Bonn Juego (2016), Duterte-style Populism: The Philippines in the Geopolitical Economy of Southeast Asia
Presentation notes for the forum jointly organized by NIAS - the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, ADI - Asian Dynamics Initiatives, and SEASS - Southeast Asia Signature Series, University of Copenhagen, Denmark, 22 November 2016.
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Bonn Juego (2016), Duterte-style Populism: The Philippines in the Geopolitical Economy of Southeast Asia
1. Duterte-style Populism:
The Philippines in the
Geopolitical Economy of Southeast Asia
Bonn Juego
Guest Researcher, Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, University of Copenhagen
Postdoctoral Researcher, University of Jyväskylä, Finland
Presentation to the forum organized by NIAS - the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies,
ADI - Asian Dynamics Initiative, and SEASS - Southeast Asia Signature Series,
University of Copenhagen
22 November 2016
1
2. AGENDA
EMERGENT PHENOMENA IN PHILIPPINE POLITICAL ECONOMY TODAY
1. Duterte-style Populism
2. Limits and Risks of Duterte’s Police-Centric Approach to
the War on Drugs
3. Dutertenomics
4. Philippines as ASEAN@50 Chair in 2017
5. Duterte’s Foreign Relations Strategies
2
3. Rodrigo Duterte: a Heterodox Politician
Elected: 9 May 2016; President: 30 June 2016
partly TRADITIONAL
• veteran local political boss
• exposed to Filipino political
wheeling and dealing
• from a local and regional political
family in Davao City, Mindanao,
and the Visayas
partly UNORTHODOX
• anti-establishment rhetoric
• uncouth public behavior
• vulgar speech
3
4. Duterte’s Electoral Victory and Popularity
39 % popular votes; 91 % initial trust rating
Many interrelated factors why Duterte won, but two stand out:
1. BETTER CAMPAIGN STRATEGY OVER WEAKER RIVALS
issues: most basic (day-to-day concerns) + most fundamental (problems of the socio-economy)
catch-all politics: anti-corruption; law & order (cuts across classes and the political spectrum )
zeitgeist: campaign discourse (”Change” beats ”Continuity”)
anti-elite, anti-Imperial Manila, anti-inefficiencies, anti-corruption, anti-criminality, anti-
disorder
stood out as different
tangible local governance achievements (20+ years as Mayor of Davao City)
reputation or image as a strong leader with modest lifestyle
resonated with ”dominant discourse” in Filipino society and culture
ruled social media, a convenient tool for populism
2. PROTEST VOTE
against shortcomings, or ineffectiveness, of EDSA Republics
against hypocrisy of 30-year liberal-democratic regime
4
7. Duterte’s Populism as a Discourse
(Contradictions: a source of strength, and also its own weakness)
• Discursive inconsistencies
– saying different things in
different occasions
• Ideological incoherence
– Effects: ”catch-all” politics
and ”divide and rule”
• Rhetoric-Action
(dis)connection
– Speech: ”what he says”
– Action: ”what he does”
– Consequences: ”what actually
happens”; ”what has
happened”
• A source of both:
– Strength: big tent; coalition-
building or alliance-forming;
catch-all; popular support; all-
encompassing legitimacy
– Weakness: in terms of policy-
making and institution-
building (which require
consistency, coherence, and
coordination)
7
8. Mapping Populism Discourse
Election Period
(populist campaign)
Governance
(populist in power)
Consequences
(intended and
unintended)
• Campaign rhetoric,
slogan, promises
• What is promised?
• What is being said?
• What is being done?
• What is happening?
• What has
happened?
8
9. Duterte’s Left- and Right-wing Populism
LEFT-wing Populism
• Self-proclaimed ”leftist” and ”socialist”
– but without a socialist program, no
socialist party, does not belong to a
leftist social movement
• Anti-established institutions in the
Philippines
– US imperialism
– Landed oligarchy
– Catholic Church
• Peace with long-running ”ideological”
armed communist rebels and Islamic
separatist groups
RIGHT-wing Populism
• Prominence in governance style
and in speech:
– Authoritarianism
– Military mind
– Police action
• Fascination with Marcos era
Martial Law
• War or state violence against
criminality and illegal drugs
problems
9
• So far, Duterte has shown more right-wing, than left-wing, populism.
