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CeDEM Asia 2012: Conference Proceedings
3. CeDEM Asia 2012
Proceedings of the International
Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government
Social and Mobile Media for Governance
4. Conference Website
www.donau-uni.ac.at/cedem
In Cooperation with
OA eJournal of E-Democracy and Open Government
www.jedem.org
Sponsors:
Asian Media Information and Communication Centre, Singapore
Danube University Krems, Austria
Institute of Policy Studies, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of
Singapore, Singapore
Nam Center for Korean Studies, University of Michigan, USA
Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information, Nanyang Technological University,
Singapore
5. Marko M. Skoric, Michael Sachs, Peter Parycek
(Editors)
CeDEM Asia 2012
Proceedings of the International
Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government
Social and Mobile Media for Governance
14-15 November 2012
Singapore
6. Surname, First Name (2012). Title of the article. In P. Parycek, M. Sachs & M. Skoric (Eds.),
CeDEM Asia 2012: Proceedings of the International Conference for E-Democracy and Open
Government (pp. x-y). Krems: Edition Donau-Universität Krems.
First upload to http://www.donau-uni.ac.at/imperia/md/content/department/gpa/zeg/
dokumente/cedem_asia_2012_proceedings.pdf on 11 December 2012.
Publisher: Edition Donau-Universität Krems
ISBN: 978-3-902505-26-2
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Licensed under the
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7. Chairs
Nojin Kwak (University of Michigan, USA)
Peter Parycek (Danube University Krems, Austria)
Marko M. Skoric, (Nanyang Technological University, Singapore)
Programme Committee
Georg Aichholzer (Institute of Technology Assessment, Austria)
Axel Bruns (ARC Centrefor Creative Industries and Innovation, Australia)
Thomas Buchsbaum (Austrian Ambassador in Iran, Austria)
Scott W. Campbell (University of Michigan, USA)
Giorgos Cheliotis (National University of Singapore, Singapore)
Junho Choi (Yonsei University, South Korea)
Peter Cruickshank (Edinburgh Napier University, United Kingdom)
Olivier Glassey (IDHEAP, Switzerland)
Julia Glidden (21c Consultancy, United Kingdom)
Debbie Goh (Nanyang Technological University, Singapore)
Marijn Janssen (TU Delft, Netherlands)
Randy Kluver (Texas A&M University, USA)
Robert Krimmer (ODIHR-elections, Poland)
Kai Khiun Liew (Nanyang Technological University, Singapore)
Arthur Lupia (University of Michigan, USA)
Arun Mahizhnan (Institute of Policy Studies, National University of Singapore, Singapore)
Peter Mambrey (Universität Duisburg-Essen, Germany)
Francesco Molinari (Parterre project, Italy)
Philipp Müller (University of Salzburg, Austria)
Karine Nahon (Universtiy of Washington, USA)
Natalie Pang (Nanyang Technological University, Singapore)
Han Woo Park (Yeungnam University, South Korea)
Ismael Peña-López (Open University of Catalonia, Spain)
Reinhard Riedl (University of Zurich, Switzerland)
Maria Robles (Asian Media Information & Communication Centre, Singapore)
Michael Sachs (Danube University Krems, Austria)
Fei Shen (City University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR)
Jakob Svensson (Karlstad University, Sweden)
Andy Williamson (Hansard Society, United Kingdom)
Weiyu Zhang (National University of Singapore, Singapore)
8. Organisation Committee
and Conference Management
Ivy Alcantara (AMIC, Singapore)
Adelaide Chang (AMIC, Singapore)
Angie Chew (AMIC, Singapore)
Rachel Khan (AMIC, Singapore)
Kranthi Kiran. M (AMIC, Singapore)
Sangeetha Madasamy (AMIC, Singapore)
Suruchi Mazumdar (WKWSCI, NTU, Singapore)
Maria F. Robles (AMIC, Singapore)
Michael Sachs (Danube University Krems, AT)
9. Table of Contents
CeDEM Asia 2012 Editorial..................................................................... 9
Peter Parycek, Michael Sachs, Marko M. Skoric
Keynotes Reports
New Media & Good Governance ............................................................ 13
Janadas Devan*
New Communication Technologies and Civic Life ...................................... 15
Nojin Kwak*
Long Papers
E-Government Engagement and the Digital Divide ..................................... 19
Julie Freeman
State Governors on Social Media ........................................................... 31
Jameson McFarlane, Siddharth Kaza
Is there a business case for governments using social and mobile media? ....... 45
Jeremy Millard
Social Media Usage for Civil Society in Japanese Municipalities .................... 59
Muneo Kaigo, Leslie Tkach-Kawasaki
Tweeting Vertically? .......................................................................... 71
Jahna Otterbacher, Matthew A. Shapiro, Libby Hemphill
Nazis vs Paedophiles .......................................................................... 85
Sebastian Dixon
* Person is not the author.
10. Short Papers
Youth engagement and ICTs in Southeast Asia .........................................101
Weiyu Zhang, Clarissa David
Singapore’s Regulation of Cybercrime ...................................................107
Hee Jhee Jiow
A Tool for Monitoring the National and Local Governments
in Dominican Republic: SISMAP .........................................................115
Reyson Lizardo Galvá
Maintaining Face(book) .....................................................................121
Patrick E. Sharbaugh, Cristophe Robert, Marianne S. Brown
Appendix
Call for Papers ................................................................................137
Conference Programme .....................................................................141
11. CeDEM Asia 2012 Editorial
Singapore, November 2012
Peter Parycek*, Michael Sachs*, Marko M. Skoric**
* Danube University Krems, peter.parycek@donau-uni.ac.at, michael.sachs@donau-uni.ac.at
** Nanyang Technological University, Marko@ntu.edu.sg
he International Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government Asia 2012 (CeDEM
Asia 2012) is a forum that aims to bring together academics, researchers, policy-makers,
industry professionals, and civil society activists to discuss the role of social and mobile media
in the future of governance in Asia and around the world. New means of interacting with
governments and political institutions are causing significant shifts in civic and political life. The
emerging social and mobile media practices, including content generation, collaboration, and
network organization, are changing our understanding of governance and politics. While the
changes are already widely debated in mature, developed democracies, there is an even greater
need to address them in the context of rapidly developing Asian societies. Indeed, many
governments in Asia are facing significant pressures from their citizens to increase the
transparency of political decision-making, allow greater citizen participation in public affairs, and
loosen the restrictions on political expression and organization.
Following five successful conferences in Austria, organized by the Centre for E-Governance,
Danube University Krems, CeDEM is looking to open a new forum in Asia for the exchange of
ideas, networking, and collaboration on the topics of e-democracy and open government. For the
2012 conference, CeDEM is pleased to be working with the Asian Media Information and
Communication Centre (AMIC) as its conference organizer and the Wee Kim Wee School of
Communication and Information at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore as its main
sponsor and partner. CeDEM Asia 2012 has also received invaluable support from the Institute of
Policy Studies, National University of Singapore, and the Nam Center for Korean Studies,
University of Michigan.
In its inaugural year, CeDEM Asia is taking place in Singapore, a country known for its
impressive economic performance, efficient and nearly corruption-free governance, as well as tight
government control over the political process. In the past decade, Singapore has also witnessed a
significant transformation of its civic life, spurred partly by high levels of education of its citizens
paired with the widespread adoption of social and mobile media platforms. Consequently, the
conference sets the focus on social media and their impact on governance.
