Supervisors: University of Cambridge and Martin Hinds Phone: +962- 799935935 Address: Arabic Department, Faculty of Arts, Yarmouk University, Irbid- Jordan
This paper discusses the dating of the Muslim conquest of the southern Iraqi port city of al-Ubul... more This paper discusses the dating of the Muslim conquest of the southern Iraqi port city of al-Ubulla. Arab historians give two conflicting accounts of the event: one puts it in the year 14 ah; the other in the year 16 ah. Modern scholars for their part have made no serious attempt to reconcile the two accounts. They have linked the disagreement with the traditional rivalry between Basran and Kufan historians and, generally, tended to prefer the latter account (16 ah). This paper takes a different approach to the issue. It rejects the interpretation of the disagreement given by modern scholars and, instead, reconciles the two accounts through close examination of other aspects of the Ubulla conquest. The argument conlcudes that the port city was conquered twice, once in the year 14 ah before the battle of al-Qādisiyya and then again in 16 ah after that battle. This conclusion puts us in a good position, first, to reconcile other disagreements on the sequence of events regarding the co...
This paper comprises a reading of a Yamenite inscription in the light of some poetic verses attri... more This paper comprises a reading of a Yamenite inscription in the light of some poetic verses attributed to the well-known Jahili poet al-Mukhabbal of B. Sa'd of Tamim. At the same time, the paper makes use of this archeological material for correcting certain comments given by Arab Linguists on those verses. The inscription under discussion records repair works done to the Damp of Ma'rib and harbors good details about a military campaign that took place in Hadramawt under the leadership of the Abyssinian Abraha in 542/547 A.D. Al-Mukhabbal, for his part, boasts of his people's fighring alongside Abraha at a place called Huluban and of their high status in his kingdom as well. The current paper has re-examined both materials and proved that they belonged to the same event. It has also employed al-Mukhabbal's verses in establishing the right reading of some obscure words in the inscription and in removing the ambiguities of other words. On the other hand, it has benefited from th inscription , first, in defining the exact meaning of some of al-Mukhabbal's words and, second, in determining the real accurate explanation of his verses. Then, the paper took advantage of these findings so as to highlight the inevitable links between poetic and historical materials regarding the pre-Islamic era; it asserts that the student of each field of knowledge needs to consult the other field's sources for conducting secure research.
This paper discusses the dating of the Muslim conquest of the southern Iraqi port city of al-Ubul... more This paper discusses the dating of the Muslim conquest of the southern Iraqi port city of al-Ubulla. Arab historians give two conflicting accounts of the event: one puts it in the year 14 ah; the other in the year 16 ah. Modern scholars for their part have made no serious attempt to reconcile the two accounts. They have linked the disagreement with the traditional rivalry between Basran and Kufan historians and, generally, tended to prefer the latter account (16 ah). This paper takes a different approach to the issue. It rejects the interpretation of the disagreement given by modern scholars and, instead, reconciles the two accounts through close examination of other aspects of the Ubulla conquest. The argument conlcudes that the port city was conquered twice, once in the year 14 ah before the battle of al-Qādisiyya and then again in 16 ah after that battle. This conclusion puts us in a good position, first, to reconcile other disagreements on the sequence of events regarding the co...
The current article argues that the poems of Bishr b. Abi Kazim of the tribe of Asad were produce... more The current article argues that the poems of Bishr b. Abi Kazim of the tribe of Asad were produced by a political situation. It demonstrates, through a discussion wholly based on generally approved material, basically pre-Islamic poetry, that Asad's major opponents, as they appear in Bishr's poems, namely the Jadila (of Tayyi'), the 'Amir b, Sa'sa'a, and the Tamimi clans of Banu Sa'd and Banu Darim, were all, contrary to common assumption, Ghassanid allies. These tribal sections drifted to the Ghassanids, as the article shows, either due to old affiliation or as a result of intertribal rivalries. The Asad tribe, for its part, has for long been viewed as a Lakhmid ally. So the article perceives Bishr's poems to be, firstly, an echo of the Lakhmid- Ghassanid strife as to the period when the Lakhmids were in power at Hira, and, secondly, an echo of Asad's resistance to the spread of Ghassanid influence into Najd as to later times. Taking into account that this conclusion has been reached through intensive employment of pre-Islamic poetry, the article reiterates the historical value of this poetry, so much so that without consulting it practically no judgments regarding pre- Islamic tribal issues can safely be made. Similarly, the students of pre-Islamic poetry, as the article stresses, can hardly pursue their studies without a detailed knowledge of the history of that period. In other words, poetry and history in pre-Islamic period correlate, and this study presents itself as a manifestation of their strong mutual relation.