• Much better for Duterte and the Philippines to swing to left-wing populism.
10. Two Most Divisive, Controversial, Unpopular
Issues and Political Positions of Duterte
Extrajudicial Killings
• ~5,000 killed (since 1 July 2016)
Undermine:
Human rights
Due process
Rule of law
– Condonation of these killings?
– But even if those killings are not
state-sponsored or state-
orchestrated, Duterte’s
government must do something to
stop it!
Hero’s Burial for dictator Marcos
MARCOS IS NOT A HERO!
• Perpetuating ”culture of impunity”
• The Marcoses’ long-term project to re-
write history. (Historical revisionism)
• Failure of ”people power” and the
EDSA Republics
– Revolutions must be both ”political” and
”economic”
– Southeast Asian elite families: their
economic wealth easily regenerates into
political power
• A divided, or co-opted, left movement
10
EFFECTS:
1. re-activating the opposition
2. dividing groups of supporters
11. Duterte - Vice President Tandem:
Different Support Base
11
12. Duterte Supporters from Different Groups
12
Duterte-Marcos Duterte-Cayetano Duterte-Robredo Duterte-Far Left
• Most aggressive
• Marcos loyalists
• Anti-Yellow
• Right-wing
authoritarian,
dictatorial
tendencies
• Aggressive
support for
Duterte
• Critical of
Marcos
• Critical of Yellow
• Moderate
Duterte
supporters
• Anti-Marcos
• Yellow sympathy
• Tactical alliance
(if not, co-opted)
• Anti-Marcos
• Anti-Yellow
13. Duterte’s Slogan: ”Change is coming.”
#partnersforchange
SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHANGE
Objectives and Promises
• Criminality and Illegal drugs
• Poverty and inequality
• Oligarchy
• Corruption, red tape, and
government inefficiencies
Dominant discourses where
SOCIO-CULTURAL CHANGE must also come
1. CULTURE OF VIOLENCE
Conflicts dealt with through violence, physical
harm, or death
2. CULTURE OF IMPUNITY
The rich, the influential, the politically-
connected, and the powerful can get away
from their crimes, if not exempted from
punishment
3. CULTURE OF MACHISMO AND SEXISM
Misogyny; victim-blaming
4. DISREGARD FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
The problem is not human rights in principle,
but it is the 'absence' of human rights in
practice.
13
14. Duterte-speak:
Messianic and Dominant Discourses
• MESSIANIC COMPLEX and
motherhood statements
– Fatherly image: ”Tatay Digong”
– Simple solutions to complex problems
– ”Egotism”: That he is the only one with
the political will; that he is the only
one who can do ’it’.
– Binaries: ”good citizens and bad
criminals”; ”elites and ordinary people”
• DOMINANT DISCOURSES (Prevailing
psyche in PH society and culture)
– Machismo
– Sexism
– Violence
– Disregard for human rights
– Desire for social order
– The need for discipline among citizens
• LANGUAGE
– street language (”salitang kalye”)
– anti-intellectualism; smart-shaming
– sound bites and one-liners
– witty, humorous comments
– jokes
– expletives, cuss words, dirty finger
– vulgar, cursing, swearing
– political incorrectness, uncouth,
undiplomatic
– crazy quotes (e.g., rape, Hitler, Viagra)
– hyperbole, exaggerations
– doublespeak
14
15. Populism and Social Media
• Philippines as ”social media capital of the
world”, ”social networking capital of the
world” (in Facebook and Twitter use)
• Duterte’s populist netizens’ protest against
mainstream, traditional media: ”Stop
destabilizing the Philipines.”