15. New Media and Good Governance
What Goes, What Stays
Janadas Devan
Director, Institute of Policy Studies, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of
Singapore, and Chief of Government Communications, Ministry of Communication and Information,
Government of Singapore
Note: This report was prepared by the AMIC staff, not by the keynote speaker.
overnment communication is increasingly about persuading people to the government’s
point of view and accommodating differences and not just informing people about things.
Singapore society is now more stratified than before, and the problems it faces, are more
complex. Thus the government needs a more fine-grained and flexible communication strategy.
Income inequality, declining social mobility and immigration have led to society becoming more
diverse. However Singapore’s way of analysing and categorising the population still harks back to
a bygone era. The government still slots people into four racial groups of Chinese, Malay, Indian
and Others, and three income groups of rich, middle-class and poor.
Mr Devan said that the first challenge thus, is to better understand who we are and that means
defining our complexities. The new media landscape is also fractured, with people tuning in only
to the channels of their choice. The government has to multiply our capabilities and be able to
respond faster across different platforms. Finally, the Government has to accept that it is unlikely
to achieve consensus on all matters apart from the fundamentals. Mr Devan said that, "there is no
singular public opinion. There are public opinions, plural. We have to accommodate the many, as
well as to remain one."
He also said that he believes Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong has a far more difficult job to do
than the first Prime Minister, Mr Lee Kuan Yew. Back then, the Cabinet faced dire existential
situations which imposed stark choices on people. These days, choices are not so stark.
Distinctions between policy options are more fine-grained and the consequences would be seen
only far into the future. The government’s communications strategy will have to be
commensurately fine-grained, flexible and open ended. He said we cannot pretend to know
everything when in fact we don't.
New media expert Cherian George later asked Mr Devan if a Freedom of Information Act would
be enacted eventually. Mr Devan said he was not sure but he felt the Government's current policy,
where it deems most data confidential unless it decides otherwise, should shift to one where you
assume most of the information should be publicly available, unless you feel it should be
confidential.
17. New Communication Technologies and Civic Life
Socially Networked, but Politically Engaged?
Nojin Kwak
Director, Nam Center for Korean Studies, and Associate Professor, Department of Communication
Studies, University of Michigan
Note: This report was prepared by the AMIC staff, not by the keynote speaker.
he second keynote address for the conference was by Assoc Prof Nojin Kwak from the
University of Michigan. Prof Kwak is also the director of the Nam Centre of Korean Studies at
the University. His topic was on Hallyu 2.0 which is about the Korean wave in the age of social
media. Hallyu is not a natural process, but it happens when the most marketable Korean cultural
products are identified and sold overseas. The biggest Korean cultural phenomenon right now is
Psy. His image does not fit with the culture of the Hallyu industry. He is not handsome, tall,
muscular, or skinny.
Prof Kwak mentioned the Psy effect in politics. He said that with regards to social media and
relationships, there is a deepening of social bonds among core ties. This core refers to bonding
among people who are alike, where close social ties are maintained. Also, social media users have
more friends but also more close friends. There is more social support – emotional, companionship
and instrumental support– available.
Social media has also a strong presence in politics. The anecdotal evidence would be social-
media promoted protests, the Arab spring and flash mobs. There is a significance of social media
being used in recent political campaigns. In the 2012 Korean congressional elections, SNS capacity
index was part of the criteria for candidate evaluation. The index showed how well-versed the
candidates were in social media.
A triadic approach is needed to theorize social media in politics. The social media, users and
engagement should be studied together and not independently. Each criterion needs careful
consideration and analysis. Social media is an old axiom with a new application. The consequences
of social media are highly sensitive to the ways in which technology is used.
People tend to have a very narrow understanding when it comes to technology and the
following shows how people generally use new communication technology:
Informational: getting and/or discussing news and public affairs.
Relational: catching up and just being social with friends and family members.
Recreational: significantly related to low level of engagement but things have changed from
being merely solitary to social.
18. 16 Keynotes Reports
Social networking sites are not created equal. The more users interact with politicians and political
pundits, the more likely they are to engage politically. Celebrities and family and friends have less
effect on the likelihood of political participation.
There are two characteristics of social media users. The first is the reinforcement hypothesis
which claims social media strengthens the status quo by further mobilizing those who already
have resources and opportunities. The second is the facilitation hypothesis which claims social
media provides novel opportunities for those who otherwise would not be involved. In
conclusion, Psy is not popular because of social media. Psy already has a large fan base. However,
without social media Psy would not be popular outside Korea.
21. E-Government Engagement and the Digital Divide
Julie Freeman
University of Canberra, Julie.Freeman@canberra.edu.au
Abstract: This paper connects e-government and digital divide literature to facilitate greater
understanding of online civic engagement in Australia. Strong parallels exist between the four
dimensions of the digital divide – access, skills, content, and impact – and the ways e-
government policy and practice shape citizen participation. Australian e-government initiatives
at the federal and local level are outlined to highlight the types of citizen involvement they
permit. This paper suggests that governments often equate improved information access and
service delivery with online civic engagement, overlooking the importance of two-way
participatory practices. If e-government is to advance to facilitate online civic engagement,
greater emphasis must be placed on the capacity of citizens to contribute to, and influence,
decision-making.
Keywords: e-government, digital divide, ICTs, participation, civic engagement, policy
n recent years, the Australian Federal Government has increasingly emphasised the importance
of facilitating online civic engagement. Evidence of the government’s commitment appears in its
e-government strategy (Department of Finance and Administration, 2006), principles for
information and communication technology (ICT) enabled citizen engagement (Department of
Finance and Administration, 2007), the launch of a Government 2.0 Taskforce in 2009 (see
http://gov2.net.au), the Declaration of Open Government (Department of Finance and Deregulation,
2010), and in the National Digital Economy Strategy (Department of Broadband, Communications
and the Digital Economy (DBCDE), 2011). The Federal Government has also set the goal of having
eighty percent of Australians engage with governments online by the year 2020, recognising that
this goal requires coordination between, and action by, all tiers of Australian government (DBCDE,
2011). This paper suggests that greater online engagement can be facilitated through an increased
understanding of the connection between e-government and the digital divide.
Helbig, Gil-Garcia and Ferro (2009) argue that e-government and digital divide literature have
been relatively disconnected but that there are important intersections between the two, which
help to explain outcomes of e-government policy and practice. The various dimensions of the
digital divide recognise the need to address ICT access, digital skill levels, content provision, and
outcomes of ICT use (Selwyn, 2004; Servon and Pinkett, 2004). Similarly, e-government, if it is to
facilitate civic engagement, requires civic ICT access and skills, with the government responsible
for creating online content and spaces for participation, and drawing on civic input to guide
decision-making. E-government policies and practices therefore must address each aspect of the
digital divide if the intention is to facilitate increased online civic engagement.
22. 20 Long Papers
While citizens’ ICT access and skill levels are critical factors influencing e-government use, this
paper focuses on the way that participatory e-government is reliant upon governments to
recognise the need to facilitate the content and outcome aspects of the digital divide. It highlights
how Australian e-government policies and practices at the federal and local levels often do not
address the provision of spaces for civic contributions, and fail to allow civic views to impact
government decision-making. At present, it appears that governments equate improved access to
online information and service delivery with increased civic engagement.
