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PERSPECTIVES NOVEMBER 2016
This is for investment professionals only and should not be relied upon by private investors
Trump’s growth nirvana
Not all fiscal plans are created equal
What should we make of Republican policy makers’ and President-Elect
Donald Trump’s plans for higher spending and various tax cuts? There
is currently no visibility on the implementation of these plans, which we
expect to change materially in the coming months. But we can assess
how effective individual measures are likely to be, by analysing their
fiscal multipliers.
At face value, a sizeable tax reform would add significantly to US growth
in the short term - if financed by extra debt. While multipliers for tax cuts
are low, the sheer size of the suggested cuts means they would have a
significant impact on nominal GDP. The expenditure promises made
during the election campaign are fairly modest in comparison, even
when accounting for their better multipliers.
Excessive tax cuts pose a larger risk for bond investors than the
incoming team’s spending proposals, as the suggested tax cuts are
more likely to push up US Treasury yields.
The importance of fiscal multipliers
Fiscal multipliers give an idea of how successful tax cuts or spending
proposals are in promoting overall economic growth. If multipliers are high,
such measures could be highly successful, boosting demand not only directly
but also indirectly, as employment and incomes rise and corporate revenues
improve.
Higher bond yields and tighter monetary policy would reduce fiscal multipliers,
and, therefore, the boost to the economy. This means that the new
administration will have to carefully assess its fiscal headroom and support
central bank credibility to keep term premia low. It is true that bond yields and
term premia have risen substantially post- election in anticipation of fiscal
easing, but they remain exceptionally low by historical standards (Chart 1).
Chart 1: Reassessing the future? Post-election yield sell-off
Source: Bloomberg, November 2016.
DIERK BRANDENBURG joined
Fidelity International as a senior
credit analyst in 2003. After
leading the financial team in the
fixed income division for six years,
Dierk took responsibility of
developed market sovereigns &
strategy in 2014.
Prior to joining Fidelity, Dierk was
Deputy Head of Credit at the
Bank for International Settlements
and also worked at Deutsche
Bank. Dierk holds a PhD in
Economics and degrees from
Freiburg University and the
London School of Economics.
ANDREA IANNELLI is an
Investment Director at Fidelity.
Andrea joined Fidelity in 2015,
and represents the Fidelity fixed
income investment team to
institutional and wholesale clients
in Southern Europe and Latin
America.
1M1Y 2Y3Y 5Y 7Y 10Y 30Y
0.0
0.5
1.0
1.5
2.0
2.5
3.0
3.5
US Treasuries Curve - 18 November
US Treasuries Curve - 7 November
 
PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 2
What will determine Trump’s multipliers?
The size of fiscal multipliers depends crucially on whether one assumes there
will be a recession in the US next year or not. Fiscal multipliers are higher in a
recession and lower or negative when approaching full employment, due to
import drag (as foreign companies meet the demand the full-capacity domestic
market struggles to meet), rising interest rates and potential crowding-out
effects.
Monetary policy also affects fiscal multipliers. Policy commentators will argue
that there are synergies between expansive monetary and fiscal policy as the
monetary funding of fiscal spending can amplify the stimulus. But with US
inflation set to rise and protectionism potentially driving up import prices, there
will be little appetite for such a combined approach. Tighter monetary policy
looks more likely, and this would mean lower fiscal multipliers for any given
fiscal policy measure.
Bond yields play a key role, too. If yields rise in anticipation of yet more debt,
then government deficit spending risks crowding out interest-sensitive private
sector spending. For now, however, one can rule out higher yields as a
headwind to fiscal multipliers. This is because the term premium – the
excess yield that investors require to commit to holding a long-term bond
instead of a series of shorter-term bonds - is close to zero, even after the recent
sell-off (Chart 2). This is the key argument that multipliers could be higher than
usual, as there will be crowding in of private investment at these rates, once the
government creates the demand.
Chart 2: US term premium remains ultra-low
Source: Fidelity International, Haver, 15 November 2016. Based on NY Fed ACM Model.