• SOCIAL MEDIA: effectively facilitates
populist appeal and legitimacy
”Memes” and YouTube wars: creative
and effective images; short-messages
with high impact emotions
Trolls: internet provocateurs promoting
hate, fake news and black propaganda
But the more serious problems are not
trolls, but real people, the loose
cannons behaving badly, boldly
expressing hate and political
incorrectness.
• Online war: Dutertards versus Yellowtards
• Argumentation tendencies: The political
becomes personal.
Personalistic and personal
Groupthink, including incidence of
cyberbullying (#enemiesofchange)
Conflicts have caused breaking
friendship – unfriend, unfollow,
block, restrict
Logical fallacies: especially, ad
hominem
Name-calling, or labelling
Casualties: evidence, facts, truth,
reason
Confirmation bias: evidence denial;
truth or what’s best is based on what
idol says and does
Anti-intellectualism, smart-shaming
Condescending, or patronizing
15
16. Political and Social Psychology
in a Populist Moment and a Populist Movement
• GROUPTHINK
– We (the good allies) versus They (our evil enemies)
– Online: tribalistic; gangsterism
– Bandwagon effect and peer pressure to be ”in”, and
to belong to the popular
– ”Lucifer effect”
• CONFIRMATION / COGNITIVE BIASES
– blind and deaf to evidence and facts
– selective information in support of preconceived
beliefs and loyalties
– personality-based argumentation and other logical
fallacies (especially ad hominem)
– Online trolling
– Charisma
– Personality cult: obsessive admiration to a leader
– Fanaticism and idolatry
– Bigotry and demagoguery
16
17. Public Debate in ”a Populist Moment”:
from ”EXIT” to ”VOICE and LOYALTY”
A REFLECTION AND ARTICULATION OF REALITY:
the state of people’s sociopolitical
consciousness
quality of education and level of public
discourse
POSITIVE EFFECTS:
increasing awareness and participation of
people in public debate through social media
actively informing themselves about political
and economic issues and concepts
NEGATIVE EFFECTS:
”groupthink” and ”confirmation bias”
behavior
gutter level exchanges, trolling, bullying, fake
news, character assassinations,
misinformation, lies, regime of mendacity
”LIBERAL” OPPOSITION’S COMPLAINTS AND
CONTRADICTIONS:
before: exit - political apathy of citizenry
– liberal response: dialogue; debate;
popular education; AMO – arouse,
mobilize, organize
now: populist political voice and loyalty
boldly articulated through social media
liberal response: ranging from fire-
against-fire to censorship
17
19. Local Popularity of Drug War
• Fear of individuals for themselves
and for their families to be
victimized by illegal drug abuse and
drug-related crimes
• For some, hatred by those
personally victimized by illegal drug
traffickers and users
• Popular frustration and anger
against failure of previous
administrations to seriously address
illegal drugs and criminality
• Priority given to public security and
personal safety vis-a-vis crimes
• High trust given to Duterte’s
political will
19
20. Populism and Human Rights
• Populism’s dichotomy: between good and bad citizens
– i.e., only criminals should fear an iron-fist law and order regime
– (But human rights violations are indiscriminate!)
• Human lives and human rights: biggest casualties in the war on drugs
• Mal-education about human rights principles.
– Human rights have been wrongly associated with the defense of criminals, rather than
the protection of the weak, the vulnerable, and the victims against the capacity of state
and non-state entities for abuse of power.
• The problem is not human rights principles, but the absence of human rights!
– Anger must be directed at ”hypocritical liberals,” not on the virtues of human rights.
• Forgotten in public consciousness:
– Human rights institutions (CHR) have been continuously made inutile and worthless
even by three decades of liberal-democratic EDSA republics.
20
21. Duterte’s Policing Approach to
the Supply and Demand Problem of Illegal Drugs
• Duterte’s war on drug:
a supply-side approach
– Simple, quick solutions
to complex problems
• The law of the instrument:
– ”If all you have is a
hammer; everything
looks like a nail.”