1. Linking E-Government and the Digital Divide
1.1. E-Government and Civic Engagement
E-government is a term with diverse meanings, understandings, and applications, which include
internal and external government communications, alterations to service delivery, broader
administrative reform, and changing notions of democracy and citizenship. While early
understandings of e-government often focused on the use of new technologies for one-way
information dissemination and improved service delivery methods (see, for example, Silcock, 2001;
Ho, 2002), more recent research places greater emphasis on the ways that e-government can be
used to facilitate two-way government-citizen communication (see, for example, Norris, 2005;
Homburg, 2008). Government development of advanced broadband infrastructure combined with
the increased interactivity capabilities and open source nature of Web 2.0 have created growing
importance on government online applications and services that facilitate democratic citizen
involvement through the inclusion of, for example, user-generated content, social networking and
collaboration. Such processes have broader effects on the transparency and accountability of
government actions and operations (Eggers, 2005; Wong and Welch, 2004), and political or civic
‘engagement’ has subsequently emerged as a key research area (Reece, 2006).
In their empirical study of mediated public engagement, Couldry, Livingstone and Markham
(2007) highlight that civic engagement involves citizens both paying attention to politics and being
provided with opportunities to participate in public issues. Participation involves citizens being
able to exert influence on decision-making processes (Norris, 2001; Burns, Heywood, Taylor, Wilde
and Wilson, 2004). Couldry et al. (2007) found that the majority of citizen involvement with
government occurs at the local level through, for example, attending community events and
council meetings (see also Couldry and Langer, 2005). However, they note an almost complete
absence of spaces for participation and engagement where civic contributions can be articulated
into action, and found that citizens felt they were unable to influence local decisions. One of the
proposals put forth by Couldry et al. (2007) to address this situation was the need for governments
to take greater account of citizens’ choices, reflexivity and understandings, as there is currently a
disconnection between what governments and citizens think and do. Their study furthermore
highlights the need for governments to create opportunities for dialogue with citizens (Couldry et
al., 2007). Two-way e-government mechanisms offer one such opportunity.
To facilitate participatory e-government practices and online civic engagement, governments
will require policies that guide the development of ICT infrastructure, enhance citizens’ ICT
adoption and use, support online content and spaces to which citizens can contribute, and ensure
that citizen involvement influences decision-making. Cohen, van Geenhuizen and Nijkamp (2005)
terms these ‘direct’ and ‘indirect’ ICT policies, with ‘direct’ policies explicitly concerned with ICTs
(for example, access to the Internet and addressing digital skill inequalities) and ‘indirect’ policies
23. Long Papers 21
concerned with using ICTs for other goals, such as increased information dissemination, improved
service delivery, or the provision of spaces for citizen discourse and deliberation. In other words,
policies are used to shape ICT-related development, and ICTs can be used to assist policy
processes. Online civic engagement requires both direct and indirect policies to shape e-
government development to ensure equity in citizens’ capacity to access and use e-government
applications, to guide the provision of online content and spaces for civic discourse, and to shape
the subsequent ways participation informs decision-making. In this way, e-government can enable
citizens to become informed about, participate in, and influence public issues and decisions.
These broad e-government objectives are likely to require coordination through various tiers of
government, for example, to combine national resources and infrastructure developments with
local knowledge to ensure that implementation of e-government policies and practices is the most
appropriate for citizens (see Bradford, 2008; Wilson, Cornford, Baines and Mawson, 2011).1 Local
governments occupy key positions for participatory e-government as civic involvement in politics
primarily occurs through individual and community interests (Lowndes, Pratchett and Stoker,
2001). Local issue-based participation enables citizens to see the direct implication of policy
deliberations for their lives (Karakaya-Polat, 2005), and is more manageable than online
deliberation at state or national levels (see Jimenez, Mossberger and Wu, 2012). Such local online
contexts allow for a pragmatic sense of public connection to be formed, where citizens can engage
in discussions of relevance to themselves and their communities. The following section outlines
the digital divide and suggests how its various dimensions relate to e-government engagement.
1.2. The Digital ‘Continuum’
Socio-economic inequalities create divisions of access to, and use of, networked communication
technologies, a phenomenon identified as the ‘digital divide’ (Castells, 2001; Norris, 2001; Loader,
1998). This divide exists at several levels. In the broadest sense, there are ICT access inequalities
caused by varying levels of infrastructure and resources between different nations, particularly in
relation to developed and developing economies (Cullen, 2006). But inequalities also exist within
nations, where different populations in a country are disadvantaged along, for example,
geographical, gender and racial lines. Similarly, these types of divisions exist within populations
and areas covered by cities and towns (Baker and Coleman, 2004; Holloway, 2005).
While access to sufficient ICT infrastructure had been the primary focus of digital divide debate,
recent research stresses individual capabilities and skills as key factors affecting Internet adoption
by disadvantaged groups (see, for example, Loader and Keeble, 2004; Baker and Coleman, 2004;
Hargittai and Shafer, 2006). The digital divide is now considered as “a more complex continuum of
use, and the need for skills as well as access” (Mossberger, Tolbert and McNeal, 2008, p. 9). Access
to computers in homes or in public remains important, but access alone means little without the
necessary skills to use the technology.2 Skill divisions are based around socio-economic standings
associated with, for example, income, age and education (Mossberger et al., 2008).
1At present, there is no requirement for the three tiers of Australian government (federal, state and local) to
coordinate e-government policy or practice, meaning e-government initiatives are often autonomously
developed and implemented by individual agencies and authorities.
2Nevertheless, access to improved technology, such as broadband, facilitates more advanced citizenship
practices and contributes to increased skill development (Mossberger et al., 2008).
24. 22 Long Papers
Warschauer (2003) highlights the importance of addressing both access and skills in policies to
promote ICT use for social inclusion.3 Inequalities vary depending on specific circumstances and
often require multiple strategies to address them. Some populations may demand more advanced
stages of infrastructure (for example, the need for broadband), while other disadvantaged groups
may benefit from targeted approaches, such as free public access terminals or training programs
(see Warschauer, 2003). Local governments are ideally positioned to recognise and address
community-based issues that limit ICT use for social inclusion. Moreover, taking a local
government approach to the digital continuum enables greater knowledge and understanding
when it comes to implementing effective e-government practices. For example, local governments
can specifically develop websites to suit community needs in terms of the content provided, the
languages in which the content is offered, the type of support needed, and how inclusion can
produce meaningful outcomes for citizens (Warschauer, 2003; Selwyn, 2004).
In order to effectively assess the impact of socio-economic divisions on online civic participation
with government, it is necessary to distinguish between different areas of the digital divide (or
continuum). Servon and Pinkett (2004) suggest three dimensions:
1. Access to infrastructure – computers and the Internet;
2. Computer literacy – the knowledge and ability to use ICTs; and
3. Content – being able to find and contribute to information relating to users’ lives, communities
and cultures.
(Servon and Pinkett, 2004, p. 323)
In the Australian context, limitations to access occur through the rural–urban divide; in remote
areas with low population levels, adequate infrastructure is lacking compared with economically
affluent, urban regions, where technological infrastructure (that enables reliable and quality
access) has often been prioritised (see Graham, 2004). However, the Federal Government’s National
Broadband Network (NBN) aims to provide ubiquitous, high-speed broadband of at least 12
megabits per second to all Australian premises. Fibre optic connections will be available to 93
percent of households, with the remaining areas covered by fixed wireless and satellite
technologies (see DBCDE, 2011). Currently, a lack of service providers in remote regions inhibits
competitive pricing, resulting in an increased cost to access inferior infrastructure (Eardley, Bruce
and Goggin, 2009). While the NBN has a national uniform wholesale price, retail costs will be
determined by the service providers that use the network (DBCDE, 2011). The cost of accessing
ICTs prevents those with limited financial resources (both rural and urban) from taking advantage
of these new technologies. However, Servon and Pinkett (2004) note that the gap between those
who can and cannot access ICTs is rapidly closing. In terms of computer literacy and the capacity
to use the Internet, inhibiting factors include age, education levels, and the appropriate training or
technical knowledge and skills. Such knowledge and skills also need to be updated to suit changes
in the ICT environment, which requires access to newer technologies and content (Warschauer,
2003).
