The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main featur... more The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main features of the current political and economic system, armed forces, social-cultural life. The book is intended for a wide range of scholars, political scientists, historians, diplomats, politicians, military experts, as well as readers interested in the region.
This article discusses a primary source associated with the history of the Kashatagh region and t... more This article discusses a primary source associated with the history of the Kashatagh region and the resettlement process there. As a result of the study, it is shown that the document has an evidence-apologetic value and is designed to legitimize political agents associated with the resettlement process through an assessment of the historical past.
The current research investigates the influence of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, ... more The current research investigates the influence of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, making an emphasis on the events taken place in 2012-2013. The research aims at investigating the background of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, evaluating the role that Kurdish factor played/plays in the formation of the Turkish stance on the Syrian conflict, as well as composing a scientific research that can serve as a primary source for the further researches concerning both Turkey-Syria relations and the Syrian conflict. By comparative and analytical methods of scientific research the current article promotes the following thesis: the Kurdish factor has a serious influence on the interstate relations between Turkey and Syria and it can condition the content of those relations. Analysing the military and political situation in the northern parts of Syria (mostly inhabited by Kurds) in the context of the Syrian crisis in 2012-2013, the author shows that since July of 2012...
The current research aims at proposing a new legal approach regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh confli... more The current research aims at proposing a new legal approach regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between The Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) Republic and Azerbaijan, as well as The Republic of Armenia as a third party involved in the case. The conflict emerged with its current embodiment in late 1980s, due to the national movement of the Armenians in Karabakh for self-determination and reunification with Armenia. The non-violent phase of the conflict lasted no more than half a year and soon after the emergence of the Armenian movement, Azerbaijani then authorities with the help of the Soviet Internal Security Forces and OMON, launched a military attack towards the Armenian population in Karabakh intending to disarm the local Armenian self-defense militia detachments and uproot the Armenian livings in the given region. The active phase of the conflict, i.e. war of national liberation of Karabakh Armenians against the newly independent Azerbaijani Republic lasted from 1991 till 1994. Du...
AbstractBy getting involved in the "Arab Spring", Qatar was determined to continue wagi... more AbstractBy getting involved in the "Arab Spring", Qatar was determined to continue waging its foreign policy aimed at strengthening the positions of the country combined with the intention to create corresponding markets outside the country for Qatari gas. The Russia-Iran-US agreement on the destruction of Syria's chemical weapons, along with the newly-emerging Iran-US rapprochement, urged Qatar to re-think its Syrian agenda, especially in light of the diplomatic blockade by the Gulf states. It is concluded in the article that after the Syrian crisis, Qatar will continue seeking gas markets in order to ensure its national interests.Introduction - Qatar's foreign policy before the "Arab Spring"Since the oil industry boom, Qatar has gradually paved its way towards regional and world geopolitics. During the Iran-Iraqi war (1980-1988), Qatar sided with Iraq. However, during the First Gulf War Qatar turned its back on the latter, joining the Western-led coalit...
The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main featur... more The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main features of the current political and economic system, armed forces, social-cultural life. The book is intended for a wide range of scholars, political scientists, historians, diplomats, politicians, military experts, as well as readers interested in the region.
The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main featur... more The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main features of the current political and economic system, armed forces, social-cultural life. The book is intended for a wide range of scholars, political scientists, historians, diplomats, politicians, military experts, as well as readers interested in the region.
Egypt plays a crucial role in the formation of Turkish Middle Eastern policy. The importance that... more Egypt plays a crucial role in the formation of Turkish Middle Eastern policy. The importance that Egypt possesses for Turkey ranges from the nations’ shared historical and cultural memory to economic and security concerns. Due to its geographic location, Egypt is a key zone for Turkey, to reach the African and Persian Gulf states’ markets. Egypt also has a huge impact on the development of the sub-geopolitical region around the Nile.
By getting involved in the Arab Spring, Qatar was determined to continue waging its foreign pol... more By getting involved in the Arab Spring, Qatar was determined to continue waging its foreign policy aimed at strengthening the positions of the country combined with the intention to create corresponding markets outside the country for Qatari gas. The Russia-Iran-US agreement on the destruction of Syrias chemical weapons, along with the newly-emerging Iran-US approchement, urged Qatar to re-think its Syrian agenda, especially in light of the diplomatic blockade by the Gulf states. It is concluded in the article that after the Syrian crisis, Qatar will continue seeking gas markets in order to ensure its national interests.
THE FOREIGN POLICY OF KEMAL’S GOVERNMENT DURING THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE TWO BATTLES OF İNÖNÜ (JANU... more THE FOREIGN POLICY OF KEMAL’S GOVERNMENT DURING THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE TWO BATTLES OF İNÖNÜ (JANUARY-MARCH 1921) Edgar Elbakyan
The article focuses on the foreign policy of Kemal’s government during the period between the two İnönü battles. The author outlines the positive impact that the success of the Turkish troops had on the negotiations held in diplomatic circles. It is substantiated that the occupation of Alexandropol and the Armenian-Turkish unequal agreement signed there as well as participation of Angora government in the London conference and the anti-soviet policy of Bekir Sami were used by the Turkish party as a means of political leverage to influence Moscow in order to accelerate the signing of bilateral agreement on the most favourable terms for the Turkish side. Thus, the conclusions are the following: 1) the bilateral agreements signed by Bekir Sami between Turkey and Western powers had a single purpose to break the diplomatic blockade the country was in, 2) the Moscow treaty was of vital importance for Turkey for continuing the war against Greece and scarcely can be supposed as a mutual gain, because it was totally the victory of Turkish diplomacy.