This article challenges a belief, widely circulated in modern studies, that the Umayyads
adopted ... more This article challenges a belief, widely circulated in modern studies, that the Umayyads adopted the jabrite doctrine and used it as a tool for defending the legitimacy of their caliphs against their political rivals. It provides sufficient ground for rejecting this belief and then proceeds to re-examine the mainly literary attestations behind it, in the light of an extremely important yet hardly quoted Umayyad document, which is indispensable for reconstructing how the Umayyads conceived the Caliphate. Those attestations, as the article concludes, highlight a metaphysical theory that attributes to the caliphs, i.e. to the Umayyads, a leading role in a divinely plan for the salvation of the mankind. It's upon this theory, not upon the jabrite doctrine, that the Umayyads based their right to the Caliphat.
A Review of the Tribe of Tam m's Relations with the Prophet, 2011
The current article conducts a thorough examination of the whole data concerning the tribe of Tam... more The current article conducts a thorough examination of the whole data concerning the tribe of Tam m's relations with Muslim Mad na in the time of the Prophet, with the aim of clarifying the tribes response to Islam amid more or less conflicting information in this regard. The conclusion shows that the tribe's relations with Mad na at that stage went through two different phases: the Tam m s first entered into a political alliance with the Prophet as early as the year 7/ 8 and then, in the year 10, this alliance escalated into adoption of Islam. This conclusion runs against the general understanding that the celebrated visit paid to Mad na by the tribe's deputation marked Tam m's first official connection with the Prophet. Being unaware of how Tam m's relations with the Prophet developed, Arab historians present their information on Tam m's relations with the Prophet as belonging to one and only major event, viz. the tribe's declaration of Islam; that's why their accounts collide.
The Term "al-mirba'"
في مصطلح "المرباع"
Arab scholars from different fields of knowledge believ... more The Term "al-mirba'" في مصطلح "المرباع" Arab scholars from different fields of knowledge believe 1) that the term "al-mirba'" denotes one forth of the booty said to be claimed by a tribal chieftain or alike as his own share in the spoils of war, and 2) that this share was reduced in Islam from one fourth to one fifth. The current article rejects this common belief. It argues, in contrast, that the booty division system according to fifths goes back to pre-Islamic times, wherefore the mirba' holders (ashab al-mirba') were influential tribal leaders, whose submission to a political authority obliged them to pay to it one fifth of what they captured in their raids. For this political authority regarded them subjects and deputies and so it viewed their military operations as activities carried out in its name, in which case it considered itself entitled to a share in the booty-- a fifth. The tribal leader, for his part, held the responsibility of dividing the other four fifths among his followers, so he was called sahib al-Mirba'. In arriving at this conclusion, the article examines the lexicographical, social and political aspects of the term in question, and draws its evidence from a wide variety of sources.
"Abu Qabus" in the pre-Islamic poetry
This article questions the general assumption that the nick... more "Abu Qabus" in the pre-Islamic poetry This article questions the general assumption that the nickname "Abu Qabus", which appears frequently in pre-Islamic poetry, belonged to the last Lakhmid king, al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir or, for that matter, to any Lakhmid king before him. It argues rather that this nickname pertained to the royal Ghassanid family of Jafna and that its holder was the Ghassanid king al-Harith the junior, a contemporary of al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir. This conclusion has been based on careful examination of the related materials either belonging to tribes located within the Ghassanid zone of influence or tribes traditionally classified as Lakhmid satellites due to their dwelling in the deserts of eastern Arabia. The presence of a Ghassanid ruler in the records of this latter type of tribes had something to do, as the article points out, with persistent Ghassanid attempts to fill the political vacuum the Lakhmids had been leaving behind as their kingdom was approaching its end. For the credibility of its findings the article has built its discussions almost entirely on poetry and other generally accepted materials, while practically paying no attention to those largely fanatical stories and ill-evidenced expositions given by Arab historians and philologists.