3More broadly, government ICT use must coexist with traditional methods for civic involvement to ensure
social inclusion (Cullen, 2006).
25. Long Papers 23
Even if citizens have access to ICTs and sufficient ability to use new technologies, they are not
necessarily provided with information relevant to their lives, community or culture, or given the
capacity to contribute to this content. Without such meaningful content, individuals may be unable
to perceive benefits of ICT access and use (whether they be social, cultural, psychological,
economic or political reasons), which influences individuals’ acceptance of, and motivation to use,
new technologies (Selwyn, 2004). In other words, citizens’ needs and interests must be reflected in
online content and applications to encourage use. Further content and contribution barriers also
occur as the result of other factors, such as linguistic backgrounds and literacy levels (Servon and
Pinkett, 2004; Cullen, 2006). These divisions impact on individuals’ capacity and desire to access
and use e-government mechanisms.
Selwyn (2004) suggests similar dimensions of the digital divide as Servon and Pinkett (2004), but
adds a fourth factor relating to the actual and perceived outcomes and consequences of ICT use.4
This dimension is concerned with the way ICT use relates to broader participation in society. In
terms of e-government, such outcomes and consequences include increased political activity and
its impact on policy, and the effects that manifest from this type of participation. Importantly for e-
government, this fourth aspect of the digital divide advances from the provision of ICT access, skill
development for effective use, and sufficient content, to the need for online citizen participation to
have an impact. Citizens are unlikely to utilise participatory e-government mechanisms if they do
not perceive that their participation will have tangible results (see Margolis and Moreno-Riaño,
2009). These digital divide dimensions therefore influence both “the accessibility and uptake of e-
government in all communities” (Cullen, 2006, p. 289). As such, the development of e-government
policies and practices needs to take these factors into consideration.
There are strong parallels between the digital divide and e-government. Figure 1 has been
developed to illustrate the relationship between e-government, ICT policy areas, and the four
dimensions of the digital divide (access, skills, content, and impact).
Figure 1: Linking E-Government, ICT Policy, and the Digital Divide
4 Whilst differently labelled, Selwyn’s (2004) first three digital divide dimensions – formal/theoretical access
to ICTs and content, effective access to and use of ICTs and content, and engagement with ICTs and content
– align closely with Servon and Pinkett’s (2004) three dimensions.
26. 24 Long Papers
This figure highlights how a cohesive approach that involves both direct and indirect ICT policies
to address each of the four dimensions is necessary to facilitate civic participation through e-
government. Such a framework provides participatory spaces, enables citizens to access and
contribute to these spaces, and ensures that online civic discourse is considered in decision-
making. The following section outlines key e-government developments at the federal level in
Australia, and how these address the various aspects of the digital divide and facilitate citizen
involvement.
2. E-Government Engagement in the Australian Context
2.1. Australian Federal E-Government: Service Delivery vs Civic Engagement
There is an array of Australian federal documents and initiatives surrounding e-government that
address direct and indirect ICT developments and the various aspects of the digital divide. For
example, as previously outlined, the NBN is expected to enable greater access to ICT infrastructure
throughout Australia. The government has also endeavoured to address ICT skill inequalities
through programs such as ‘Digital Communities’. In this program, the government will invest
AU$23.8 million over three years to establish digital hubs in forty communities from the NBN
initial rollout stage, where citizens can receive training to develop digital literacy skills (DBCDE,
2011). In terms of indirect ICT applications, the government’s Declaration of Open Government
indicates the desire to create a culture of engagement that promotes participation in Australia’s
democratic processes, with government-citizen collaboration to be both enabled and encouraged to
improve policy outcomes (Department of Finance and Deregulation, 2010). This is a promising
objective in terms of the provision of online content and spaces for participation, as well as the use
of civic involvement in government processes.
However, current federal e-government initiatives are predominantly focused on ICT use for
one-way information provision and enhanced service delivery methods. For example, the
‘improved online service delivery and engagement goal’ of the Federal Government’s National
Digital Economy Strategy (DBCDE, 2011) aims to develop three initiatives. The ‘tell us once’
initiative is currently investigating ways to provide more customer-centric and efficient online
services, such as enabling pre-filled forms for individuals who have previously completed a
transaction with a government agency. The ‘service delivery reform’ initiative intends to transform
the way people contact Human Services, with the aim of providing online transactions such as
forms, letters, and benefit claims. The ‘data.gov.au’ initiative seeks to provide an online catalogue
of government information, including downloadable datasets. While each of these are important
aspects of e-government that will help to enhance information dissemination and service delivery
and improve e-government for civic use, they do not address the ‘engagement’ aspect of the
government’s goal. That is, these initiatives are not intended to provide two-way spaces for civic
dialogue, where contributions inform decision-making.
Instead, these initiatives follow previous schemes that stressed ‘engagement’ but in practice
followed a service delivery trajectory. For example, a streamlined website (Australia.gov.au) was
created under the Federal Government’s e-government strategy, and was meant to provide the
framework for online civic consultation and engagement (Department of Finance and
Administration, 2006). However, opportunities for two-way interaction on the site are largely
limited to links to public consultations that request formal submissions be posted or e-mailed to
the government department. Even the official title of the e-government strategy – Responsive
27. Long Papers 25
Government: A New Service Agenda – appears to assume that government responsiveness is related
to service provision. The implicit assumption, although flawed, is that the concepts of service
delivery and civic engagement are synonymous. Greater understanding of the differences between
improved services and online engagement is required if the government is to address all four
aspects of the digital divide in its ICT use. Engagement, as detailed in the federal documentation,
requires the actual implementation of online contexts for two-way participation, where civic
contributions influence policy outcomes.
As previously suggested, the scale of federal e-government presents challenges to facilitating
participatory online spaces and allowing civic discourse to influence public policy (see Jimenez et
al., 2012). Localism has subsequently emerged as a key theme in e-government research,
particularly as citizen involvement in politics is understood by citizens as primarily taking place at
the local level (Couldry and Langer, 2005). Local e-government mechanisms that enable two-way
citizen involvement therefore offer key spaces for the enactment of political action. For this reason,
it is useful to explore e-government practices at the local level, and how civic input has been
enabled and received at this level of government decision-making.
2.2. Local E-Government Engagement: The City of Casey
Local governments provide a useful setting for participatory e-government, particularly for
reasons of scale and increased citizen interest in local issues (Lowndes et al., 2001; Karakaya-Polat,
2005; Jimenez et al., 2012). This section briefly outlines one local government’s attempt to facilitate
an online context for civic consultation.5 While it is recognised that a single case study does not
provide sufficient reflection of all Australian local governments, these local experiences offer
insight into areas and issues for future development.
The City of Casey (Casey) was selected for examination for several reasons. Casey is Australia’s
seventh largest local government in terms of population (over 256,000 residents), with 89 percent
of the municipality’s residents under the age of 60 and 29 percent under 18 years of age. In
comparison, throughout Australia, 81 percent of residents are under the age of 60 and 23 percent
are under 18 years (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2010a, 2010b). This observation suggests
Casey’s young population may have an increased likelihood of familiarity with, and capacity to
use, new media technologies than other local government areas (see Montgomery and Gottlieb-
Robles, 2006). The council is also well positioned in terms of infrastructure and resources (both
financial and personnel) to utilise e-government mechanisms, and has autonomously developed
an extensive online presence without the aid of an e-government or Internet related policy guiding
its indirect ICT use.