 
However, higher nominal yields are a headwind worth considering given the
size of the national debt. The refinancing of this debt could become an issue for
a variety of reasons. For example, will foreigners remain happy to hold US
dollars and Treasuries at current rates? Any changes to the Fed’s board or its
statutes which undermine its independence would also be negative for bonds.
Which works best – tax cuts or spending?
The basic rule is that spending multipliers are higher than tax multipliers
because part of any tax cuts will be saved. Indeed, the Republican preference
for lower taxes over higher government spending is likely to lead to an
inefficient (costlier) expansion with relatively low multipliers.
-10
-5
0
5
10
15
20
1968 1973 1978 1983 1988 1993 1998 2003 2008 2013
Fed Funds Rate
10y Term Spread
10y Term Premium (ACM)
Greenspan
conundrum
Taper
Tantrum
 
PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 3
In fact, because tax payers will adjust their expectations of future taxation, it’s
hard to see how tax multipliers can ever be efficient (i.e. larger than 1,
boosting GDP by more than taxes are cut) when compared to spending
multipliers. Only when tax cuts are strictly temporary and target liquidity-
constrained households and companies can they beat spending increases for
efficiency. In all other situations, the permanent income hypothesis applies -
people will be looking through the new measures, adjusting their saving and
borrowing to account for future tax increases. For example, the recent oil price
decline (essentially a tax cut) had zero effect on US consumption in 2015/16.
Even at the height of the 2009 recession, multipliers for temporary tax cuts were
never greater than 1, and for permanent tax cuts they were below 0.5 (Chart 3).
Chart 3: Spending stimulus more efficient than tax cuts in 2009 and 2015
Source: Fidelity International, Blinder/Zandi, 2015.
How do Trump’s tax plans compare to Reagan’s cuts?
The history of US tax legislation bears this out: there is no magic formula where
tax cuts pay for themselves. Trump’s ideas echo President Ronald Reagan’s
ground-breaking, broad-based tax cuts. Reagan faced different constraints; he
benefited from lower debt levels but had to deal with much higher bond yields.
His first tax cut cost the Treasury cumulative revenues equivalent to a massive
12% of GDP between 1981-1984. That did boost the economy in the short-
term, but did not help the budget (Chart 4).
Chart 4: Reagan’s tax cuts boosted growth, but also the deficit
Source: Congressional Budget Office, Office of Tax Analysis, BEA, 2016
-
0.20
0.40
0.60
0.80
1.00
1.20
1.40
1.60
1.80
Temporary tax cuts Permanent tax cuts Spending Changes
2009 Q1
2015 Q1
-12.0
-10.0
-8.0
-6.0
-4.0
-2.0
0.0
2.0
4.0
6.0
8.0
-3.0
-2.5
-2.0
-1.5
-1.0
-0.5
0.0
0.5
1.0
1.5
2.0
1968 1972 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 2016
GDP growth,
federal deficit,
% GDP
Tax cuts,
% GDP
(4y avg)
Tax legislation Deficit % GDP Real GDP yoy%
Reagan
Bush
Jr
Obama
Clinton
Bush
Sr
 
PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 4
As a consequence, Congress spent most of its time in the 1980s reversing
Reagan's measures, even introducing a tax increase under George H. W. Bush
at the height of the late 1980s recession. President Bill Clinton pushed through
another tax hike at the beginning of his first term, but then rode the budget all
the way into surplus, helped by soaring productivity and a strong labour market.
Georg W. Bush and Congress rediscovered tax cuts as a stimulus tool in the
2003 recession, and President Barack Obama pursued them in the 2008
recession.
How aggressive are Trump’s proposed tax cuts?
Trump’s own tax cut proposals are significantly larger than the Republican
party’s (GOP) plans, but would probably ultimately be less effective (Table 1).
What compromise on the tax cuts the House of Representatives and Trump
reach next year will therefore matter a lot.