"Muharriq": From Historians' Interpretations to Poetic Renderings
This article questions the co... more "Muharriq": From Historians' Interpretations to Poetic Renderings
This article questions the common belief that the royal nickname "muharriq", which widely occurs in pre-Islamic poems, was used for different kings from different royal Arab families. It argues that as far as poetry is concerned, "muharriq" belonged to one and sole king, and that this king was the Ghassanid al-Harith the junior (al-asghar), who ruled towards the end of the sixth century. To prove this assumption, the article first examines the poetic materials where muharriq appears in a context that may encourage readers to identify him as a Lakhmid king. It, then, examines the rest of poetic materials where commentators identify muharriq as a Lakhmid king but on no basis whatsoever. In both cases, the examination illustrates that muharriq was not possibly a Lakhmid but a Ghassanid king. Subsequently, the article clarifies the very identity of this Ghassanid muharriq and concludes that he is al-Harith alAsghar b. 'Amr Abi Shamir b. al-Harith al-Akbar b. Jabala. In view of this conclusion, the political connection of many pre-Islamic poems is to be reconsidered, let alone long standing concepts of the tribes' relations with both Lakhmid and Ghassanid kingdoms in the last phases of their history.
Hujr b. Umm Qatam: A Historical Reading in the Poetry of Abid b. al-Abras
This article question... more Hujr b. Umm Qatam: A Historical Reading in the Poetry of Abid b. al-Abras
This article questions the common belief that Hujr b. Um Qatam, mentioned repeatedly in pre-Islamic poems, mainly in the poems of the Asadi 'Abid b. al-Abras, was himself the early sixth century king Hujr b. al-Harith b. 'Amr of the Kindite family of Akil al-Murar. After a thorough discussion based on Arabic and non-Arabic sources, the article concludes that (1) Hujr b. Um Qatam was active late in the sixth century A.D., i.e. two or three generations later than generally believed and (2) he was not possibly a member of the Kindite family of Akil al-Murar. Rather, he most probably belonged to a branch of Kinda then residing in Dumat al-Jandal and paying homage to Byzantium; otherwise, he must have been one of the late Ghassanid kings. These findings, moreover, highlight the background of the plainly exaggerated estimates of how long 'Abid lived. All the related accounts stem, as the article shows, from misinterpreting historical references in his poetry.
The Umayyads' Literature Between the jabrite doctrine and caliph's sanctity
This article challen... more The Umayyads' Literature Between the jabrite doctrine and caliph's sanctity
This article challenges a belief, widely circulated in modern studies, that the Umayyads adopted the jabrite doctrine and used it as a tool for defending the legitimacy of their rule against their political rivals. It provides sufficient grounds for rejecting this belief and then proceeds to re-examine the mainly literary attestations behind it, in the light of an extremely important yet hardly quoted Umayyad document, which is indispensable for reconstructing how the Umayyads conceived the Caliphate. Those attestations, as the article concludes, highlight a metaphysical theory that attributes to the caliphs, i.e. to the Umayyads, a leading role in a divinely plan for the salvation of the mankind. It's upon this theory, not upon the jabrite doctrine, that the Umayyads based their right to the Caliphate.
This paper discusses the dating of the Muslim conquest of the southern Iraqi port city of al-Ubul... more This paper discusses the dating of the Muslim conquest of the southern Iraqi port city of al-Ubulla. Arab historians give two conflicting accounts of the event: one puts it in the year 14 ah; the other in the year 16 ah. Modern scholars for their part have made no serious attempt to reconcile the two accounts. They have linked the disagreement with the traditional rivalry between Basran and Kufan historians and, generally, tended to prefer the latter account (16 ah). This paper takes a different approach to the issue. It rejects the interpretation of the disagreement given by modern scholars and, instead, reconciles the two accounts through close examination of other aspects of the Ubulla conquest. The argument conlcudes that the port city was conquered twice, once in the year 14 ah before the battle of al-Qādisiyya and then again in 16 ah after that battle. This conclusion puts us in a good position, first, to reconcile other disagreements on the sequence of events regarding the co...