MİLLİYETÇİ HAREKETİNİN DOĞUŞU VE DIŞ POLİTİKASI (1919)
Edgar Elbakyan
Makalede Birinci Cihan Har... more MİLLİYETÇİ HAREKETİNİN DOĞUŞU VE DIŞ POLİTİKASI (1919) Edgar Elbakyan
Makalede Birinci Cihan Harbi'nde ezici bir yenilgiden ve İngiltere tarafından kabul ettirildiği Mondros Mütarekenamesinden sonra Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun durumu kısa bir biçimde anlatılmaktadır. Yazar tarafından Türkiye'de Milliyetçi hareketinin doğuşuna getiren nesnel dahili ve harici nedenleri tartışılmaktadır. Bu nedenler dizinde Türk-İslam alemine savaşa götüren en önemlisi olarak Hıristiyan-Yunanların batıda ile Hıristiyan-Ermenilerin güneyde (Fransız ordularıyla) ve doğuda (Ermenistan Cumhuriyeti olarak) meydana geldiğinin altını çizilmektedir. Makalede Mustafa Kemal'in ilk diplomatik adımları ele alınmaktadır - Sovyet Rusya temsilcisi Budyonni ile yapılmış gizli görüşmesi, Erzurûm ile Sivas kongrelerinin toplanması ve Fransız resmî temsilcisi Georges-Picot ile yapılmış öngörüşmeleri bu adımlar sırasındadır. Bu görüşmeler esnasında Mustafa Kemal Türk tarafının "plan-minimum'u" öneri çıkmıştır (tam bağımsızlık, Kilikya'nın geri alınması), az ehemmiyetli meseleler üzerine ise (Sultan ile Halife'nin kaldırılması, Türkiye’de komünist rejiminin kurulması, Türkiye tarafından tercih edilen suretiyle Amerikan mandasını alması, Fransız tarafına Türkiye’de ekonomik ayrıcalıkların verilmesi v.b.) manevralar yaparak görüşmelerinin bozulmaması ve gelecek gelişmesini sağlayabilmiştir.
NARRATIVE ORIENTATION AND AXIOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THEMATIC SONGS ON ARTSAKH WAR
(Edgar Elbaky... more NARRATIVE ORIENTATION AND AXIOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THEMATIC SONGS ON ARTSAKH WAR (Edgar Elbakyan) This article deals with the scientific issue of the narrative orientation and axiological significance of Artsakh War songs – yet not properly investigated in the Armenian scientific literature. Our theses state, that these songs are in consistent interdependence and correlation with their prototypes, composed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Thus, there is a strong organic tie between the past, the present and the future which is made on the literary basis and expressed in the songs. Due to the victorious outcome of the Artsakh War, thematic songs on Artsakh War are void of classical sorrow songs which were partly peculiar to the songs of the previous generation of the Armenian Liberty Fight. The author has divided Artsakh War thematic songs into three distinct groups: songs dedicated to Artsakh in general and its different villages in particular, songs having general warlike character and songs dedicated to different battalions, commanders and heroes-volunteers.
THE EXISTENCE AND INDEPENDENCE OF NKR IN THE LIGHT OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY
In the current work the fac... more THE EXISTENCE AND INDEPENDENCE OF NKR IN THE LIGHT OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY In the current work the fact of separate and independent existence of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (Artsakh) is discussed in the light of ethnopsychology. Different points of views respecting the independence of NKR are enumerated, which are summarized in three ethnopsychological approaches. These approaches are introduced for the first time by the author of the article. The “Federal approach or theory of historical regularity” explains the existence of NKR by the almost permanent presence of independent Armenian statehood in the territory of Artsakh throughout the history. “Independence theory” considers the existence of NKR as a natural result of the struggle and war waged by Artskah for its self-determination. Those who advocate this approach regard the international recognition of NKR as the main objective and ideal of the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Theory of “indifference and neglect” is a set of views with the rejection of the very idea of Artsakh independence in its basis. Social and political groups adhering to this approach strongly believe that the formation of the NKR is a grave blunder both from political and legal and from national-ideological points of views made by previous and current political elite. A logical conclusion is drawn at the end of the article that despite the political and legal developments regarding Nagorno-Karabakh regulation process, it is highly necessary to shape an atmosphere in which Artsakh will be apprehended as a former and current indivisible part of The Great Armenia.
Հոդվածում անդրադարձ է կատարվում Ջավախքին՝ որպես միջազգային հարաբերությունների օբյեկտ եւ փաստացի ս... more Հոդվածում անդրադարձ է կատարվում Ջավախքին՝ որպես միջազգային հարաբերությունների օբյեկտ եւ փաստացի սուբյեկտ, երկրամասում կուտակված հիմնախնդիրներին. եւ ըստ այդմ՝ նախանշվում է հարցի փոխշահավետ եւ փոխզիջումային լուծումը, այն է՝ Ջավախքի ինքնորոշման իրավունքի իրականացումը: Հանգամանորեն հիմնավորվում է, որ ինքնավար Ջավախքի ստեղծումը կարող է առժամանակ նպաստ բերել թե՛ ՀՀ անվտանգությանն ու ռազմավարական շահերին, թե՛ ՎՀ ամբողջականության պահպանմանը, եւ թե՛ տարածաշրջանում միջազգային դերակատարների շահերին:
В статье рассматривается Джавахк как объект и де-факто субъект международных отношений, краеугольные проблемы Джавахка, и из этого выводится компромиссное и взаимовыгодное решение вопроса – реализация права на самоопределение Джавахка. Основательно обосновывается, что создание автономного Джавахка на определенное время может способствовать безопасности и стратегическим интересам РА, сохранению целостности Грузии, а также интересам международных акторов в регионе.
The current article discusses Javakhk as a distinct actor in international relations, as well as the main problems in Javakhk. Thus, the implementation of Javakhk’s right to self-determination is mentioned as the only mutually beneficial compromise. It is thoroughly substantiated that autonomous Javakhk is to for some time contribute to the security and strategic interests of The Republic of Armenia, Georgia’s integrity as well as to the interests of international actors in this region.
The current research aims at proposing a new legal approach regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh confli... more The current research aims at proposing a new legal approach regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between The Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) Republic and Azerbaijan, as well as The Republic of Armenia as a third party involved in the case.
The conflict emerged with its current embodiment in late 1980s, due to the national movement of the Armenians in Karabakh for self-determination and reunification with Armenia. The non-violent phase of the conflict lasted no more than half a year and soon after the emergence of the Armenian movement, Azerbaijani then authorities with the help of the Soviet Internal Security Forces and OMON, launched a military attack towards the Armenian population in Karabakh intending to disarm the local Armenian self-defense militia detachments and uproot the Armenian livings in the given region.
The active phase of the conflict, i.e. war of national liberation of Karabakh Armenians against the newly independent Azerbaijani Republic lasted from 1991 till 1994. During the war the newly independent Republic of Armenia conducted humanitarian, military and moral support to its compatriots in Karabakh. Azerbaijan in its turn gained the full support of The Republic of Turkey, as well as solidarity of some Islamic states etc. Russia was amongst the sole countries conducting a policy of keeping balance between belligerents both by arms supply and diplomatic stance.