The latest GOP proposal is estimated to cost $2.4 trillion over 10 years (about
1.3% of baseline GDP per year on average) while the Trump plan could be
anywhere between $4-6 trillion (about 2.2%-3.3%), including taxes of $200
billion on deferred foreign income that is repatriated.
Table 1: Impact of GOP and Trump tax proposals
GOP 2016
Trump 2016
Assuming
33%
income tax
rate
Assuming
15% rate
income tax
rate
Static cost analysis (2016-2025) $bn
Individual income taxes 981 2,192 3,730
Corporate income taxes 1,197 1,936 1,936
Other taxes 240 240 240
Total 2016-2025 2,418 4,368 5,906
Dynamic Simulation (2016-2025)
CBO GDP base case (2016-2025) 20%
GDP vs base 9% 7% 8%
Capital stock vs base 28% 20% 24%
Wages vs base 8% 5% 6%
Jobs vs base 1,687 1,807 2,155
Total cost of tax reform ($bn) 191 2,640 3,932
Source: Fidelity International. Tax Foundation 2016. CBO: Central Budget Office.
Viewed dynamically, i.e.by simulating growth and employment effects, the
various plans could add between 7% and 9% to baseline GDP over the next 10
years according to the Tax Foundation. This reduces the net cost of the tax
cuts, as tax revenues would rise, especially under the GOP proposal that
foresees a significant broadening of the tax base.
Despite its much larger stimulus, the Trump proposal would have a lower
impact on GDP than the GOP plans because it is less targeted on fostering
investment and tax cuts are more focused on the higher income brackets,
where saving rates are higher.
 
PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 5
Will tax cuts boost productivity longer term?
Cutting corporate taxes could have supply side effects, but these are
notoriously difficult to measure and only play out over long time horizons. For
example, Reagan's supply side policies did very little to raise productivity
growth during his tenure; most of the growth came from rising labour market
participation. Productivity only improved significantly in the late 1990s and it is
hard to link this to any tax policies of the 1980s.
Chart 5: Low productivity has fuelled a secular stagnation
TFP: total factor productivity. Source: Fidelity International, Bureau of labour statistics (BLS), Bureau of Economic
Affairs (BEA), Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, 2016.
Having said that, a lack of capital deepening and low total factor productivity are
at the root of the thesis of secular stagnation (Chart 5). In the model analysis by
the Tax Foundation, the country’s capital stock could grow by about 20%-30%
over the next 10 years under Trump’s plans. This could address a key
weakness in the US growth story even if total factor productivity remains low, by
supporting labour market participation and trend growth (Charts 6 and 7).
Chart 6: Capital deepening has slowed post crisis
Source: Fidelity International, Haver, BEA 2015.
Chart 7: Falling participation weighs on productivity
Source: Fidelity International, Haver, BLS March 2016.
How effective will Trump’s spending plans be?
Compared to tax cuts, an increase in government expenditure is expected to
have a higher multiplier, and therefore a larger impact on GDP. Infrastructure
and defence spending multipliers are well above 1x in a recession, but drop
sharply when at full employment. While the US is technically close to full
2.11% 0.51%
2.01%
0.44%
0.42%
2.4%
1.8%
2.4%
1.6%
0.5%
-1%
0%
1%
2%
3%
4%
5%
1948-1973 1973-1995 1996-2003 2004-2007 2008-
TFP (Ut adj) Capacity Utilization Labor input
Capital Input GDP per capita
60,000
80,000
100,000
120,000
140,000
160,000
180,000
-5%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
capital stock
p/ worker, $
y/y %
y/y % Capital
Stock/Labour Force
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
0.0
0.5
1.0
1.5
2.0
2.5
3.0
3.5
4.0
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
Participation
rate
(5y avg)
Productivity
growth
(5y avg) Republican President Democrat President
 
PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 6
employment, the low labour participation rate suggests there are still under-
utilized resources, so if the new administration can lift growth through spending,
then that may support the multiplier (Table 2).