This paper comprises a reading of a Yamenite inscription in the light of some poetic verses attri... more This paper comprises a reading of a Yamenite inscription in the light of some poetic verses attributed to the well-known Jahili poet al-Mukhabbal of B. Sa'd of Tamim. At the same time, the paper makes use of this archeological material for correcting certain comments given by Arab Linguists on those verses. The inscription under discussion records repair works done to the Damp of Ma'rib and harbors good details about a military campaign that took place in Hadramawt under the leadership of the Abyssinian Abraha in 542/547 A.D. Al-Mukhabbal, for his part, boasts of his people's fighring alongside Abraha at a place called Huluban and of their high status in his kingdom as well. The current paper has re-examined both materials and proved that they belonged to the same event. It has also employed al-Mukhabbal's verses in establishing the right reading of some obscure words in the inscription and in removing the ambiguities of other words. On the other hand, it has benefited from th inscription , first, in defining the exact meaning of some of al-Mukhabbal's words and, second, in determining the real accurate explanation of his verses. Then, the paper took advantage of these findings so as to highlight the inevitable links between poetic and historical materials regarding the pre-Islamic era; it asserts that the student of each field of knowledge needs to consult the other field's sources for conducting secure research.
This paper discusses the dating of the Muslim conquest of the southern Iraqi port city of al-Ubul... more This paper discusses the dating of the Muslim conquest of the southern Iraqi port city of al-Ubulla. Arab historians give two conflicting accounts of the event: one puts it in the year 14 ah; the other in the year 16 ah. Modern scholars for their part have made no serious attempt to reconcile the two accounts. They have linked the disagreement with the traditional rivalry between Basran and Kufan historians and, generally, tended to prefer the latter account (16 ah). This paper takes a different approach to the issue. It rejects the interpretation of the disagreement given by modern scholars and, instead, reconciles the two accounts through close examination of other aspects of the Ubulla conquest. The argument conlcudes that the port city was conquered twice, once in the year 14 ah before the battle of al-Qādisiyya and then again in 16 ah after that battle. This conclusion puts us in a good position, first, to reconcile other disagreements on the sequence of events regarding the co...
The current article argues that the poems of Bishr b. Abi Kazim of the tribe of Asad were produce... more The current article argues that the poems of Bishr b. Abi Kazim of the tribe of Asad were produced by a political situation. It demonstrates, through a discussion wholly based on generally approved material, basically pre-Islamic poetry, that Asad's major opponents, as they appear in Bishr's poems, namely the Jadila (of Tayyi'), the 'Amir b, Sa'sa'a, and the Tamimi clans of Banu Sa'd and Banu Darim, were all, contrary to common assumption, Ghassanid allies. These tribal sections drifted to the Ghassanids, as the article shows, either due to old affiliation or as a result of intertribal rivalries. The Asad tribe, for its part, has for long been viewed as a Lakhmid ally. So the article perceives Bishr's poems to be, firstly, an echo of the Lakhmid- Ghassanid strife as to the period when the Lakhmids were in power at Hira, and, secondly, an echo of Asad's resistance to the spread of Ghassanid influence into Najd as to later times. Taking into account that this conclusion has been reached through intensive employment of pre-Islamic poetry, the article reiterates the historical value of this poetry, so much so that without consulting it practically no judgments regarding pre- Islamic tribal issues can safely be made. Similarly, the students of pre-Islamic poetry, as the article stresses, can hardly pursue their studies without a detailed knowledge of the history of that period. In other words, poetry and history in pre-Islamic period correlate, and this study presents itself as a manifestation of their strong mutual relation.
This article challenges a belief, widely circulated in modern studies, that the Umayyads
adopted ... more This article challenges a belief, widely circulated in modern studies, that the Umayyads adopted the jabrite doctrine and used it as a tool for defending the legitimacy of their caliphs against their political rivals. It provides sufficient ground for rejecting this belief and then proceeds to re-examine the mainly literary attestations behind it, in the light of an extremely important yet hardly quoted Umayyad document, which is indispensable for reconstructing how the Umayyads conceived the Caliphate. Those attestations, as the article concludes, highlight a metaphysical theory that attributes to the caliphs, i.e. to the Umayyads, a leading role in a divinely plan for the salvation of the mankind. It's upon this theory, not upon the jabrite doctrine, that the Umayyads based their right to the Caliphat.