Generally by the Russian mediation the Armenian sides and the Azerbaijani side signed a truce agreement in May, 1994 which is in force up till now.
The OSCE Minsk Group is delegated the mandate to provide a multilaterally acceptable peaceful resolution for both sides. The negotiations so far proved a little success, though they are an
effective tool in keeping the fragile peace in the front line. The current research presents a thorough investigation of the historical roots of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the current legal paradigm of the conflict, as well as some basic postulates and theoretical approaches necessary for understanding and dealing with the conflict both on the scientific and academic sphere and on the “realpolitik” level.
As the quintessence of the paper, the author suggests a new legal approach towards the conflict resolution assuming as a basis both the principles and norms of international law as well as the local conditions and factors peculiar to this single conflict.
The current research investigates the influence of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, ... more The current research investigates the influence of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, making an emphasis on the events taken place in 2012-2013. The research aims at investigating the background of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, evaluating the role that Kurdish factor played/plays in the formation of the Turkish stance on the Syrian conflict, as well as composing a scientific research that can serve as a primary source for the further researches concerning both Turkey-Syria relations and the Syrian conflict.
By comparative and analytical methods of scientific research the current article promotes the following thesis: the Kurdish factor has a serious influence on the interstate relations between Turkey and Syria and it can condition the content of those relations.
Analysing the military and political situation in the northern parts of Syria (mostly inhabited by Kurds) in the context of the Syrian crisis in 2012-2013, the author shows that since July of 2012, when the Syrian governmental troops were withdrawn from the above mentioned places, which then consequently passed under the control of the Syrian Kurdish PYD forces, Turkey is highly anxious about the self-activity of the Syrian Kurds and tries to prevent the creation of a statelike unit in the north of Syria by means of practicing the checks and balances mechanism on micro-, meso- and macro-levels.
Տեղեկագրքում նկարագրվում են Ադրբեջանի Հանրապետության պատմության առանցքային դրվագները, ներկայիս քա... more Տեղեկագրքում նկարագրվում են Ադրբեջանի Հանրապետության պատմության առանցքային դրվագները, ներկայիս քաղաքական և տնտեսական համակարգի, զինված ուժերի, սոցիալ-մշակութային կյանքի հիմնական առանձնահատկությունները։ Տեղեկագիրքը նախատեսված է արևելագետների, քաղաքագետների, պատմաբանների, դիվանագետների, քաղաքական գործիչների, ռազմական փորձագետների, ինչպես նաև տարածաշրջանով հետաքրքրվող ընթերցողների լայն շրջանակի համար։
[ԱՄԲՈՂՋԱԿԱՆ ՏԱՐԲԵՐԱԿ]
Authored by Varuzhan Geghamyan (Ph.D.) and Edgar Elbakyan (M.A.) this handbook provides a comrehensive and wide-ranging profile of modern Azerbaijan. It is a reference book which gives a unique in-depth survey of the state of Azerbaijan from history to geography, from politics to economy.
The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main featur... more The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main features of the current political and economic system, armed forces, social-cultural life. The book is intended for a wide range of scholars, political scientists, historians, diplomats, politicians, military experts, as well as readers interested in the region.
This article discusses a primary source associated with the history of the Kashatagh region and t... more This article discusses a primary source associated with the history of the Kashatagh region and the resettlement process there. As a result of the study, it is shown that the document has an evidence-apologetic value and is designed to legitimize political agents associated with the resettlement process through an assessment of the historical past.
The current research investigates the influence of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, ... more The current research investigates the influence of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, making an emphasis on the events taken place in 2012-2013. The research aims at investigating the background of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, evaluating the role that Kurdish factor played/plays in the formation of the Turkish stance on the Syrian conflict, as well as composing a scientific research that can serve as a primary source for the further researches concerning both Turkey-Syria relations and the Syrian conflict. By comparative and analytical methods of scientific research the current article promotes the following thesis: the Kurdish factor has a serious influence on the interstate relations between Turkey and Syria and it can condition the content of those relations. Analysing the military and political situation in the northern parts of Syria (mostly inhabited by Kurds) in the context of the Syrian crisis in 2012-2013, the author shows that since July of 2012...
The current research aims at proposing a new legal approach regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh confli... more The current research aims at proposing a new legal approach regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between The Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) Republic and Azerbaijan, as well as The Republic of Armenia as a third party involved in the case. The conflict emerged with its current embodiment in late 1980s, due to the national movement of the Armenians in Karabakh for self-determination and reunification with Armenia. The non-violent phase of the conflict lasted no more than half a year and soon after the emergence of the Armenian movement, Azerbaijani then authorities with the help of the Soviet Internal Security Forces and OMON, launched a military attack towards the Armenian population in Karabakh intending to disarm the local Armenian self-defense militia detachments and uproot the Armenian livings in the given region. The active phase of the conflict, i.e. war of national liberation of Karabakh Armenians against the newly independent Azerbaijani Republic lasted from 1991 till 1994. Du...
AbstractBy getting involved in the "Arab Spring", Qatar was determined to continue wagi... more AbstractBy getting involved in the "Arab Spring", Qatar was determined to continue waging its foreign policy aimed at strengthening the positions of the country combined with the intention to create corresponding markets outside the country for Qatari gas. The Russia-Iran-US agreement on the destruction of Syria's chemical weapons, along with the newly-emerging Iran-US rapprochement, urged Qatar to re-think its Syrian agenda, especially in light of the diplomatic blockade by the Gulf states. It is concluded in the article that after the Syrian crisis, Qatar will continue seeking gas markets in order to ensure its national interests.Introduction - Qatar's foreign policy before the "Arab Spring"Since the oil industry boom, Qatar has gradually paved its way towards regional and world geopolitics. During the Iran-Iraqi war (1980-1988), Qatar sided with Iraq. However, during the First Gulf War Qatar turned its back on the latter, joining the Western-led coalit...
The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main featur... more The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main features of the current political and economic system, armed forces, social-cultural life. The book is intended for a wide range of scholars, political scientists, historians, diplomats, politicians, military experts, as well as readers interested in the region.