The local government’s main website (www.casey.vic.gov.au) offers an abundance of
information about the local area, upcoming events, and council activities, and all publicly available
official documentation (such as policies and budgets) is available to download.6 The website
receives substantial usage, with over 736,000 visitors viewing more than 2.8 million pages in the
2008-2009 financial year. The council uses social media including Facebook, Twitter and YouTube
5In order to accommodate the length of a conference paper, only one local government example will be
explored.
6 Key information on the council’s website, including local services, laws, construction requirements and
community centre details, is also offered in five languages to cater for the multicultural community.
28. 26 Long Papers
(albeit restrictedly) to further information dissemination to the public. Innovatively, Casey
established a civic networking website (www.caseyconnect.net.au) for local groups and
associations to create free webpages to recruit new members. In November 2010, Casey launched a
community consultation website (caseyconversations.com.au) in order to understand the needs
and preferences of local citizens and to enable civic involvement to shape decision-making.
Furthermore, the local government employs measures to address ICT access and skill inequalities,
including the provision of free public access terminals and offering Internet education programs in
local libraries.7 These initiatives and measures are quite advanced for an Australian local
government. In contrast, most Australian local e-government initiatives tend to focus on one-way
information dissemination and simple service delivery practices through websites (O’Toole, 2009).
Overall, in relation to e-government engagement, Casey’s citizens are able to become informed
about and participate in public issues online. In terms of how the council addresses the digital
divide, Casey’s current practices facilitate access to technologies, help ICT skill development,
provide extensive content relevant to the community, and intend on allowing the outcomes of civic
contributions to impact local decision-making. As the need to consider the fourth digital divide
dimension to enable e-government engagement is a key concern of this paper, the online civic
consultation facilitated by Casey warranted further analysis to determine if and how outcomes of
deliberations impact decision-making.
While the development of the consultation website highlights that Casey Council has recognised
the need to incorporate participatory practices into its Internet use, civic contributions to this site
do not yet appear to influence Casey’s decision-making processes. In part, this is due to the fact
that the discussion forums offered on the site are predominantly for advocacy campaigns, in which
case the responsibility for final decisions rests with state and federal authorities rather than with
the local government itself. The council has also outsourced the development, maintenance and
moderation of the site, and it does not use a government Internet domain. This indicates a
reluctance to incorporate Casey Conversations into the local government’s everyday practices and
potentially mitigates any likely impact of discussions on decision-making. Additionally, there is no
indication that local government representatives engage with the website or read citizens’ posts.
Citizens’ comments on Casey Conversations have begun to recognise a lack of responsiveness by
the local government. An example of this appears in a discussion forum that was launched
following flooding throughout the municipality in February 2011, when the drainage systems
jointly managed by the local government and water authority were unable to cope with heavy
rainfall and rapid flood waters. The government-initiated forum requested citizens’ experiences of
the floods, stating that improving drainage systems was a key priority for the council. The forum
has been viewed over 1,200 times and currently contains 29 threads. Citizens posted comments
about how they were affected by the floods, and offered information on community-run support
groups that were set up for the emergency. They also suggested potential action that could be
taken by the council to prevent the severity of future flooding, such as building additional
footbridges over drainage areas, sealing dirt roads, keeping drains along roadways clear of
rubbish, and employing mobile-based emergency notification systems. Four official responses
7The broadband infrastructure intended to be installed under the Federal Government’s NBN will facilitate
improved civic access to ICTs within the municipality. Telecommunications infrastructure developments in
Australia lie outside the control of local governments.
29. Long Papers 27
were posted over a twelve month period by an administrator. Each was a generic ‘thank you for
your feedback’ reply; often weeks after citizens’ comments had been made. Use of the website does
not appear to result in effective communication with the local government. As one citizen’s post on
19 July 2011 suggests, “I believe this site is more of a front to stop us calling and bothering the
Casey, Seriously will we get any feed back from this?” (Peterk, errors in original). A generic thank
you response was again given by the administrator. The council did not undertake any of the
suggestions provided by citizens and, in June 2012, the municipality again flooded resulting in
widespread emergency evacuations and substantial further damage to homes and businesses.
The launch of the consultation website was a promising local e-government development that
aimed to provide spaces for involvement in issues of direct relevance to citizens. However, this
example indicates that the government’s acknowledgement of the need to provide relevant content
and contexts for online citizen involvement must be coupled with genuine willingness to
incorporate civic views into decision-making. While Casey’s online consultation site is an
advanced local e-government initiative that moves beyond early understandings of e-government
and its service delivery focus, a major divide still exists within the local government’s online
practices in terms of engagement. The council has addressed the access, skills and content
dimensions of the digital divide, but the capacity for citizens to exert influence on local decisions
through online participation remains limited. It is likely that, in part, this has resulted from
insufficient policy guidance of Casey’s e-government applications and how online civic
involvement can be incorporated into decision-making processes.
3. Conclusion: The Role of Government Willingness
In Australian e-government, one-way information dissemination and improved service delivery
practices are often prioritised over contexts for citizen participation. The intersection between e-
government and digital divide literature provides a useful framework for understanding
government ICT use and how it impacts on civic engagement. If governments intend to enable
online engagement, a cohesive approach to e-government policy and practice is required. This
approach would address access and skill inequalities, offer content and spaces for civic discourse,
and enable that discourse to inform decision-making. Opportunities for online engagement rely as
greatly on governments addressing the content and impact aspects of the digital divide as ICT
access and skills.
Interestingly, while the Australian Federal Government is addressing access and skill
inequalities and has extensive policies stressing the value of online civic engagement, the online
content and practices implemented are primarily service delivery focused. In contrast, the City of
Casey example highlights the development and use of participatory practices at the local level.
However, like many Australian local governments, Casey is developing its e-government without
policy documentation to guide and enhance civic engagement, and there is little evidence to
suggest that community consultation is informing decision-making. These observations highlight
the value of greater coordination between national and local governments to advance online civic
engagement mechanisms. For example, national infrastructure developments and training
programs can draw from local knowledge to ensure that implementation is the most appropriate
for locales and citizens’ needs. Conversely, local governments can utilise national resources and
policy guidance to enhance the participatory practices provided to citizens and to shape the way
civic involvement informs decision-making.
30. 28 Long Papers
Previous research on e-government and the digital divide has highlighted that government
willingness to use ICTs to communicate with citizens is crucial for the online participation
opportunities provided to, or withheld from, citizens (see, for example, Cullen, 2006). This paper
extends this argument and demonstrates that government willingness also determines whether
civic participation is considered in decision-making. Without recognising that citizen involvement
needs to have a tangible impact, participatory e-government practices are unlikely to effectively
encourage civic use, let alone facilitate citizen engagement with government.
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About the Author
Julie Freeman
Julie Freeman is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Communication and Media Studies at the University of
Canberra, Australia. Julie received her PhD from Monash University in 2011 for a thesis entitled ‘Local E-
Government: Politics and Civic Participation’. Her research focuses on local e-government, citizen
engagement, political representation, digital democracy, and the policy contexts of e-government.