A Review of the Tribe of Tam m's Relations with the Prophet, 2011
The current article conducts a thorough examination of the whole data concerning the tribe of Tam... more The current article conducts a thorough examination of the whole data concerning the tribe of Tam m's relations with Muslim Mad na in the time of the Prophet, with the aim of clarifying the tribes response to Islam amid more or less conflicting information in this regard. The conclusion shows that the tribe's relations with Mad na at that stage went through two different phases: the Tam m s first entered into a political alliance with the Prophet as early as the year 7/ 8 and then, in the year 10, this alliance escalated into adoption of Islam. This conclusion runs against the general understanding that the celebrated visit paid to Mad na by the tribe's deputation marked Tam m's first official connection with the Prophet. Being unaware of how Tam m's relations with the Prophet developed, Arab historians present their information on Tam m's relations with the Prophet as belonging to one and only major event, viz. the tribe's declaration of Islam; that's why their accounts collide.
The Term "al-mirba'"
في مصطلح "المرباع"
Arab scholars from different fields of knowledge believ... more The Term "al-mirba'" في مصطلح "المرباع" Arab scholars from different fields of knowledge believe 1) that the term "al-mirba'" denotes one forth of the booty said to be claimed by a tribal chieftain or alike as his own share in the spoils of war, and 2) that this share was reduced in Islam from one fourth to one fifth. The current article rejects this common belief. It argues, in contrast, that the booty division system according to fifths goes back to pre-Islamic times, wherefore the mirba' holders (ashab al-mirba') were influential tribal leaders, whose submission to a political authority obliged them to pay to it one fifth of what they captured in their raids. For this political authority regarded them subjects and deputies and so it viewed their military operations as activities carried out in its name, in which case it considered itself entitled to a share in the booty-- a fifth. The tribal leader, for his part, held the responsibility of dividing the other four fifths among his followers, so he was called sahib al-Mirba'. In arriving at this conclusion, the article examines the lexicographical, social and political aspects of the term in question, and draws its evidence from a wide variety of sources.
"Abu Qabus" in the pre-Islamic poetry
This article questions the general assumption that the nick... more "Abu Qabus" in the pre-Islamic poetry This article questions the general assumption that the nickname "Abu Qabus", which appears frequently in pre-Islamic poetry, belonged to the last Lakhmid king, al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir or, for that matter, to any Lakhmid king before him. It argues rather that this nickname pertained to the royal Ghassanid family of Jafna and that its holder was the Ghassanid king al-Harith the junior, a contemporary of al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir. This conclusion has been based on careful examination of the related materials either belonging to tribes located within the Ghassanid zone of influence or tribes traditionally classified as Lakhmid satellites due to their dwelling in the deserts of eastern Arabia. The presence of a Ghassanid ruler in the records of this latter type of tribes had something to do, as the article points out, with persistent Ghassanid attempts to fill the political vacuum the Lakhmids had been leaving behind as their kingdom was approaching its end. For the credibility of its findings the article has built its discussions almost entirely on poetry and other generally accepted materials, while practically paying no attention to those largely fanatical stories and ill-evidenced expositions given by Arab historians and philologists.
"Muharriq": From Historians' Interpretations to Poetic Renderings
This article questions the co... more "Muharriq": From Historians' Interpretations to Poetic Renderings
This article questions the common belief that the royal nickname "muharriq", which widely occurs in pre-Islamic poems, was used for different kings from different royal Arab families. It argues that as far as poetry is concerned, "muharriq" belonged to one and sole king, and that this king was the Ghassanid al-Harith the junior (al-asghar), who ruled towards the end of the sixth century. To prove this assumption, the article first examines the poetic materials where muharriq appears in a context that may encourage readers to identify him as a Lakhmid king. It, then, examines the rest of poetic materials where commentators identify muharriq as a Lakhmid king but on no basis whatsoever. In both cases, the examination illustrates that muharriq was not possibly a Lakhmid but a Ghassanid king. Subsequently, the article clarifies the very identity of this Ghassanid muharriq and concludes that he is al-Harith alAsghar b. 'Amr Abi Shamir b. al-Harith al-Akbar b. Jabala. In view of this conclusion, the political connection of many pre-Islamic poems is to be reconsidered, let alone long standing concepts of the tribes' relations with both Lakhmid and Ghassanid kingdoms in the last phases of their history.