The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main featur... more The work describes the key episodes of the history of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the main features of the current political and economic system, armed forces, social-cultural life. The book is intended for a wide range of scholars, political scientists, historians, diplomats, politicians, military experts, as well as readers interested in the region.
Egypt plays a crucial role in the formation of Turkish Middle Eastern policy. The importance that... more Egypt plays a crucial role in the formation of Turkish Middle Eastern policy. The importance that Egypt possesses for Turkey ranges from the nations’ shared historical and cultural memory to economic and security concerns. Due to its geographic location, Egypt is a key zone for Turkey, to reach the African and Persian Gulf states’ markets. Egypt also has a huge impact on the development of the sub-geopolitical region around the Nile.
By getting involved in the Arab Spring, Qatar was determined to continue waging its foreign pol... more By getting involved in the Arab Spring, Qatar was determined to continue waging its foreign policy aimed at strengthening the positions of the country combined with the intention to create corresponding markets outside the country for Qatari gas. The Russia-Iran-US agreement on the destruction of Syrias chemical weapons, along with the newly-emerging Iran-US approchement, urged Qatar to re-think its Syrian agenda, especially in light of the diplomatic blockade by the Gulf states. It is concluded in the article that after the Syrian crisis, Qatar will continue seeking gas markets in order to ensure its national interests.
THE FOREIGN POLICY OF KEMAL’S GOVERNMENT DURING THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE TWO BATTLES OF İNÖNÜ (JANU... more THE FOREIGN POLICY OF KEMAL’S GOVERNMENT DURING THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE TWO BATTLES OF İNÖNÜ (JANUARY-MARCH 1921) Edgar Elbakyan
The article focuses on the foreign policy of Kemal’s government during the period between the two İnönü battles. The author outlines the positive impact that the success of the Turkish troops had on the negotiations held in diplomatic circles. It is substantiated that the occupation of Alexandropol and the Armenian-Turkish unequal agreement signed there as well as participation of Angora government in the London conference and the anti-soviet policy of Bekir Sami were used by the Turkish party as a means of political leverage to influence Moscow in order to accelerate the signing of bilateral agreement on the most favourable terms for the Turkish side. Thus, the conclusions are the following: 1) the bilateral agreements signed by Bekir Sami between Turkey and Western powers had a single purpose to break the diplomatic blockade the country was in, 2) the Moscow treaty was of vital importance for Turkey for continuing the war against Greece and scarcely can be supposed as a mutual gain, because it was totally the victory of Turkish diplomacy.
MİLLİYETÇİ HAREKETİNİN DOĞUŞU VE DIŞ POLİTİKASI (1919)
Edgar Elbakyan
Makalede Birinci Cihan Har... more MİLLİYETÇİ HAREKETİNİN DOĞUŞU VE DIŞ POLİTİKASI (1919) Edgar Elbakyan
Makalede Birinci Cihan Harbi'nde ezici bir yenilgiden ve İngiltere tarafından kabul ettirildiği Mondros Mütarekenamesinden sonra Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun durumu kısa bir biçimde anlatılmaktadır. Yazar tarafından Türkiye'de Milliyetçi hareketinin doğuşuna getiren nesnel dahili ve harici nedenleri tartışılmaktadır. Bu nedenler dizinde Türk-İslam alemine savaşa götüren en önemlisi olarak Hıristiyan-Yunanların batıda ile Hıristiyan-Ermenilerin güneyde (Fransız ordularıyla) ve doğuda (Ermenistan Cumhuriyeti olarak) meydana geldiğinin altını çizilmektedir. Makalede Mustafa Kemal'in ilk diplomatik adımları ele alınmaktadır - Sovyet Rusya temsilcisi Budyonni ile yapılmış gizli görüşmesi, Erzurûm ile Sivas kongrelerinin toplanması ve Fransız resmî temsilcisi Georges-Picot ile yapılmış öngörüşmeleri bu adımlar sırasındadır. Bu görüşmeler esnasında Mustafa Kemal Türk tarafının "plan-minimum'u" öneri çıkmıştır (tam bağımsızlık, Kilikya'nın geri alınması), az ehemmiyetli meseleler üzerine ise (Sultan ile Halife'nin kaldırılması, Türkiye’de komünist rejiminin kurulması, Türkiye tarafından tercih edilen suretiyle Amerikan mandasını alması, Fransız tarafına Türkiye’de ekonomik ayrıcalıkların verilmesi v.b.) manevralar yaparak görüşmelerinin bozulmaması ve gelecek gelişmesini sağlayabilmiştir.
NARRATIVE ORIENTATION AND AXIOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THEMATIC SONGS ON ARTSAKH WAR
(Edgar Elbaky... more NARRATIVE ORIENTATION AND AXIOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THEMATIC SONGS ON ARTSAKH WAR (Edgar Elbakyan) This article deals with the scientific issue of the narrative orientation and axiological significance of Artsakh War songs – yet not properly investigated in the Armenian scientific literature. Our theses state, that these songs are in consistent interdependence and correlation with their prototypes, composed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Thus, there is a strong organic tie between the past, the present and the future which is made on the literary basis and expressed in the songs. Due to the victorious outcome of the Artsakh War, thematic songs on Artsakh War are void of classical sorrow songs which were partly peculiar to the songs of the previous generation of the Armenian Liberty Fight. The author has divided Artsakh War thematic songs into three distinct groups: songs dedicated to Artsakh in general and its different villages in particular, songs having general warlike character and songs dedicated to different battalions, commanders and heroes-volunteers.
THE EXISTENCE AND INDEPENDENCE OF NKR IN THE LIGHT OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY
In the current work the fac... more THE EXISTENCE AND INDEPENDENCE OF NKR IN THE LIGHT OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY In the current work the fact of separate and independent existence of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (Artsakh) is discussed in the light of ethnopsychology. Different points of views respecting the independence of NKR are enumerated, which are summarized in three ethnopsychological approaches. These approaches are introduced for the first time by the author of the article. The “Federal approach or theory of historical regularity” explains the existence of NKR by the almost permanent presence of independent Armenian statehood in the territory of Artsakh throughout the history. “Independence theory” considers the existence of NKR as a natural result of the struggle and war waged by Artskah for its self-determination. Those who advocate this approach regard the international recognition of NKR as the main objective and ideal of the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Theory of “indifference and neglect” is a set of views with the rejection of the very idea of Artsakh independence in its basis. Social and political groups adhering to this approach strongly believe that the formation of the NKR is a grave blunder both from political and legal and from national-ideological points of views made by previous and current political elite. A logical conclusion is drawn at the end of the article that despite the political and legal developments regarding Nagorno-Karabakh regulation process, it is highly necessary to shape an atmosphere in which Artsakh will be apprehended as a former and current indivisible part of The Great Armenia.