– If all the government
has is the police, all
socio-economic issues
look like police
problems.
21
22. Police-centric approach to illegal drugs….
Problematic:
• Attacking the poor
• Why let the police
address socio-
economic causes of
the drug problem:
Poverty and
inequality
Unemployment
Homelessness
School problems
Addiction
Loneliness
Family problems
Migration
Secret to success of Duterte’s war on drugs:
• If socio-economic reform programs take the
leading role in this war, rather than the police!
22
23. Different approaches to different substances
• Differentiate between users
and pushers.
Drug users who only
harm themselves are
and should not be
treated as criminals.
• Police- and criminal-based
approach to illegal drug
trafficking and peddling.
• Rehabilitative and health-
based approach for victim-
less users.
• Different
approaches/penalties to
different substances:
Between synthetic
(shabu) and organic
(marijuana)
Solutions must be based on:
Evidence and rationality
Medical science
Local PH needs, capacities, and capabilities
23
24. DUTERTENOMICS
Law & Order regime for progress and business stability
War against Drugs and Criminality of the underground economy
Peace process with communist rebels (CPP-NPA-NDF), Islamic separatists (MILF, MNLF)
Philippine Capitalism with Chinese characteristics
on top of existing FDIs and ODAs from Japan, US, South Korea, and the EU
neoliberal policy continuity (i.e., capitalist market-oriented governance)
industrialization
coal-powered?; ”national champions” from the Filipino business oligarchy?
”golden age of infrastructure”
human capital investment (education gets the highest budget priority)
rhetoric to end labour contractualization practices
AmBisyon 2040
24
25. Good “market signals” and “initial conditions” for Dutertenomics
Political capital (solid government institutional
support; clean government perception)
Economic capital (7.1 % GDP and credit ratings
upgrade: “path-dependence” of growth,
development, FDI)
Social capital (popular mass support and
legitimacy)
+ new Chinese capital for infrastructure investments (active AIIB
membership, OBOR role)
+ continuity of Japanese ODA and investments
+ US BPOs most likely to stay (cost and risk analysis from the point of
view of business)
+ EU’s GSP+ grant
+ OFW remittances’ counter-cyclical effect
+ rising entrepreneurship: MSMEs
+ Opportunities to pursue national industrialization: due to peso
depreciation, imminent protectionism in the US and EU
+ promising sectors like CARS program, shipbuilding, etc.
??? Agriculture modernization ??? (political will for
genuine land reform + need for technological innovation to
manage law of diminishing returns)
The Challenge:
• Translate all these asap to
increasing employment,
real wages, and the general
standards of living of the
Filipinos.
25
26. The Philippines as ASEAN@50 Chair, 2017
CONTINUITY
in ASEAN Political Economy
• Democratization and human rights:
expected not priority areas
– ”a peaceful coexistence among
authoritarianisms”
• ASEAN Economic Community (ASEAN
Vision 2025)
– towards one neoliberal capitalist
regional economy embedded in ten
different political-cultural regimes
• Open-ended future of ASEAN regionalism
– largely depends on national
bourgeoisies , or domestic political
economy
– state-capital relations (national state
- domestic capitalists – foreign
capital): coercion, cooptation, or
consent?
DIFFERENT
in ASEAN Geopolitics
• South China Sea maritime
and territorial disputes
– more advances for China;
– US being kept at bay
• a friendlier China???
• a more aggressive US???
26
27. ASEAN: Regionalization Without Democratization
“peaceful coexistence among
authoritarianisms”
– semi-authoritarianism
• Malaysia, Singapore
– history of military rule
• Myanmar and Thailand
– one-party states
• Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam
– monarchical state
• Brunei
– former dictatorships
• Indonesia, the Philippines
– authoritarian features
• the Philippines under Duterte
“Authoritarian
Neoliberalism”
neoliberal economies
embedded in authoritarian
polities
28. ASEAN Convergence Club Model
— Unity in Economics; Diversity in Politics and Cultures —
Region-wide convergence on
one neoliberal capitalist economic system
operating in
ten different political and cultural frameworks
29. SOUTHEAST ASIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY:
Neoliberalism vs Authoritarian Oligarchies
Neoliberalism of the AEC Protectionism of the Oligarchies
30. Duterte’s Foreign Relations Strategy:
Some observed elements, so far….