33. State Governors on Social Media
Reciprocity and Homophily in Twitter Networks
Jameson McFarlane*, Siddharth Kaza**
* Thaddeus Stevens College of Technology, mcfarlane@stevenscollege.edu
** Towson University, skaza@towson.edu
Abstract: In recent years, Web 2.0 services like blogging, micro-blogging and social networking
have become channels of information sharing and communication between friends, followers,
and business stakeholders. While there have been studies on the use of such services by
political candidates, there have been few studies focused on elected representatives in state
and federal agencies using these services to communicate with citizens. This study explores how
sitting U.S. state governors are using the Twitter micro-blogging service. We obtained two
levels of friends and followers of ten state governor’s Twitter accounts to study their
interactions with respect to reciprocity, homophily, and network structure. Our results show
that the governors have significantly more Twitter followers than friends. This could be
because the governors typically use the social media tools as a means of disseminating
information to citizens and agencies rather than using it for two-way communications. In
addition, we also found their social networks have very low level of reciprocity and most
governors have followers limited to the big cities in their states.
Keywords: Twitter, Government, Online social network, Homophily, Reciprocity, Web 2.0
overnment transparency and the right to government information, among other things, are
highly regarded as fundamental to democratic participation and informed decision making
by the government (Bertot, Jaeger, & Grimes, 2010; Shuler, Jaeger, & Bertot, 2010). With the
advent of the highly participatory form of the web (commonly known as Web 2.0), social
networking and other services can be used to communicate both within government agencies and
externally to citizens (Wigand, 2010a) as well as to build relationships with stakeholders.
Since the 2008 general elections, social media has increasingly become a cradle for political
activities and activism in the United States. Web 2.0 appears to be a good platform for both
political communication between citizens and for communication between candidates and their
constituents (Osimo, 2008). It has been suggested that the unprecedented speed in which changes
are occurring in the Middle East was due to the social media and social networks (Cheterian, 2011;
Ottaway & Hamzawy, 2011). Research studies have also found that predicting the outcome of
general elections by analyzing the popularity meter and sentiments for the candidates may be
possible (Balasubramanyan, Routledge, & Smith, 2010; Metaxas, Mustafaraj, & Gayo-Avello, 2011).
While there has been much study on how political candidates use social networking tools (Chung
& Mustafaraj, 2010; Cohen & Eimicke, 2003; Metaxas et al., 2011; Osimo, 2008; de Kool & van
Wamelen, 2008), there has been little work on the use of these tools by government officials,
34. 32 Long Papers
government agencies, and other stakeholders interacting with the current administration. Though
there has been a significant increase in the number of online services provided by government
agencies, social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter are severely underutilized and it has
been suggested that agencies should use those tools more readily to reach the under-served
populations (Chang & Kannan, 2008; Golbeck, Grimes, & Rogers, 2010; Smith, 2010; Wigand,
2010a, 2010b).
In this study, we focus on the use of Twitter by state governors and study their interactions with
other agencies, citizens, and other stake holders. We explore the following questions: how are
government agencies using the social networking media to communicate with its citizens? What
are the properties of their social network? Who are the agencies following and is there a degree of
reciprocity between followers and friends?
The next section contains a review of literature in this area. Section 2 presents our research
design. Section 3 presents and discusses the results and Section 4 concludes and presents future
directions.
1. Literature review
In this section, we first present an overview of the use of Web 2.0 technologies by government
agencies and officials (with a focus on U.S. state and federal government). We then focus on social
networking tools specifically and their use in government. We also cover previous work that has
studied the use of these tools for government work. In the third subsection, we present the specific
characteristics of social networks we focus on to study the use of Twitter by state governors.
1.1. Government and Web 2.0
Web 2.0 is a very broad concept. It can be viewed as a second generation of Internet content where
the focus shifts from consumption to participation (de Kool & van Wamelen, 2008). Web 2.0 can
also be considered to be a network platform that delivers software and a service that dramatically
improves the user experiences to that of Web 1.0 (O’Reilly, 2007). All in all, Web 2.0 technology is
closely associated with online collaboration, interactive information sharing, a design built with
the user in mind and connection anywhere at any time (O’Reilly, 2007). Government agencies have
started using Web 2.0 services to provide access to government services and/or increase
interaction with citizens. Table 1 shows a summary of previous literature on the use of Web 2.0
services by government agencies and officers in the United States. Here we focus just on services
used for official business and those associated with permanent positions (like Speaker of the
House, rather than the individual account of the current speaker).
As can be seen in fromTable 1, there are several federal government agencies that use Web 2.0
technologies for various purposes. However, the primary focus appears to be information
dissemination rather than to build social networks and to encourage public participation.
35. Long Papers 33
Table 1. Use of Web 2.0 Technologies by Government Agencies and Officials
Agency Web 2.0 Service Tools Aim
General Services Mashups, Web Usa.gov, Develop strategy for
Administration (GSA) services GobiernoUSA.gov, government agencies to
(Wigand, 2010b) GovGab.gov, provide better services using
kids.gov, Web 2.0
Webcontent.gov
Federal Bureau of Mashups FBI Most Wanted Provide capability for other
Investigation (widgets) Widgets government sites to add the FBI
(Wigand, 2010b) most wanted list
DoD & other Wikis, Mashups, Intellipedia, To improve intelligence
Intelligence Agencies RSS feeds, Rich DoDLive, Virtual sharing, contribute and
(Wigand, 2010b) Internet Worlds, TroopTube sharing of content using simple
(DoD, 2009) Applications markups
The White House Podcasts White House Provide updates, coverage of
(Wilshusen, 2010) podcasts live government deliberations,
emergency response
information
State Department, Social GreenVersations Support public interaction in
Environmental Networking – response to agency
Protection Agency Facebook, announcements
(EPA), Transportation Twitter
and Security
Administration (TSA)
(Wilshusen, 2010)
Center for Disease RSS feeds, Flu Wiki, Second Provide emergency text
Control Instant Life messages, seasonal flu updates
(Mergel, Schweik, & Messaging,
Fountain, 2009) Podcast
Library of Congress Multimedia Distribution of digital content
(Mergel et al., 2009) Sharing
National Aeronautics RSS feeds, Social SpaceBook, Twitter Publicize events, news releases,
and Space Networking real-time updates and
Administration information from space stations
(Wilshusen, 2010)
(DoD, 2009)
Department of Mashups College Navigator, Make college more accessible
Education (Facebook, Federal Student and affordable
(Wigand, 2010b) Twitter widgets) Financial Aid
ForeCaster
36. 34 Long Papers
State Department Wikis, blog, Diplopedia, Internal foreign affairs
(Wilshusen, 2010) Social Deskipedia, Encyclopedia; blogging
(DoD, 2009) Networking communities@state, platform organized into
Exchanges Connect, communities of practice and
DipNote interest; tool similar to
Facebook
Army Wikis, blog MilSuite, MilBlog, A series of tools to disseminate
(Wilshusen, 2010) MilWiki, MilBook information internally
(DoD, 2009)
Joint Staff (JS) Mashups All Partners Access Network to foster interagency
(Wilshusen, 2010) (widgets), Network (APAN), collaboration and coordination;
(DoD, 2009) Instant Intelink, Jabber chat rooms in multiple
Messaging networks that help speed up
information gathering
United states Mashups Twitter Earthquake Provides the USGS with initial
Geological Survey Detector Project indication of an earthquake
(USGS) before the scientific data
(Wilshusen, 2010) reaches the USGS
(DoD, 2009)
Department of Rich Internet ED Data Express Interactive web site aimed at
Education Application making timely and accurate K-
12 data available to the public
Housing and Urban Mashups USA Search, HUD Provides a searchable web
Development (HUD) National Housing based database of available
(Wilshusen, 2010) Locator System rental housing nation-wide
(DoD, 2009)
Treasury/IRS Web Service IRS eFile Make it easier for taxpayers to
(Wigand, 2010b) pay taxes quickly and
accurately
1.2. Social Networking in Government
In this study, we focus on the use of Twitter by state governors and study their interactions with
other agencies, citizens and stake holders. Posts on Twitter (known as ‘Tweets”) allow Twitter
users to update and share information readily with individuals who follow them. People who
receive or subscribe to your tweets are referred to as your followers. Your friends (often called
followings) are other Twitter users you have chosen to follow. A one-way or two-way relationship
may exist between followers and followings, however, unlike most other online social networking
sites, Twitter does not require any level of reciprocity between followers and friends (Kwak, Lee,
Park, & Moon, 2010a). Another interesting functionality of Twitter is “re-tweeting.” Re-tweeting is
the Twitter-equivalence of email-forwarding, where users post messages which were originally
posted by other Twitter users (Boyd & Golder, 2010). Using the power of re-tweeting, social micro-
37. Long Papers 35
blogging sites like Twitter have enabled individuals, groups and organizations to broadcast, share
and disseminate information about their activities, opinions, and status remarkably easily through
their network of followers or friends (Boyd & Golder, 2010; Kwak, Lee, Park, & Moon, 2010a.