Հոդվածում անդրադարձ է կատարվում Ջավախքին՝ որպես միջազգային հարաբերությունների օբյեկտ եւ փաստացի ս... more Հոդվածում անդրադարձ է կատարվում Ջավախքին՝ որպես միջազգային հարաբերությունների օբյեկտ եւ փաստացի սուբյեկտ, երկրամասում կուտակված հիմնախնդիրներին. եւ ըստ այդմ՝ նախանշվում է հարցի փոխշահավետ եւ փոխզիջումային լուծումը, այն է՝ Ջավախքի ինքնորոշման իրավունքի իրականացումը: Հանգամանորեն հիմնավորվում է, որ ինքնավար Ջավախքի ստեղծումը կարող է առժամանակ նպաստ բերել թե՛ ՀՀ անվտանգությանն ու ռազմավարական շահերին, թե՛ ՎՀ ամբողջականության պահպանմանը, եւ թե՛ տարածաշրջանում միջազգային դերակատարների շահերին:
В статье рассматривается Джавахк как объект и де-факто субъект международных отношений, краеугольные проблемы Джавахка, и из этого выводится компромиссное и взаимовыгодное решение вопроса – реализация права на самоопределение Джавахка. Основательно обосновывается, что создание автономного Джавахка на определенное время может способствовать безопасности и стратегическим интересам РА, сохранению целостности Грузии, а также интересам международных акторов в регионе.
The current article discusses Javakhk as a distinct actor in international relations, as well as the main problems in Javakhk. Thus, the implementation of Javakhk’s right to self-determination is mentioned as the only mutually beneficial compromise. It is thoroughly substantiated that autonomous Javakhk is to for some time contribute to the security and strategic interests of The Republic of Armenia, Georgia’s integrity as well as to the interests of international actors in this region.
The current research aims at proposing a new legal approach regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh confli... more The current research aims at proposing a new legal approach regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between The Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) Republic and Azerbaijan, as well as The Republic of Armenia as a third party involved in the case.
The conflict emerged with its current embodiment in late 1980s, due to the national movement of the Armenians in Karabakh for self-determination and reunification with Armenia. The non-violent phase of the conflict lasted no more than half a year and soon after the emergence of the Armenian movement, Azerbaijani then authorities with the help of the Soviet Internal Security Forces and OMON, launched a military attack towards the Armenian population in Karabakh intending to disarm the local Armenian self-defense militia detachments and uproot the Armenian livings in the given region.
The active phase of the conflict, i.e. war of national liberation of Karabakh Armenians against the newly independent Azerbaijani Republic lasted from 1991 till 1994. During the war the newly independent Republic of Armenia conducted humanitarian, military and moral support to its compatriots in Karabakh. Azerbaijan in its turn gained the full support of The Republic of Turkey, as well as solidarity of some Islamic states etc. Russia was amongst the sole countries conducting a policy of keeping balance between belligerents both by arms supply and diplomatic stance.
Generally by the Russian mediation the Armenian sides and the Azerbaijani side signed a truce agreement in May, 1994 which is in force up till now.
The OSCE Minsk Group is delegated the mandate to provide a multilaterally acceptable peaceful resolution for both sides. The negotiations so far proved a little success, though they are an
effective tool in keeping the fragile peace in the front line. The current research presents a thorough investigation of the historical roots of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the current legal paradigm of the conflict, as well as some basic postulates and theoretical approaches necessary for understanding and dealing with the conflict both on the scientific and academic sphere and on the “realpolitik” level.
As the quintessence of the paper, the author suggests a new legal approach towards the conflict resolution assuming as a basis both the principles and norms of international law as well as the local conditions and factors peculiar to this single conflict.
The current research investigates the influence of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, ... more The current research investigates the influence of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, making an emphasis on the events taken place in 2012-2013. The research aims at investigating the background of the Kurdish factor on Turkey-Syria relations, evaluating the role that Kurdish factor played/plays in the formation of the Turkish stance on the Syrian conflict, as well as composing a scientific research that can serve as a primary source for the further researches concerning both Turkey-Syria relations and the Syrian conflict.
By comparative and analytical methods of scientific research the current article promotes the following thesis: the Kurdish factor has a serious influence on the interstate relations between Turkey and Syria and it can condition the content of those relations.
Analysing the military and political situation in the northern parts of Syria (mostly inhabited by Kurds) in the context of the Syrian crisis in 2012-2013, the author shows that since July of 2012, when the Syrian governmental troops were withdrawn from the above mentioned places, which then consequently passed under the control of the Syrian Kurdish PYD forces, Turkey is highly anxious about the self-activity of the Syrian Kurds and tries to prevent the creation of a statelike unit in the north of Syria by means of practicing the checks and balances mechanism on micro-, meso- and macro-levels.
Տեղեկագրքում նկարագրվում են Ադրբեջանի Հանրապետության պատմության առանցքային դրվագները, ներկայիս քա... more Տեղեկագրքում նկարագրվում են Ադրբեջանի Հանրապետության պատմության առանցքային դրվագները, ներկայիս քաղաքական և տնտեսական համակարգի, զինված ուժերի, սոցիալ-մշակութային կյանքի հիմնական առանձնահատկությունները։ Տեղեկագիրքը նախատեսված է արևելագետների, քաղաքագետների, պատմաբանների, դիվանագետների, քաղաքական գործիչների, ռազմական փորձագետների, ինչպես նաև տարածաշրջանով հետաքրքրվող ընթերցողների լայն շրջանակի համար։
[ԱՄԲՈՂՋԱԿԱՆ ՏԱՐԲԵՐԱԿ]
Authored by Varuzhan Geghamyan (Ph.D.) and Edgar Elbakyan (M.A.) this handbook provides a comrehensive and wide-ranging profile of modern Azerbaijan. It is a reference book which gives a unique in-depth survey of the state of Azerbaijan from history to geography, from politics to economy.