1. ”Neocolonial analysis” prominent in the 1970s
– may have influenced Duterte’s view on PH underdevelopment and critique against
dependency relations and US imperialism
2. ”Hedging” between geopolitical rivals US and China to advance PH national interests
– but many flip-flopping statements (including strong rhetoric against US during meetings
with China and Russia)….
3. Elements of Cold War ”non-aligned” strategy of a Third World country
– in practice: not zero-sum, not totally anti-US, nor totally anti-EU;
– but also sounded to ”lean to one side” (i.e., to China and Russia)
4. ”Look East”
– friendlier to Asian neighbors China, Japan, and ASEAN member states
5. Pragmatic economic cooperation (with China, without ceding favorable PCA ruling)
– Foreign policy for domestic economic development
• While Duterte understands that the US is the most important partner of China, his understanding of Russia-
China relationship is passe,if not wrong. China has always had uncertain, if not problematic, relationship
with Russia.
30
31. Philippine Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics???
(pragmatic economic cooperation)
• Contemporary global
political economy:
– Old capitalist centers of US,
EU, and Japan on prolonged
economic crises
– Duterte’s only 6-year term,
and vision for “golden age of
infrastructure” which only
Chinese capital appears able
and willing to provide at this
time….
• Search for new [sub-
imperialist?] allies:
– During the APEC 2016, Xi
Jinping invited Duterte to
observe the BRICS
18-21 October 2016: Duterte’s state visit in China
• USD 24 billion = 9b soft loans and credit line
+ 15b investments
31
CRITICAL AREAS FOR THE PHILIPPINES WHEN
DEALING WITH CHINESE STATE-CAPITAL:
1. Labor (ensure local content)
2. Environment (renewables and green tech )
32. Tensions and Risks of Duterte’s critical approach to US,
and new friendship with China and Russia
• Americanized socialization of
Filipinos:
a) military and police
b) diplomatic corps
c) social, political, economic,
and cultural institutions
d) scholars and academics
e) the general population
• Sino-phobia
• Russo-phobia
32
(Charismatic populist politician’s
effect on his followers’ psyche….)
POLITICS can change a culture,
mentality and worldview….
33. Donald TRUMP in Asia’s Geopolitical
Equation: Different Game Plans
• Uncertainties. But the US Establishment, the US
military-industrial-Wall Street complex, is driven by the
structural imperative to maintain their global
hegemony.
• Populists like Trump may win elections easily, but might
find it difficult to implement their campaign rhetoric
while in power.
• Duterte-Trump Relations: could be a “populist peace” -
a peaceful coexistence among populisms???
• Trumps’ protectionist predisposition: but “free trade”
may be utilized for US national economic interests.
• US-China will be “living in interesting times”
Xi Jinping’s China will continue to regard US as
its most important partner
Trump’s campaign strongly critical of China’s
protectionist economic policies. (Trade war?)
• US-Russia / Trump-Putin relations
Hillary Clinton camp’s dossier against Trump:
Russophobia and war-mongering.
33
34. Duterte and Great Power Politics
(Third World’s policy choices in-between great power rivals)
34
DUTERTE’S KEY CARDS IN HIS GEOPOLITICAL PROJECTION GAME:
1. Permanent Court of Arbitration’s favourable ruling for the Philippines
2. Duterte’s bold personality and character
3. Reputation of the Philippines as solid and strategic ally of the US in Asia
35. Duterte’s ”Look East”
foreign relations and development policy
35
POTENTIALS:
• South-South relations may be good.