Hujr b. Umm Qatam: A Historical Reading in the Poetry of Abid b. al-Abras
This article question... more Hujr b. Umm Qatam: A Historical Reading in the Poetry of Abid b. al-Abras
This article questions the common belief that Hujr b. Um Qatam, mentioned repeatedly in pre-Islamic poems, mainly in the poems of the Asadi 'Abid b. al-Abras, was himself the early sixth century king Hujr b. al-Harith b. 'Amr of the Kindite family of Akil al-Murar. After a thorough discussion based on Arabic and non-Arabic sources, the article concludes that (1) Hujr b. Um Qatam was active late in the sixth century A.D., i.e. two or three generations later than generally believed and (2) he was not possibly a member of the Kindite family of Akil al-Murar. Rather, he most probably belonged to a branch of Kinda then residing in Dumat al-Jandal and paying homage to Byzantium; otherwise, he must have been one of the late Ghassanid kings. These findings, moreover, highlight the background of the plainly exaggerated estimates of how long 'Abid lived. All the related accounts stem, as the article shows, from misinterpreting historical references in his poetry.
The Umayyads' Literature Between the jabrite doctrine and caliph's sanctity
This article challen... more The Umayyads' Literature Between the jabrite doctrine and caliph's sanctity
This article challenges a belief, widely circulated in modern studies, that the Umayyads adopted the jabrite doctrine and used it as a tool for defending the legitimacy of their rule against their political rivals. It provides sufficient grounds for rejecting this belief and then proceeds to re-examine the mainly literary attestations behind it, in the light of an extremely important yet hardly quoted Umayyad document, which is indispensable for reconstructing how the Umayyads conceived the Caliphate. Those attestations, as the article concludes, highlight a metaphysical theory that attributes to the caliphs, i.e. to the Umayyads, a leading role in a divinely plan for the salvation of the mankind. It's upon this theory, not upon the jabrite doctrine, that the Umayyads based their right to the Caliphate.
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political situation. It demonstrates, through a discussion wholly based on generally approved material,
basically pre-Islamic poetry, that Asad's major opponents, as they appear in Bishr's poems, namely the Jadila
(of Tayyi'), the 'Amir b, Sa'sa'a, and the Tamimi clans of Banu Sa'd and Banu Darim, were all, contrary to
common assumption, Ghassanid allies. These tribal sections drifted to the Ghassanids, as the article shows,
either due to old affiliation or as a result of intertribal rivalries. The Asad tribe, for its part, has for long been
viewed as a Lakhmid ally. So the article perceives Bishr's poems to be, firstly, an echo of the Lakhmid-
Ghassanid strife as to the period when the Lakhmids were in power at Hira, and, secondly, an echo of Asad's
resistance to the spread of Ghassanid influence into Najd as to later times. Taking into account that this
conclusion has been reached through intensive employment of pre-Islamic poetry, the article reiterates the
historical value of this poetry, so much so that without consulting it practically no judgments regarding pre-
Islamic tribal issues can safely be made. Similarly, the students of pre-Islamic poetry, as the article stresses,
can hardly pursue their studies without a detailed knowledge of the history of that period. In other words,
poetry and history in pre-Islamic period correlate, and this study presents itself as a manifestation of their
strong mutual relation.
adopted the jabrite doctrine and used it as a tool for defending the legitimacy of their caliphs
against their political rivals. It provides sufficient ground for rejecting this belief and then
proceeds to re-examine the mainly literary attestations behind it, in the light of an extremely
important yet hardly quoted Umayyad document, which is indispensable for reconstructing
how the Umayyads conceived the Caliphate. Those attestations, as the article concludes,
highlight a metaphysical theory that attributes to the caliphs, i.e. to the Umayyads, a leading
role in a divinely plan for the salvation of the mankind. It's upon this theory, not upon the
jabrite doctrine, that the Umayyads based their right to the Caliphat.
في مصطلح "المرباع"
Arab scholars from different fields of knowledge believe 1) that the term "al-mirba'" denotes one forth of the booty said to be claimed by a tribal chieftain or alike as his own share in the spoils of war, and 2) that this share was reduced in Islam from one fourth to one fifth. The current article rejects this common belief. It argues, in contrast, that the booty division system according to fifths goes back to pre-Islamic times, wherefore the mirba' holders (ashab al-mirba') were influential tribal leaders, whose submission to a political authority obliged them to pay to it one fifth of what they captured in their raids. For this political authority regarded them subjects and deputies and so it viewed their military operations as activities carried out in its name, in which case it considered itself entitled to a share in the booty-- a fifth. The tribal leader, for his part, held the responsibility of dividing the other four fifths among his followers, so he was called sahib al-Mirba'. In arriving at this conclusion, the article examines the lexicographical, social and political aspects of the term in question, and draws its evidence from a wide variety of sources.