«Ռազմական և հարակից տերմինների ադրբեջաներեն-հայերեն, հայերեն-ադրբեջաներեն բառարանը» հայաստանյան ա... more «Ռազմական և հարակից տերմինների ադրբեջաներեն-հայերեն, հայերեն-ադրբեջաներեն բառարանը» հայաստանյան ադրբեջանագիտության և կիրառական լեզվաբանության մեջ առաջին բառարանագրական փորձն է ամփոփ ներկայացնելու ռազմական, մասամբ նաև՝ քաղաքական և հարակից խոսքաշարերի առավել գործածական ադրբեջաներեն բառերն ու բառային օրինակները։ Բառարանը բաղկացած է ադրբեջաներեն-հայերեն և հայերեն-ադրբեջաներեն լեզվաբաժիններից՝ յուրաքանչյուրը բաղկացած 1200-ական բառահոդվածից և 1300-ական բառային օրինակից։ Նախատեսված է լեզվաբանների, ադրբեջանագետների, ուսանողների, լրատվամիջոցների, ինչպես նաև համապատասխան պետական գերատեսչությունների աշխատակիցների համար։
Գրքում ներկայացված են հայ-ադրբեջանական պատերազմի 1988-1994 թթ. և ներկայիս՝ 2014-2015 թթ. շրջափուլ... more Գրքում ներկայացված են հայ-ադրբեջանական պատերազմի 1988-1994 թթ. և ներկայիս՝ 2014-2015 թթ. շրջափուլերը։ Մատնացույց են արվում հակամարտության ծագման պատճառներն ու հայաստանանպաստ լուծման հնարավոր ուղիները։ Գրքի Հուշամատյանը ներառում է 2014-2015 թթ. պատերազմական գործողությունների ժամանակ զոհված 10 հայ զինծառայողների կյանքի և սխրանքի նկարագրությունը։ This monograph presents two phases of the Armenian-Azerbaijani war – 1988-1994 and 2014-2015. It expands on the roots and causes of the conflict as well as on the possible solutions thereof.
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Papers by Edgar Elbakyan
Russia-Iran-US agreement on the destruction of Syrias chemical weapons, along with the newly-emerging Iran-US approchement, urged Qatar to re-think its Syrian agenda, especially in light of the diplomatic blockade by the Gulf states. It is concluded in the article that after the Syrian crisis, Qatar will continue seeking gas markets in order to ensure its national
interests.
Edgar Elbakyan
The article focuses on the foreign policy of Kemal’s government during the period between the two İnönü battles. The author outlines the positive impact that the success of the Turkish troops had on the negotiations held in diplomatic circles. It is substantiated that the occupation of Alexandropol and the Armenian-Turkish unequal agreement signed there as well as participation of Angora government in the London conference and the anti-soviet policy of Bekir Sami were used by the Turkish party as a means of political leverage to influence Moscow in order to accelerate the signing of bilateral agreement on the most favourable terms for the Turkish side. Thus, the conclusions are the following: 1) the bilateral agreements signed by Bekir Sami between Turkey and Western powers had a single purpose to break the diplomatic blockade the country was in, 2) the Moscow treaty was of vital importance for Turkey for continuing the war against Greece and scarcely can be supposed as a mutual gain, because it was totally the victory of Turkish diplomacy.
Edgar Elbakyan
Makalede Birinci Cihan Harbi'nde ezici bir yenilgiden ve İngiltere tarafından kabul ettirildiği Mondros Mütarekenamesinden sonra Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun durumu kısa bir biçimde anlatılmaktadır. Yazar tarafından Türkiye'de Milliyetçi hareketinin doğuşuna getiren nesnel dahili ve harici nedenleri tartışılmaktadır. Bu nedenler dizinde Türk-İslam alemine savaşa götüren en önemlisi olarak Hıristiyan-Yunanların batıda ile Hıristiyan-Ermenilerin güneyde (Fransız ordularıyla) ve doğuda (Ermenistan Cumhuriyeti olarak) meydana geldiğinin altını çizilmektedir.
Makalede Mustafa Kemal'in ilk diplomatik adımları ele alınmaktadır - Sovyet Rusya temsilcisi Budyonni ile yapılmış gizli görüşmesi, Erzurûm ile Sivas kongrelerinin toplanması ve Fransız resmî temsilcisi Georges-Picot ile yapılmış öngörüşmeleri bu adımlar sırasındadır.
Bu görüşmeler esnasında Mustafa Kemal Türk tarafının "plan-minimum'u" öneri çıkmıştır (tam bağımsızlık, Kilikya'nın geri alınması), az ehemmiyetli meseleler üzerine ise (Sultan ile Halife'nin kaldırılması, Türkiye’de komünist rejiminin kurulması, Türkiye tarafından tercih edilen suretiyle Amerikan mandasını alması, Fransız tarafına Türkiye’de ekonomik ayrıcalıkların verilmesi v.b.) manevralar yaparak görüşmelerinin bozulmaması ve gelecek gelişmesini sağlayabilmiştir.
(Edgar Elbakyan)
This article deals with the scientific issue of the narrative orientation and axiological significance of Artsakh War songs – yet not properly investigated in the Armenian scientific literature. Our theses state, that these songs are in consistent interdependence and correlation with their prototypes, composed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Thus, there is a strong organic tie between the past, the present and the future which is made on the literary basis and expressed in the songs.
Due to the victorious outcome of the Artsakh War, thematic songs on Artsakh War are void of classical sorrow songs which were partly peculiar to the songs of the previous generation of the Armenian Liberty Fight.
The author has divided Artsakh War thematic songs into three distinct groups: songs dedicated to Artsakh in general and its different villages in particular, songs having general warlike character and songs dedicated to different battalions, commanders and heroes-volunteers.
In the current work the fact of separate and independent existence of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (Artsakh) is discussed in the light of ethnopsychology. Different points of views respecting the independence of NKR are enumerated, which are summarized in three ethnopsychological approaches. These approaches are introduced for the first time by the author of the article. The “Federal approach or theory of historical regularity” explains the existence of NKR by the almost permanent presence of independent Armenian statehood in the territory of Artsakh throughout the history. “Independence theory” considers the existence of NKR as a natural result of the struggle and war waged by Artskah for its self-determination. Those who advocate this approach regard the international recognition of NKR as the main objective and ideal of the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Theory of “indifference and neglect” is a set of views with the rejection of the very idea of Artsakh independence in its basis. Social and political groups adhering to this approach strongly believe that the formation of the NKR is a grave blunder both from political and legal and from national-ideological points of views made by previous and current political elite.