Table 2: Spending multipliers of 2009 fiscal package
As of Q1
2009
As of Q1
2015
Spending changes 1.53 0.89
Temporary increase in SNAP (formerly food stamps) 1.74 1.22
Temporary federal financing of work-share programs 1.69 1.13
Extension of unemployment insurance benefits 1.61 1.01
Increase in defence spending 1.53 0.87
Increase in infrastructure spending 1.57 0.86
General aid to state governments 1.41 0.58
Low Income Energy Assistance Programme 1.13 0.55
Source: Fidelity International, Blinder 2016. Based on Moody’s Analytics model of the US economy.
The Obama administration already approved $300 billion of infrastructure
investments over five years in 2015, but Trump has bigger things in mind. The
president-elect plans to spend $1 trillion over 10 years to rebuild US
infrastructure. Assuming an average multiplier for government spending of 1.4x,
the Trump plan would add 0.8% per year to U.S. GDP growth, or 0.3% more
than the current administration's plan (Table 3). However, multipliers can differ
considerably depending on monetary policy and long-term yields. In the
analysis in the table below, they range from 0.7x to 1.9x depending on debt
constraints and the monetary policy regime.
Table 3: Trump’s spending plan would boost growth more than Obama’s
Impact on GDP
Multiplier
Obama $300bn
2015-20
Trump $500bn
2017-22 Difference
Debt constraint -
hawkish Fed 0.7 0.24% 0.40% 0.16%
Median outcome 1.4 0.48% 0.80% 0.32%
No debt constraint -
dovish Fed 1.9 0.65% 1.09% 0.43%
Source: Fidelity International. Expenditure multipliers from Leeper/Traum/Walker 2015, OMB, Trump, FIL
calculations, November 2016. Our analysis is a static pro-forma scenario relative to the Central Budget Office’s
base case for US GDP that ignores crowding in effects or productivity gains.
But the effects of Trump’s plans may take time to come through. Current
progress in US infrastructure spend is slow. For example, typically only 25% will
get spent in the first year for projects such as highways. As most of the
spending authority sits with the individual states, the federal government will
need to create strong incentives to see the budgeted money spent quickly.
The macro impact of infrastructure spending will be lower still if it is financed
through public-private partnerships without engaging in direct deficit financing.
For example, the EU’s 500 billion ‘Junker Plan’ is hardly visible at the macro
level two years after launch.
Concern over the deficit will limit fiscal headroom
All multipliers discussed above assume that the tax cuts and expenditure
programmes are financed by additional debt. Yet the fiscal deficit is on a rising
path and will remain so for the foreseeable future, according the Central Budget
Office, unless the government cuts entitlements (Chart 8).
 
PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 7
Chart 8: Rising federal deficits
*The blue bars above the line indicate deficits, the ones below indicate surpluses. Source: Fidelity International.
Haver, Congressional Budget Office, 2016.
This means that a lot will depend on how the administration deals with the
Affordable Care Act (‘Obamacare’) and other social programmes. Cuts in
these areas and the associated lower transfer payments will offset some of the
expansionary effects of tax cuts and infrastructure spending.
Conclusion
US President-elect Donald Trump wowed voters during his campaign with
grand promises to raise spending and cut taxes; in his victory speech, he
announced he would double economic growth. But will he really? Compromises
and delays are the reality of Washington politics, so it is anyone’s guess to what
extent Trump will be able to implement his plans.
Still, it’s worth crunching the numbers to assess the overall impact of individual
proposals, their efficiency and the costs involved. Our analysis shows that
Trump’s plans would indeed boost growth – quite significantly. However, it also
shows that Trump’s preference for tax cuts over spending is economically
inefficient, reviving the economy by less than similar amounts of spending
would.
On very optimistic estimates, Trump’s suggested tax cuts could add 7%-8% to
GDP over the next 10 years, while his spending proposals could add between
0.4% and 1.1% to GDP annually. Although they are less efficient, Trump’s
suggested tax cuts are of such a scale that they could, in the short term, have a
larger impact than his spending plans, which pale a little in comparison.