• But be careful of giant ’Southern’ economies like China.
• Attract ’good’ investments in line with national
development goals.
36. Example Research Project on Populism: Mapping Duterte’s
Foreign Policy Statements about US and China
Election Period
(populist campaign)
Governance
(populist in power)
Consequences
(intended and
unintended)
• Nationalist rhetoric
”jet ski”
hyperbole to
PH waters and
territories in
the disputed
areas
• Friendlier to China
also, to Russia
• Critical of the US, while
continuing PH-US military
exercises
• Friend/Enemy statements
about the US
• Friendly reaching out to US
President-elect Donald Trump
• Effect: too early to
tell
• Intended: assume
”in good faith”
• Unintended: ???
36
37. Final Remarks
• The ”Philippine Populist Moment” : a crisis of liberal democracy and identity politics
– ”catch-all” politics: contradictions as sources of populism’s strength and weakness
– ”divide-and-rule” effect: source of populist’s further strength; absence of solid opposition
from political parties and social movements
• Duterte’s ”indifferent” personality may be an asset to usher in difficult and much-needed
reforms in the country.
• Duterte must make his outstanding ”socio-economic team” – rather than the police – take the
leading and most important role in the war against drugs and criminality.
• Allow the Philippines to make mistakes in their current geopolitical experiments.
– PH must take advantage of intense geopolitical rivalry for Asian regional hegemony
between US and China, while keeping its favorable PCA ruling, to further develop its
domestic economy.
• Challenge for education in the age of populism: nurturing ”critical thinking”
• Challenge for alternative futures:
– a sociopolitical movement that combines identity politics + class politics
– potentials of ”left-wing populism” (i.e. democratic socialism, social democracy, or else) to
beat ”right-wing populism”
37
Thank the organizers.
A current event - Elements as an ACADEMIC RESEARCHER, ANALYSIS, and PERSONAL OPINION
It was not a ”revolution” but a popular election….
PH: 53 hours a week (global average: 42 hours)
From these interviews of Duterte's supporters, we could sense the mainstream, dominant discourse all over the place: "patriarchy" (macho culture), "victim-blaming" (blaming the raped, harassed, forced women who are actually the victims), "patronage" (local bossism), and "violence" (a violent culture where deviance and misbehaviour are dealt with aggression and punishment).
In other words, Duterte's discourse has been able to identify with, and stimulate, the prevailing psyche in Filipino society and culture.
"Human rights" has never been a mainstream and dominant discourse
Question 4: And finally, what has gained him such popularity, and where in the electorate (in terms of social class) does he find his main support?
Duterte has become popular because of a multitude of mutually reinforcing factors:
His campaign message touches on “the most basic” day-to-day concerns of the Filipinos (from street crimes to inefficiencies of government agencies and services) to “the most fundamental” issues in the country’s history (such as dominance of the oligarchy, mal-development, inequality, and social injustice).
His discourse about “change” beats the rivals’ discourse on “continuity” in the context of the country’s enduring mal-development, massive inequality, social injustices, and culture of impunity.
He speaks the culturally and socially “dominant discourses” in the Philippines -- machismo, sexism, violence, disregard for human rights, the desire for societal order, and the need for discipline among citizens. (I personally find these discourses as serious problems in the society, but many voters can identify with these enduring socio-cultural norms and beliefs.)
His discursive strategy to focus on “anti-corruption” and “law and order” are narratives and discourses that are acceptable to, and can be accommodated by, all people in the political spectrum—right, left, or centre—and all socio-economic classes A-B-C-D-E.
He has succeeded in projecting the image as a no-nonsense leader with a modest lifestyle, and who has the most credibility to fight corruption being a “local” politician not yet too exposed to “nation-wide” transactional politics and compromises.
His rivals are weak compared to his campaign at this particular historical moment, and they have not come up with a better campaign strategy to beat him.