A logical conclusion is drawn at the end of the article that despite the political and legal developments regarding Nagorno-Karabakh regulation process, it is highly necessary to shape an atmosphere in which Artsakh will be apprehended as a former and current indivisible part of The Great Armenia.
В статье рассматривается Джавахк как объект и де-факто субъект международных отношений, краеугольные проблемы Джавахка, и из этого выводится компромиссное и взаимовыгодное решение вопроса – реализация права на самоопределение Джавахка. Основательно обосновывается, что создание автономного Джавахка на определенное время может способствовать безопасности и стратегическим интересам РА, сохранению целостности Грузии, а также интересам международных акторов в регионе.
The current article discusses Javakhk as a distinct actor in international relations, as well as the main problems in Javakhk. Thus, the implementation of Javakhk’s right to self-determination is mentioned as the only mutually beneficial compromise. It is thoroughly substantiated that autonomous Javakhk is to for some time contribute to the security and strategic interests of The Republic of Armenia, Georgia’s integrity as well as to the interests of international actors in this region.
The conflict emerged with its current embodiment in late 1980s, due to the national movement of the Armenians in Karabakh for self-determination and reunification with Armenia. The non-violent phase of the conflict lasted no more than half a year and soon after the emergence of the Armenian movement, Azerbaijani then authorities with the help of the Soviet Internal Security Forces and OMON, launched a military attack towards the Armenian population in Karabakh intending to disarm the local Armenian self-defense militia detachments and uproot the Armenian livings in the given region.
The active phase of the conflict, i.e. war of national liberation of Karabakh Armenians against the newly independent Azerbaijani Republic lasted from 1991 till 1994. During the war the newly independent Republic of Armenia conducted humanitarian, military and moral support to its compatriots in Karabakh. Azerbaijan in its turn gained the full support of The Republic of Turkey, as well as solidarity of some Islamic states etc. Russia was amongst the sole countries conducting a policy of keeping balance between belligerents both by arms supply and diplomatic stance.
Generally by the Russian mediation the Armenian sides and the Azerbaijani side signed a truce agreement in May, 1994 which is in force up till now.
The OSCE Minsk Group is delegated the mandate to provide a multilaterally acceptable peaceful resolution for both sides. The negotiations so far proved a little success, though they are an
effective tool in keeping the fragile peace in the front line. The current research presents a thorough investigation of the historical roots of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the current legal paradigm of the conflict, as well as some basic postulates and theoretical approaches necessary for understanding and dealing with the conflict both on the scientific and academic sphere and on the “realpolitik” level.
As the quintessence of the paper, the author suggests a new legal approach towards the conflict resolution assuming as a basis both the principles and norms of international law as well as the local conditions and factors peculiar to this single conflict.
By comparative and analytical methods of scientific research the current article promotes the following thesis: the Kurdish factor has a serious influence on the interstate relations between Turkey and Syria and it can condition the content of those relations.
Analysing the military and political situation in the northern parts of Syria (mostly inhabited by Kurds) in the context of the Syrian crisis in 2012-2013, the author shows that since July of 2012, when the Syrian governmental troops were withdrawn from the above mentioned places, which then consequently passed under the control of the Syrian Kurdish PYD forces, Turkey is highly anxious about the self-activity of the Syrian Kurds and tries to prevent the creation of a statelike unit in the north of Syria by means of practicing the checks and balances mechanism on micro-, meso- and macro-levels.
Books by Edgar Elbakyan
[ԱՄԲՈՂՋԱԿԱՆ ՏԱՐԲԵՐԱԿ]
Authored by Varuzhan Geghamyan (Ph.D.) and Edgar Elbakyan (M.A.) this handbook provides a comrehensive and wide-ranging profile of modern Azerbaijan. It is a reference book which gives a unique in-depth survey of the state of Azerbaijan from history to geography, from politics to economy.
Russia-Iran-US agreement on the destruction of Syrias chemical weapons, along with the newly-emerging Iran-US approchement, urged Qatar to re-think its Syrian agenda, especially in light of the diplomatic blockade by the Gulf states. It is concluded in the article that after the Syrian crisis, Qatar will continue seeking gas markets in order to ensure its national
interests.
Edgar Elbakyan
The article focuses on the foreign policy of Kemal’s government during the period between the two İnönü battles. The author outlines the positive impact that the success of the Turkish troops had on the negotiations held in diplomatic circles. It is substantiated that the occupation of Alexandropol and the Armenian-Turkish unequal agreement signed there as well as participation of Angora government in the London conference and the anti-soviet policy of Bekir Sami were used by the Turkish party as a means of political leverage to influence Moscow in order to accelerate the signing of bilateral agreement on the most favourable terms for the Turkish side. Thus, the conclusions are the following: 1) the bilateral agreements signed by Bekir Sami between Turkey and Western powers had a single purpose to break the diplomatic blockade the country was in, 2) the Moscow treaty was of vital importance for Turkey for continuing the war against Greece and scarcely can be supposed as a mutual gain, because it was totally the victory of Turkish diplomacy.
Edgar Elbakyan
Makalede Birinci Cihan Harbi'nde ezici bir yenilgiden ve İngiltere tarafından kabul ettirildiği Mondros Mütarekenamesinden sonra Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun durumu kısa bir biçimde anlatılmaktadır. Yazar tarafından Türkiye'de Milliyetçi hareketinin doğuşuna getiren nesnel dahili ve harici nedenleri tartışılmaktadır. Bu nedenler dizinde Türk-İslam alemine savaşa götüren en önemlisi olarak Hıristiyan-Yunanların batıda ile Hıristiyan-Ermenilerin güneyde (Fransız ordularıyla) ve doğuda (Ermenistan Cumhuriyeti olarak) meydana geldiğinin altını çizilmektedir.
Makalede Mustafa Kemal'in ilk diplomatik adımları ele alınmaktadır - Sovyet Rusya temsilcisi Budyonni ile yapılmış gizli görüşmesi, Erzurûm ile Sivas kongrelerinin toplanması ve Fransız resmî temsilcisi Georges-Picot ile yapılmış öngörüşmeleri bu adımlar sırasındadır.