Quite how much growth his proposals would create crucially depends on
monetary conditions. If his plans trigger higher yields or a tightening of
monetary policy, their efficiency would suffer, potentially more than halving the
impact on GDP. The new administration will therefore need to assess its fiscal
headroom and tread carefully not to undermine the Fed’s credibility.
 
   
-3
0
3
6
9
12
15
18
21
24
27
30
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025
Federal deficit
% GDP*
Federal Outlays
% GDP
Republican President Democrat President
CBO
Forecast
 
PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 8
 
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Trump's growth nirvana

  • 1.   PERSPECTIVES NOVEMBER 2016 This is for investment professionals only and should not be relied upon by private investors Trump’s growth nirvana Not all fiscal plans are created equal What should we make of Republican policy makers’ and President-Elect Donald Trump’s plans for higher spending and various tax cuts? There is currently no visibility on the implementation of these plans, which we expect to change materially in the coming months. But we can assess how effective individual measures are likely to be, by analysing their fiscal multipliers. At face value, a sizeable tax reform would add significantly to US growth in the short term - if financed by extra debt. While multipliers for tax cuts are low, the sheer size of the suggested cuts means they would have a significant impact on nominal GDP. The expenditure promises made during the election campaign are fairly modest in comparison, even when accounting for their better multipliers. Excessive tax cuts pose a larger risk for bond investors than the incoming team’s spending proposals, as the suggested tax cuts are more likely to push up US Treasury yields. The importance of fiscal multipliers Fiscal multipliers give an idea of how successful tax cuts or spending proposals are in promoting overall economic growth. If multipliers are high, such measures could be highly successful, boosting demand not only directly but also indirectly, as employment and incomes rise and corporate revenues improve. Higher bond yields and tighter monetary policy would reduce fiscal multipliers, and, therefore, the boost to the economy. This means that the new administration will have to carefully assess its fiscal headroom and support central bank credibility to keep term premia low. It is true that bond yields and term premia have risen substantially post- election in anticipation of fiscal easing, but they remain exceptionally low by historical standards (Chart 1). Chart 1: Reassessing the future? Post-election yield sell-off Source: Bloomberg, November 2016. DIERK BRANDENBURG joined Fidelity International as a senior credit analyst in 2003. After leading the financial team in the fixed income division for six years, Dierk took responsibility of developed market sovereigns & strategy in 2014. Prior to joining Fidelity, Dierk was Deputy Head of Credit at the Bank for International Settlements and also worked at Deutsche Bank. Dierk holds a PhD in Economics and degrees from Freiburg University and the London School of Economics. ANDREA IANNELLI is an Investment Director at Fidelity. Andrea joined Fidelity in 2015, and represents the Fidelity fixed income investment team to institutional and wholesale clients in Southern Europe and Latin America. 1M1Y 2Y3Y 5Y 7Y 10Y 30Y 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5 US Treasuries Curve - 18 November US Treasuries Curve - 7 November
  • 2.   PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 2 What will determine Trump’s multipliers? The size of fiscal multipliers depends crucially on whether one assumes there will be a recession in the US next year or not. Fiscal multipliers are higher in a recession and lower or negative when approaching full employment, due to import drag (as foreign companies meet the demand the full-capacity domestic market struggles to meet), rising interest rates and potential crowding-out effects. Monetary policy also affects fiscal multipliers. Policy commentators will argue that there are synergies between expansive monetary and fiscal policy as the monetary funding of fiscal spending can amplify the stimulus. But with US inflation set to rise and protectionism potentially driving up import prices, there will be little appetite for such a combined approach. Tighter monetary policy looks more likely, and this would mean lower fiscal multipliers for any given fiscal policy measure. Bond yields play a key role, too. If yields rise in anticipation of yet more