He is able to execute well the old PR strategy based on the principle that “Bad publicity is better than no publicity at all” to cope with a comparatively limited campaign resources and a relatively hostile mainstream media, while being able to transform “bullshit” publicity into a renewable source of his campaign energy.
He is able to mobilize netizens to dominate the country’s “social media” and encourage “volunteerism.”
Even though he still has a “minority” support base (around 33%, or a third of the voting population), he has the most passionate supporters voluntarily campaigning for him.
He was able to set and dictate the pace, rhythm, and tone of the election debates and discourses.
“Fortuna” (fortune or luck) favors him at this point in time. But more than just good luck, Duterte has somehow succeeded in mobilizing about a third of the country’s voting population (some 33%) to form a “protest vote” against the longstanding state of affairs in Philippine politics, economy, and society.
Many observers say that Duterte’s main support base are the upper and middle classes. But surveys show that he is the most preferred presidential candidate by all socio-economic classes A-B-C-D-E.
Duterte’s intent: a matter of perception until it’s officially written
- So far, more right-wing than left-wing, more of an AUTHORITARIAN rather than DEMOCRATIC tendencies….
- Better for the PH if D shifts to left-wing populism asap
EFFECTS:
re-activating the opposition
dividing groups of supporters
Duterte and Left: most daring – coalition with extreme left, with armed rebel groups
Change promised by Duterte
The Philippines’ damaged society, culture and morality:
- the culture of violence (where we deal with conflicts through violence, physical harm, or death);
the culture of impunity (where the rich, the influential, the politically-connected, and the powerful can get away from their crimes, if not exempted from punishment);
the culture of machismo and sexism (where men subject women to inferiority and violence in act and in speech; where the babaeng "malandi" is much more hated than the lalaking "bisdak"; where we prejudice against women in general and the LGBTQ community - lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgendered and queer; where the victims of rape get blamed for their dress and social activities rather than the rapist perpetrators of evil acts); and
-the disregard for human rights (the problem is not human rights in principle, but it is the 'absence' of human rights in practice).
Speaks the culturally and socially dominant discourses in the PH
Trump: I alone can do it.
Language different from European populists – Duterte cusses in public.
Proliferation of fake news
Often those bad words have the highest and far-reaching impact on emotions.
Albert Hirschmann – exit, voice, loyalty
Simple solutions to complex problems
Moral compass: at least, almost all want drug suspects alive.
Human rights violations: indiscriminate.
Populist anger should be directed on ”hypocritical liberals”….
Duterte’s estimate: 3M+ drug dependents – sounds exaggerated
War against the poor….
- Letting the police address socio-economic problems of poverty, inequality, school problems, homelessness, addiction
Bloomberg – clip PH growth, top in Asia
CARS – Comprehensive Automotive Resurgence Strategy Program
But when capital comes in – not only money, but a domestic social force that can alter worldview, culture, and socioeconomic relations….
Malaysia’s Najib – leaning more to China, for personal reasons – embattled on corruption issues
ASEAN is not an embodiment of democracy.
community-building process: regionalization without democratization
This means that the project is an attempt to embed a neoliberal open market economy in non-democracies
Meaning, capitalism and neoliberalism can exist even without democracy!!!
Competing capitalist and elitist projects…. (from the top)
AEC: a class project of a particular section of the capitalist class
One objective: “modernize” capitalism – sweep away oligarchies -- in the end, creating new ruling classes…. Still subjecting labour….
Duterte understands US as China’s most important partner.
Duterte invited by Xi Jinping to BRICS….
Duterte’s populism during campaigns: based on nationalism
Now, Duterte’s supporters have altered their views re China and Russia – justifying, and defending their patron’s geopolitical position
Seeking alternative allies – also, for personal security reasons
South-South relations may be good, but be careful of giant markets like China.
"This is a confusing and uncertain period, when a thousand wise words can go completely unnoticed, and one thoughtless word can provoke an utterly nonsensical furor.“ (Vaclav Havel)