for sexual harassment. Furthermore, superiors and same-rank coworkers tended to sexually harass more often than those in a subordinate position. There was no evidence of subordinates harassing superiors which supports the notion that sexual harassment is usually perpetrated by those in a power position. Sexual Harassment on the Internet
Barak, Azy. Social Science Computer Review, Vol. 23(1), Spring, 2005, pg. 77-92.

Results indicated that 54% of the women reported at least some kind of sexual harassment by another employee or by a patient. Of those, 46% reported gender harassment, 29% reported unwanted sexual attention and 3% reported sexual coercion.
To gather data, questionnaires were distributed to every female employee in the hospital including doctors, nurses, secretaries, technicians and orderlies. To measure rates of sexual harassment, the authors administered a modied version of the Sexual Experiences Questionnaire and participants were asked about a variety of sexually harassing behaviors including remarks, touching, crude jokes, persistent propositions, threats for not participating, unwanted touch, etc. They were also asked to identify the perpetrator and frequency of the occurrence. Furthermore, participants were asked to complete questions regarding their professional status, age, economic situation, shifts worked, and whether they had received physical or sexual assault within the connes of a relationship.

The purpose of this article was to outline the characteristics of online sexual harassment, identify its similarities and dierences to oine sexual harassment, discuss how technology and cyberspace supports this behavior and identify some prevention strategies. The author rst discusses the three most common forms of oine sexual harassment: gender harassment,
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unwanted sexual attention, and sexual coercion. While all three types of sexual harassment apply to the internet, due to the obscure nature of cyberspace, gender harassment and unwanted sexual attention are the two of the most common forms. Online gender harassment can be both active and passive. The active form specically targets a specic individual directly through the use of verbal and graphical sexual massages that are oensive and typically occurs in chat rooms and forums. Passive gender harassment occurs when the harasser sends graphic and verbal oensive messages to multiple recipients through the use of use of pop-ups, oensive nicknames, and pornographic pictures attached to emails, etc. as opposed to sending oensive messages to a particular person. Online unwanted sexual attention occurs through the use of direct communication between a harasser and victim by asking about the victims sex life, sexual organs, by soliciting oers for sexual activity, etc. Sexual coercion is often manifested similarly to oine sexual coercion and can take the form of breaking into a victims computer, cyberstalking, sending threatening or frightening emails, etc.

law enforcement strategies make this form of sexual harassment particularly easy to perpetrate with little recourse for the victims and with little ability to control it. Strategies for prevention include more consistent law enforcement and legislation, working to change organizational and social norms supporting a culture of sexual harassment and education and training for potential victims and harassers during oine training sessions within organizations, agencies and schools.

The author also discusses how the nature of cyberspace and inherent characteristics of the internet reinforce this behavior, more specically, how anonymity, difculty in tracking the harasser, being able to disconnect at will, and inconsistent law enforcement strategies make this form of sexual harassment particularly easy to perpetrate with little recourse for the victims and with little ability to control it.
The author also discusses how the nature of cyberspace and inherent characteristics of the internet reinforce this behavior, more specically, how anonymity, diculty in tracking the harasser, being able to disconnect at will, and inconsistent
14 JANUARY | 2006

Did You Know That...

In Fiscal Year 2004, EEOC received 13,136 charges of sexual harassment. 15.1% of those charges were led by males. EEOC resolved 13,786 sexual harassment charges in FY 2003 and recovered $37.1 million in monetary benets for charging parties and other aggrieved individuals (not including monetary benets obtained through litigation). A 1999 survey by the Society for Human Resource Management states that 62% of companies oer sexual harassment prevention training programs, and 97% have a written sexual harassment policy. A telephone poll conducted by Louis Harris and Associates on 782 workers revealed: 31% of the female workers claimed to have been harassed at work 7% of the male workers claimed to have been harassed at work 62% of targets took no action 100% of women claimed the harasser was a man 59% of men claimed the harasser was a woman 41% of men claimed the harasser was another man Of the women who had been harassed: 43% were harassed by a supervisor 27% were harassed by an employee senior to them 19% were harassed by a coworker at their level 8% were harassed by a junior employee

Sexual Harassment Statistics in Education:

A survey conducted by the American Association of University Women (AAUW) on 1632 students aged 8-11 revealed: 85% of girls have been sexually harassed 76% of boys have been sexually harassed 31% of girls experienced harassment often 18% of boys experienced harassment often 13% of girls reported being forced to do something sexual at school other than kissing 9% of boys reported being forced to do something sexual at school other than kissing Girls were ve times more likely to nd the incidents disturbing and three times more likely to feel the harassment had aected their grades. 25% of girls were harassed by school employees 10% of boys were harassed by school employees A survey conducted by the American Psychological Association on female graduate students revealed: 12.7% have experienced sexual harassment 21% have avoided classes for fear of being sexually harassed 11% have tried to report an incident of sexual harassment 3% have dropped a course because of sexual harassment
RESEARCH & ADVOCACY DIGEST 15

WCSAP Library Resources

Curriculum/Videos
Harassment in the Workplace: Employee Awareness A Policy Is Not Enough: Leading a Respectful Workplace No Excuses: Sexual Harassment Trainers Guide Protecting Students from Harassment and Hate Crimes: A Guide for Schools Sexual Harassment Prevention: A Guide for School Leaders

Books
Bullying, Peer Harassment and Revictimization in the Schools: The Next Generation of Prevention by Maurice Elias, Joseph Zins, Journal of Applied School Psychology, Vol. 19(2), 2003 Sexual Harassment on the Job: What It Is and How to Stop It by Attorneys William Petrocelli & Barbara Kate Repo The Bullying Prevention Handbook: A Guide for Principals, Teachers and Counselors, by John Hoover and Ronald Oliver

Websites
Equal Opportunity Employment Commission or EEOC: www.eeoc.gov/types/sexual_harassment.html

WCSAP
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