debt, then government deficit spending risks crowding out interest-sensitive private sector spending. For now, however, one can rule out higher yields as a headwind to fiscal multipliers. This is because the term premium – the excess yield that investors require to commit to holding a long-term bond instead of a series of shorter-term bonds - is close to zero, even after the recent sell-off (Chart 2). This is the key argument that multipliers could be higher than usual, as there will be crowding in of private investment at these rates, once the government creates the demand. Chart 2: US term premium remains ultra-low Source: Fidelity International, Haver, 15 November 2016. Based on NY Fed ACM Model.   However, higher nominal yields are a headwind worth considering given the size of the national debt. The refinancing of this debt could become an issue for a variety of reasons. For example, will foreigners remain happy to hold US dollars and Treasuries at current rates? Any changes to the Fed’s board or its statutes which undermine its independence would also be negative for bonds. Which works best – tax cuts or spending? The basic rule is that spending multipliers are higher than tax multipliers because part of any tax cuts will be saved. Indeed, the Republican preference for lower taxes over higher government spending is likely to lead to an inefficient (costlier) expansion with relatively low multipliers. -10 -5 0 5 10 15 20 1968 1973 1978 1983 1988 1993 1998 2003 2008 2013 Fed Funds Rate 10y Term Spread 10y Term Premium (ACM) Greenspan conundrum Taper Tantrum
  • 3.   PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 3 In fact, because tax payers will adjust their expectations of future taxation, it’s hard to see how tax multipliers can ever be efficient (i.e. larger than 1, boosting GDP by more than taxes are cut) when compared to spending multipliers. Only when tax cuts are strictly temporary and target liquidity- constrained households and companies can they beat spending increases for efficiency. In all other situations, the permanent income hypothesis applies - people will be looking through the new measures, adjusting their saving and borrowing to account for future tax increases. For example, the recent oil price decline (essentially a tax cut) had zero effect on US consumption in 2015/16. Even at the height of the 2009 recession, multipliers for temporary tax cuts were never greater than 1, and for permanent tax cuts they were below 0.5 (Chart 3). Chart 3: Spending stimulus more efficient than tax cuts in 2009 and 2015 Source: Fidelity International, Blinder/Zandi, 2015. How do Trump’s tax plans compare to Reagan’s cuts? The history of US tax legislation bears this out: there is no magic formula where tax cuts pay for themselves. Trump’s ideas echo President Ronald Reagan’s ground-breaking, broad-based tax cuts. Reagan faced different constraints; he benefited from lower debt levels but had to deal with much higher bond yields. His first tax cut cost the Treasury cumulative revenues equivalent to a massive 12% of GDP between 1981-1984. That did boost the economy in the short- term, but did not help the budget (Chart 4). Chart 4: Reagan’s tax cuts boosted growth, but also the deficit Source: Congressional Budget Office, Office of Tax Analysis, BEA, 2016 - 0.20 0.40 0.60 0.80 1.00 1.20 1.40 1.60 1.80 Temporary tax cuts Permanent tax cuts Spending Changes 2009 Q1 2015 Q1 -12.0 -10.0 -8.0 -6.0 -4.0 -2.0 0.0 2.0 4.0 6.0 8.0 -3.0 -2.5 -2.0 -1.5 -1.0 -0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 1968 1972 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 2016 GDP growth, federal deficit, % GDP Tax cuts, % GDP (4y avg) Tax legislation Deficit % GDP Real GDP yoy% Reagan Bush Jr Obama Clinton Bush Sr
  • 4.   PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 4 As a consequence, Congress spent most of its time in the 1980s reversing Reagan's measures, even introducing a tax increase under George H. W. Bush at the height of the late 1980s recession. President Bill Clinton pushed through another tax hike at the beginning of his first term, but then rode the budget all the way into surplus, helped by soaring productivity and a strong labour market. Georg W. Bush and Congress rediscovered tax cuts as a stimulus tool in the 2003 recession, and President Barack Obama pursued them in the 2008 recession. How aggressive are Trump’s proposed tax cuts? Trump’s own tax cut proposals are significantly larger than the Republican party’s (GOP) plans, but would probably ultimately be less effective (Table 1). What compromise on the tax cuts the House of Representatives