Bu görüşmeler esnasında Mustafa Kemal Türk tarafının "plan-minimum'u" öneri çıkmıştır (tam bağımsızlık, Kilikya'nın geri alınması), az ehemmiyetli meseleler üzerine ise (Sultan ile Halife'nin kaldırılması, Türkiye’de komünist rejiminin kurulması, Türkiye tarafından tercih edilen suretiyle Amerikan mandasını alması, Fransız tarafına Türkiye’de ekonomik ayrıcalıkların verilmesi v.b.) manevralar yaparak görüşmelerinin bozulmaması ve gelecek gelişmesini sağlayabilmiştir.
(Edgar Elbakyan)
This article deals with the scientific issue of the narrative orientation and axiological significance of Artsakh War songs – yet not properly investigated in the Armenian scientific literature. Our theses state, that these songs are in consistent interdependence and correlation with their prototypes, composed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Thus, there is a strong organic tie between the past, the present and the future which is made on the literary basis and expressed in the songs.
Due to the victorious outcome of the Artsakh War, thematic songs on Artsakh War are void of classical sorrow songs which were partly peculiar to the songs of the previous generation of the Armenian Liberty Fight.
The author has divided Artsakh War thematic songs into three distinct groups: songs dedicated to Artsakh in general and its different villages in particular, songs having general warlike character and songs dedicated to different battalions, commanders and heroes-volunteers.
In the current work the fact of separate and independent existence of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (Artsakh) is discussed in the light of ethnopsychology. Different points of views respecting the independence of NKR are enumerated, which are summarized in three ethnopsychological approaches. These approaches are introduced for the first time by the author of the article. The “Federal approach or theory of historical regularity” explains the existence of NKR by the almost permanent presence of independent Armenian statehood in the territory of Artsakh throughout the history. “Independence theory” considers the existence of NKR as a natural result of the struggle and war waged by Artskah for its self-determination. Those who advocate this approach regard the international recognition of NKR as the main objective and ideal of the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Theory of “indifference and neglect” is a set of views with the rejection of the very idea of Artsakh independence in its basis. Social and political groups adhering to this approach strongly believe that the formation of the NKR is a grave blunder both from political and legal and from national-ideological points of views made by previous and current political elite.
A logical conclusion is drawn at the end of the article that despite the political and legal developments regarding Nagorno-Karabakh regulation process, it is highly necessary to shape an atmosphere in which Artsakh will be apprehended as a former and current indivisible part of The Great Armenia.
В статье рассматривается Джавахк как объект и де-факто субъект международных отношений, краеугольные проблемы Джавахка, и из этого выводится компромиссное и взаимовыгодное решение вопроса – реализация права на самоопределение Джавахка. Основательно обосновывается, что создание автономного Джавахка на определенное время может способствовать безопасности и стратегическим интересам РА, сохранению целостности Грузии, а также интересам международных акторов в регионе.
The current article discusses Javakhk as a distinct actor in international relations, as well as the main problems in Javakhk. Thus, the implementation of Javakhk’s right to self-determination is mentioned as the only mutually beneficial compromise. It is thoroughly substantiated that autonomous Javakhk is to for some time contribute to the security and strategic interests of The Republic of Armenia, Georgia’s integrity as well as to the interests of international actors in this region.
The conflict emerged with its current embodiment in late 1980s, due to the national movement of the Armenians in Karabakh for self-determination and reunification with Armenia. The non-violent phase of the conflict lasted no more than half a year and soon after the emergence of the Armenian movement, Azerbaijani then authorities with the help of the Soviet Internal Security Forces and OMON, launched a military attack towards the Armenian population in Karabakh intending to disarm the local Armenian self-defense militia detachments and uproot the Armenian livings in the given region.
The active phase of the conflict, i.e. war of national liberation of Karabakh Armenians against the newly independent Azerbaijani Republic lasted from 1991 till 1994. During the war the newly independent Republic of Armenia conducted humanitarian, military and moral support to its compatriots in Karabakh. Azerbaijan in its turn gained the full support of The Republic of Turkey, as well as solidarity of some Islamic states etc. Russia was amongst the sole countries conducting a policy of keeping balance between belligerents both by arms supply and diplomatic stance.
Generally by the Russian mediation the Armenian sides and the Azerbaijani side signed a truce agreement in May, 1994 which is in force up till now.
The OSCE Minsk Group is delegated the mandate to provide a multilaterally acceptable peaceful resolution for both sides. The negotiations so far proved a little success, though they are an
effective tool in keeping the fragile peace in the front line. The current research presents a thorough investigation of the historical roots of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the current legal paradigm of the conflict, as well as some basic postulates and theoretical approaches necessary for understanding and dealing with the conflict both on the scientific and academic sphere and on the “realpolitik” level.
As the quintessence of the paper, the author suggests a new legal approach towards the conflict resolution assuming as a basis both the principles and norms of international law as well as the local conditions and factors peculiar to this single conflict.
By comparative and analytical methods of scientific research the current article promotes the following thesis: the Kurdish factor has a serious influence on the interstate relations between Turkey and Syria and it can condition the content of those relations.
Analysing the military and political situation in the northern parts of Syria (mostly inhabited by Kurds) in the context of the Syrian crisis in 2012-2013, the author shows that since July of 2012, when the Syrian governmental troops were withdrawn from the above mentioned places, which then consequently passed under the control of the Syrian Kurdish PYD forces, Turkey is highly anxious about the self-activity of the Syrian Kurds and tries to prevent the creation of a statelike unit in the north of Syria by means of practicing the checks and balances mechanism on micro-, meso- and macro-levels.
[ԱՄԲՈՂՋԱԿԱՆ ՏԱՐԲԵՐԱԿ]
Authored by Varuzhan Geghamyan (Ph.D.) and Edgar Elbakyan (M.A.) this handbook provides a comrehensive and wide-ranging profile of modern Azerbaijan. It is a reference book which gives a unique in-depth survey of the state of Azerbaijan from history to geography, from politics to economy.
This monograph presents two phases of the Armenian-Azerbaijani war – 1988-1994 and 2014-2015. It expands on the roots and causes of the conflict as well as on the possible solutions thereof.