Among young adults 18 – 24 years old, about thirty-seven percent make or read Twitter online
updates (Lenhart, Purcell, Smith, & Zickuhr, 2010). Twitter is free, it is relatively low network
resource intensive, it is easy to learn and use, and integration with mobile services and other
existing applications is very simple. These features give it the potential to radically extend the
communications reach and make it a viable option for the adoption by the government (Skoric,
Poor, Achananuparp, Lim, & Jiang, 2011; Wigand, 2010a, 2010b)
Table 2 summarizes a selected set of studies on the use of Twitter and other similar social
networking services in the government. Though these studies have interesting findings, none of
the studies have looked at the structure of the networks of government agencies and citizens. To
understand the use of Twitter by state governors, we look at two primary characteristics:
What is the level of interaction in the network – here we look at the reciprocity in the network to
see if the governors are also following the citizens and other agencies in their networks.
What are the spatial characteristics of the network of followers – here we look at geographical
homophily and examine the geographical spread of the governors’ networks.
Table 2. Previous studies on the use of social networking tools by the Government
Aim Finding
(Chang & Kannan, Understanding how to leverage web Among the findings:
2008) 2.0 for Government-citizen and Government needs to
government- employee interactions meet citizens where they
are online; citizens are
willing to interact with
government agencies
online; etc.
(Wigand, 2010b) Author examined the role of Twitter in Government
government agencies organizations are using
Twitter to disseminate
information both
internally and externally
(Wigand, 2010a) Research to explore the adoption of Twitter is used extensively
Twitter by government agencies for conversation and
collaboration in projects
(Osimo, 2008) Research questions revolve around the Web 2.0 presents
significance of web 2.0 for e- significant opportunities
Government as well as risks for
government
(Smith, 2010). Study to determine to what extent Americans are turning in
citizens are using government online large numbers to access
services and information online government
information and services
38. 36 Long Papers
(Waters & Williams, Study to examine the Twitter accounts Government agencies
2011) of federal and state politicians to primarily relied on a one-
determine how they are using this way communication that
social networking tool sought to inform and
communicate rather than
two-way symmetrical
communications
(Mergel et al., 2009) Among other things, to determine how Web 2.0 tools are already
government agencies are using web 2.0 being deployed internally
tools through government
agencies.
(Golbeck et al., 2010) Determine the type of content Law makers are primarily
legislators are posting using Twitter to post
information to their
constituents
1.2.1. Reciprocity
Social networking typically involves a high level of reciprocity which can be defined as a pattern of
mutual exchange between actors (Wasserman & Faust, 1994). Ever since the inception of the social
media and networking sites and their popularity, there has been a renewed interest in the
reciprocity of social networking (Kivran-swaine, Govindan, & Naaman, 2011; Yardi, 2010; Zhang,
Dantu, & Cangussu, 2009). The typical new users of social networking are added by mutual
acquaintances or because their friends invited them to do so. This generally evolves into bi-
directional/reciprocal communication between friends. However, Twitter networks are slightly
different as they have two kinds of relationships - followers and friends. Friends generally follow
each other to share information or to keep abreast of new developments in each other’s lives.
However, that may not be the case for followers. We investigate this phenomenon in the networks
of state governors to examine if they follow the accounts of their followers.
Some studies have been done to investigate reciprocity in Twitter. Java et al. (2007) compared
micro-blogging to regular blogging and found that users of micro-blogging social networks have a
significantly high degree of correlation and reciprocity (Java, Song, Finin, & Tseng, 2007). They
determined a 58% reciprocity in Twitter friends – which mean that 58% of the users were likely to
follow the users who were following them. Kwak et al. (2010) found that only about 22 percent of
Twitter users have some form of reciprocal relationships. They also observed that 67% of users are
not followed by their friends. Other studies on social networks such as Flickr (Cha, Mislove, &
Gummadi, 2009a) and Yahoo (Kumar, Novak, & Tomkins, 2006) have found the reciprocity to be
68% and 84% respectively.
1.2.2. Geographical Homophily
Sociologists have found that individuals who live in a common geographic area, have work or
family ties or have common interests have the tendency to relate to each other (Lauw, Shafer,
Agrawal, & Ntoulas, 2010). This phenomenon is called Homophily and is defined as the principle
39. Long Papers 37
that contact between similar people occurs at a higher rate than among dissimilar people
(McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001). Essentially, homophily implies that the “distance in
terms of social characteristics translate into network distance” (McPherson et al., 2001). Geographic
homophily is the most fundamental of all homophilies. Contacts occur more frequently with
individuals who are in close proximity with the other. This is because it takes a lot more effort to
establish and maintain relationships with someone who is far away than one who is readily
available. With the proliferation of online social networks, one would deduce that spatial and
temporal factors have a lesser effect on the establishment of connections between people. A recent
study by Kwak et al. (2010) found that Twitter users who have reciprocal relations tend to be
geographically close. In general, it was found that a slight homophily exists only if there is some
form of reciprocity (Kwak, Lee, Park, & Moon, 2010a). A study of a sample of users of LiveJournal
(Lauw et al., 2010) found that geography also affects homophily. They concluded that two
arbitrary users, even with a remotely few common interests, are more likely to be friends
especially when not restricted by organization or geographic constraints such as distance and time
(McPherson et al., 2001).
2. Research Design
Here we describe the data acquisition and analysis techniques used to study reciprocity and
homophily in the study.
2.1. Data Acquisition
To select state governors active on Twitter, we gathered data on ten US state governors with the
most number of Twitter followers and friends. Twitter keeps a public profile of each user which
includes the name, a brief description, screen name (pseudonym), location, the total followers and
friends count. Using the Twitter API (https://dev.twitter.com/), we downloaded a two-level
network for each governor using the friend and follower relationships. For example, the governor
was at level zero, the friends of the governor were at level 1; their friends were at level 2. To work
with the download limit of Twitter, we used a self-regulating, automatic download process which
allowed us to gather 3,500 users per hour. Between March, 2011 and November, 2011 we collected
information for a total of 3,892,868 users (5,470,647 as followers and 4,133,087 as friends).