and Trump reach next year will therefore matter a lot. The latest GOP proposal is estimated to cost $2.4 trillion over 10 years (about 1.3% of baseline GDP per year on average) while the Trump plan could be anywhere between $4-6 trillion (about 2.2%-3.3%), including taxes of $200 billion on deferred foreign income that is repatriated. Table 1: Impact of GOP and Trump tax proposals GOP 2016 Trump 2016 Assuming 33% income tax rate Assuming 15% rate income tax rate Static cost analysis (2016-2025) $bn Individual income taxes 981 2,192 3,730 Corporate income taxes 1,197 1,936 1,936 Other taxes 240 240 240 Total 2016-2025 2,418 4,368 5,906 Dynamic Simulation (2016-2025) CBO GDP base case (2016-2025) 20% GDP vs base 9% 7% 8% Capital stock vs base 28% 20% 24% Wages vs base 8% 5% 6% Jobs vs base 1,687 1,807 2,155 Total cost of tax reform ($bn) 191 2,640 3,932 Source: Fidelity International. Tax Foundation 2016. CBO: Central Budget Office. Viewed dynamically, i.e.by simulating growth and employment effects, the various plans could add between 7% and 9% to baseline GDP over the next 10 years according to the Tax Foundation. This reduces the net cost of the tax cuts, as tax revenues would rise, especially under the GOP proposal that foresees a significant broadening of the tax base. Despite its much larger stimulus, the Trump proposal would have a lower impact on GDP than the GOP plans because it is less targeted on fostering investment and tax cuts are more focused on the higher income brackets, where saving rates are higher.
  • 5.   PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 5 Will tax cuts boost productivity longer term? Cutting corporate taxes could have supply side effects, but these are notoriously difficult to measure and only play out over long time horizons. For example, Reagan's supply side policies did very little to raise productivity growth during his tenure; most of the growth came from rising labour market participation. Productivity only improved significantly in the late 1990s and it is hard to link this to any tax policies of the 1980s. Chart 5: Low productivity has fuelled a secular stagnation TFP: total factor productivity. Source: Fidelity International, Bureau of labour statistics (BLS), Bureau of Economic Affairs (BEA), Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, 2016. Having said that, a lack of capital deepening and low total factor productivity are at the root of the thesis of secular stagnation (Chart 5). In the model analysis by the Tax Foundation, the country’s capital stock could grow by about 20%-30% over the next 10 years under Trump’s plans. This could address a key weakness in the US growth story even if total factor productivity remains low, by supporting labour market participation and trend growth (Charts 6 and 7). Chart 6: Capital deepening has slowed post crisis Source: Fidelity International, Haver, BEA 2015. Chart 7: Falling participation weighs on productivity Source: Fidelity International, Haver, BLS March 2016. How effective will Trump’s spending plans be? Compared to tax cuts, an increase in government expenditure is expected to have a higher multiplier, and therefore a larger impact on GDP. Infrastructure and defence spending multipliers are well above 1x in a recession, but drop sharply when at full employment. While the US is technically close to full 2.11% 0.51% 2.01% 0.44% 0.42% 2.4% 1.8% 2.4% 1.6% 0.5% -1% 0% 1% 2% 3% 4% 5% 1948-1973 1973-1995 1996-2003 2004-2007 2008- TFP (Ut adj) Capacity Utilization Labor input Capital Input GDP per capita 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000 160,000 180,000 -5% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 capital stock p/ worker, $ y/y % y/y % Capital Stock/Labour Force 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5 4.0 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 Participation rate (5y avg) Productivity growth (5y avg) Republican President Democrat President