2.2. Analysis
2.2.1. Reciprocity
Reciprocity is an indicator that a symbiotic relationship exists between a user and her /his friends
and followers. In Twitter, a reciprocal follower relationship exists between user U and user V if U
follows V and V follows them back. Thus, if U posts a message on Twitter then V sees it and vice-
versa. The same applies for friendship relations. For each governor, we looked at the reciprocity at
the first level of the network to determine the number and percent of friends and followers that the
governors reciprocated with. A high level of reciprocation by the governor would imply that
he/she can see the tweets posted by the citizens or agencies in their network.
40. 38 Long Papers
2.2.2. Geographical Homophily
Twitter users contain a location attribute in their profiles which can be used to establish the
geographic homophily of each of governor’s followers. In addition, using this variable, we can
establish to what degree the governors’ followers are located within its state, nationally,
internationally or within the proximity of its ten largest cities. Since e-Government is targeted
towards providing services for its citizens, it is therefore anticipated that the majority of the
followers for any governor should be located with its state, however with online social
networking, distance may be a lesser factor in determining relationship.
3. Experimental Results and Discussion
Table 3 shows the basic statistics for the 10 U.S. state governors and their first and second level
friends and followers.
Table 3. Basic statistics of the dataset
Followers Followers 2nd Friends 1st Friends 2nd
Governor
1st Level Level Level Level
Jerry Brown, CA 1,090,111 4,446,441 4,093 4, 445, 595
Deval Patrick, MA 19,505 1,393,940 11,524 1, 384 ,267
Bill Haslam, TN 8,118 73,375 2,959 605, 806
Martin O’Malley, MD 6,788 97, 583 823 96, 757
Chris Gregoire, WA 5, 748 199,341 24 199, 326
Nathan Deal, GA 5,693 46,367 15 46, 350
Andrew Cuomo, NY 4,834 13,368 143 105, 278
John Kitzhaber, OR 3,093 170,558 1,688 169 ,062
Brian Sandoval, NV 2, 731 39, 975 1,959 38, 016
John Hickenlooper, CO 2,669 374,439 993 373, 594
The governors have significantly disproportionate number of Twitter followers than friends. A
main reason for this could be that governors overall use Twitter as a means of disseminating
information to as well as communicating directly with its citizens rather than collecting
information on what its people are doing.
3.1. Reciprocity
With over five million followers and four million friends in the study, there are only twenty-
nine instances of a governor following a second-level user. Conversely, if a User A follows a
governor B, and User A is followed by User C, then there were only 218 (0.003 %) cases at the
second level that that User C followed governor B. On the other hand, that number was 724
(0.002%) for friends. Thus, the network for governors does not appear to show the characteristics
of more typical friendship based social networks (Cha, Mislove, & Gummadi, 2009b) and shows
much lower levels of reciprocity than other more general Twitter networks (Kwak, Lee, Park, &
Moon, 2010a).
41. Long Papers 39
Table 4 shows the details for all the governors. It can be observed that the followers’ reciprocal
count for each of the governors is considerably smaller than that for friends. The reciprocal percent
is a measure of the ratio of the reciprocal count for that governor at that particular network level to
the total number of followers or friends at that network level. It can also be seen that the reciprocal
percentage of friends for each of the governors is several times higher than for followers. These
low reciprocal percentage numbers in the follower and friend networks imply that there may not
be much conversation happening between the governors and citizens with most governors not
seeing the updates from citizens on their accounts at all.
Table 4. Reciprocity in friends and followers
Name Reciprocal Reciprocal Reciprocal Reciprocal
Followers Followers Friends Friends Percent
Count Percent Count
Martin O’Malley, MD 4 0.06 58 7.04
Brian Sandoval, NV 1 0.04 72 3.68
Deval Patrick, MA 18 0.1 212 1.84
Bill Haslam, TN 171 2.42 138 4.66
John Kitzhaber, OR 14 0.48 73 3.32
Pat Quinn, IL 9 0.74 20 1.02
John Hickenlooper, CO 1 0.04 86 8.66
Andrew Cuomo, NY 0 0 38 26.57
Chris Gregoire, WA 0 0 17 70.83
3.2. Geographical Homophily
We sought to determine the locations of the users for each governor as well as who are they
communicating with. Figure 1 provides detail information of first level followers for Governor
O’Malley and which counties or cities those users are located. More than ninety-eight percent of
O’Malley’s followers are geographically located within the United States. It should be observed
from Figure 2 that a preponderance of Governor O’Malley’s followers is located in the
metropolitan cities of Baltimore and the capital, Annapolis. For example, the metropolitan cities of
Baltimore and Annapolis with a population of 620,961 and 38,390 have 1,175 and 160 followers,
respectively whereas Columbia and Gaithersburg with populations of 99,615 and 59,333 have 51
and 25 followers. Moreover, one can observe from Figure 2 for Governor O’Malley that the
outlying areas of Salisbury and Ocean City have very few followers. Similar results were obtained
for Massachusetts (see Figure 2). We found that followers for most (with the exception of
Maryland and Nevada) governors are predominantly within their states as well as from the large
metropolitan cities of these states. The Maryland governor had a big following in Washington D.C.
(which is closely linked to Maryland) and the Nevada governor had following in California (which
is a more active state on social media than the governor’s home state of Nevada).
42. 40 Long Papers
Figure 1. Location of Maryland governor’s followers
Note: There were no followers from western Maryland so that part of the map is cropped out.
Figure 2. Location of Massachusetts’s governors Twitter followers
4. Conclusions and Future Directions
In the eight month period between March and early October, 2011, we downloaded more than
seven million followers and four million friends for a total of over six million unique users for ten
state governors. We observed that a certain level of homophily exists between the governors’
followers and governors’ friends as it relates to geographic location and political or social status.
We also found that more than sixty percent of each governor’s followers reside in their state.
Further, over ninety-eight percent of all state governors’ followers are from the United States of
43. Long Papers 41
America. In addition, we discovered that the governors who are affiliated to their political party
top brass have a large followers and friends base.
U.S. state governors have been utilizing Twitter and other latest technology in disseminating
daily government information and government notices to its citizens on a regular basis. They
appear to be reaching a certain portion of its population because the majority of their followers are
within their states. However, the fact that the governors are reaching the metropolitan cities at an
appreciably higher rate than the smaller, rural communities who need the services most, should be
of some concern. We conclude that they have to do a better job in adding utility to their Twitter
accounts so that citizens in any part of their state could use this medium to obtain state updates.
For future work, it would be worthwhile to know why state governors are following certain
individuals and state agencies. Knowing why the governors are following the agencies could be
beneficial to the federal government when disseminating human, economic and other valuable
resources to its citizens.
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About the Authors
Jameson McFarlane
Jameson currently teaches Computer Science courses at Thaddeus Stevens College of Technology in
Lancaster, Pennsylvania. He previously worked as a software developer for various organizations in
Pennsylvania. He received his BSc and MBA in Computer Information Systems from York College of
Pennsylvania. He is a doctoral candidate in Applied Information Technology at Towson University,
Maryland. His research interests center around social network analysis and software development
methodologies.
Siddharth Kaza
Siddharth Kaza is an Assistant Professor in the Computer and Information Sciences Department at Towson
University in Towson, MD. He received his Ph.D. degree in Management Information Systems from the
University of Arizona. Dr. Kaza’s research interests lie in data mining and knowledge discovery, social
network analysis, security informatics, and secure coding. His work has been published in top-tier journals
like Decision Support Systems, IEEE Transactions, Journal of the American Society for Information Science
and Technology and has been funded by the National Science Foundation and others.