  • 6.   PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 6 employment, the low labour participation rate suggests there are still under- utilized resources, so if the new administration can lift growth through spending, then that may support the multiplier (Table 2). Table 2: Spending multipliers of 2009 fiscal package As of Q1 2009 As of Q1 2015 Spending changes 1.53 0.89 Temporary increase in SNAP (formerly food stamps) 1.74 1.22 Temporary federal financing of work-share programs 1.69 1.13 Extension of unemployment insurance benefits 1.61 1.01 Increase in defence spending 1.53 0.87 Increase in infrastructure spending 1.57 0.86 General aid to state governments 1.41 0.58 Low Income Energy Assistance Programme 1.13 0.55 Source: Fidelity International, Blinder 2016. Based on Moody’s Analytics model of the US economy. The Obama administration already approved $300 billion of infrastructure investments over five years in 2015, but Trump has bigger things in mind. The president-elect plans to spend $1 trillion over 10 years to rebuild US infrastructure. Assuming an average multiplier for government spending of 1.4x, the Trump plan would add 0.8% per year to U.S. GDP growth, or 0.3% more than the current administration's plan (Table 3). However, multipliers can differ considerably depending on monetary policy and long-term yields. In the analysis in the table below, they range from 0.7x to 1.9x depending on debt constraints and the monetary policy regime. Table 3: Trump’s spending plan would boost growth more than Obama’s Impact on GDP Multiplier Obama $300bn 2015-20 Trump $500bn 2017-22 Difference Debt constraint - hawkish Fed 0.7 0.24% 0.40% 0.16% Median outcome 1.4 0.48% 0.80% 0.32% No debt constraint - dovish Fed 1.9 0.65% 1.09% 0.43% Source: Fidelity International. Expenditure multipliers from Leeper/Traum/Walker 2015, OMB, Trump, FIL calculations, November 2016. Our analysis is a static pro-forma scenario relative to the Central Budget Office’s base case for US GDP that ignores crowding in effects or productivity gains. But the effects of Trump’s plans may take time to come through. Current progress in US infrastructure spend is slow. For example, typically only 25% will get spent in the first year for projects such as highways. As most of the spending authority sits with the individual states, the federal government will need to create strong incentives to see the budgeted money spent quickly. The macro impact of infrastructure spending will be lower still if it is financed through public-private partnerships without engaging in direct deficit financing. For example, the EU’s 500 billion ‘Junker Plan’ is hardly visible at the macro level two years after launch. Concern over the deficit will limit fiscal headroom All multipliers discussed above assume that the tax cuts and expenditure programmes are financed by additional debt. Yet the fiscal deficit is on a rising path and will remain so for the foreseeable future, according the Central Budget Office, unless the government cuts entitlements (Chart 8).
  • 7.   PERSPECTIVES | Trump’s growth nirvana 7 Chart 8: Rising federal deficits *The blue bars above the line indicate deficits, the ones below indicate surpluses. Source: Fidelity International. Haver, Congressional Budget Office, 2016. This means that a lot will depend on how the administration deals with the Affordable Care Act (‘Obamacare’) and other social programmes. Cuts in these areas and the associated lower transfer payments will offset some of the expansionary effects of tax cuts and infrastructure spending. Conclusion US President-elect Donald Trump wowed voters during his campaign with grand promises to raise spending and cut taxes; in his victory speech, he announced he would double economic growth. But will he really? Compromises and delays are the reality of Washington politics, so it is anyone’s guess to what extent Trump will be able to implement his plans. Still, it’s worth crunching the numbers to assess the overall impact of individual proposals, their efficiency and the costs involved. Our analysis shows that Trump’s plans would indeed boost growth – quite significantly. However, it also shows that Trump’s preference for tax cuts over spending is economically inefficient, reviving the economy by less than similar amounts of spending would. On very optimistic estimates, Trump’s suggested tax cuts could add 7%-8% to GDP over the next 10 years, while his spending proposals could add between 0.4% and 1.1% to GDP annually. Although they are less efficient, Trump’s suggested tax cuts are of such a scale that they could, in the short term, have a larger impact than his spending plans, which pale a little in comparison. Quite how much growth his proposals would create crucially depends on monetary conditions. If his plans trigger higher yields or a tightening of monetary policy, their efficiency would suffer, potentially more than halving the impact on GDP. The new administration will therefore need to assess its fiscal headroom and tread carefully not to undermine the Fed’s credibility.       -3 0 3 6 9 12 15 18 21 24 27 30 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025 Federal deficit % GDP* Federal Outlays % GDP Republican President Democrat President CBO Forecast
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