This article questions the general assumption that the nickname "Abu Qabus", which appears frequently in pre-Islamic poetry, belonged to the last Lakhmid king, al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir or, for that matter, to any Lakhmid king before him. It argues rather that this nickname pertained to the royal Ghassanid family of Jafna and that its holder was the Ghassanid king al-Harith the junior, a contemporary of al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir. This conclusion has been based on careful examination of the related materials either belonging to tribes located within the Ghassanid zone of influence or tribes traditionally classified as Lakhmid satellites due to their dwelling in the deserts of eastern Arabia. The presence of a Ghassanid ruler in the records of this latter type of tribes had something to do, as the article points out, with persistent Ghassanid attempts to fill the political vacuum the Lakhmids had been leaving behind as their kingdom was approaching its end. For the credibility of its findings the article has built its discussions almost entirely on poetry and other generally accepted materials, while practically paying no attention to those largely fanatical stories and ill-evidenced expositions given by Arab historians and philologists.
This article questions the common belief that the royal nickname "muharriq", which widely occurs in pre-Islamic poems, was used for different kings from different royal Arab families. It argues that as far as poetry is concerned, "muharriq" belonged to one and sole king, and that this king was the Ghassanid al-Harith the junior (al-asghar), who ruled towards the end of the sixth century. To prove this assumption, the article first examines the poetic materials where muharriq appears in a context that may encourage readers to identify him as a Lakhmid king. It, then, examines the rest of poetic materials where commentators identify muharriq as a Lakhmid king but on no basis whatsoever. In both cases, the examination illustrates that muharriq was not possibly a Lakhmid but a Ghassanid king. Subsequently, the article clarifies the very identity of this Ghassanid muharriq and concludes that he is al-Harith alAsghar b. 'Amr Abi Shamir b. al-Harith al-Akbar b. Jabala. In view of this conclusion, the political connection of many pre-Islamic poems is to be reconsidered, let alone long standing concepts of the tribes' relations with both Lakhmid and Ghassanid kingdoms in the last phases of their history.
This article questions the common belief that Hujr b. Um Qatam, mentioned repeatedly in pre-Islamic poems, mainly in the poems of the Asadi 'Abid b. al-Abras, was himself the early sixth century king Hujr b. al-Harith b. 'Amr of the Kindite family of Akil al-Murar. After a thorough discussion based on Arabic and non-Arabic sources, the article concludes that (1) Hujr b. Um Qatam was active late in the sixth century A.D., i.e. two or three generations later than generally believed and (2) he was not possibly a member of the Kindite family of Akil al-Murar. Rather, he most probably belonged to a branch of Kinda then residing in Dumat al-Jandal and paying homage to Byzantium; otherwise, he must have been one of the late Ghassanid kings. These findings, moreover, highlight the background of the plainly exaggerated estimates of how long 'Abid lived. All the related accounts stem, as the article shows, from misinterpreting historical references in his poetry.
This article challenges a belief, widely circulated in modern studies, that the Umayyads adopted the jabrite doctrine and used it as a tool for defending the legitimacy of their rule against their political rivals. It provides sufficient grounds for rejecting this belief and then proceeds to re-examine the mainly literary attestations behind it, in the light of an extremely important yet hardly quoted Umayyad document, which is indispensable for reconstructing how the Umayyads conceived the Caliphate. Those attestations, as the article concludes, highlight a metaphysical theory that attributes to the caliphs, i.e. to the Umayyads, a leading role in a divinely plan for the salvation of the mankind. It's upon this theory, not upon the jabrite doctrine, that the Umayyads based their right to the Caliphate.
political situation. It demonstrates, through a discussion wholly based on generally approved material,
basically pre-Islamic poetry, that Asad's major opponents, as they appear in Bishr's poems, namely the Jadila
(of Tayyi'), the 'Amir b, Sa'sa'a, and the Tamimi clans of Banu Sa'd and Banu Darim, were all, contrary to
common assumption, Ghassanid allies. These tribal sections drifted to the Ghassanids, as the article shows,
either due to old affiliation or as a result of intertribal rivalries. The Asad tribe, for its part, has for long been
viewed as a Lakhmid ally. So the article perceives Bishr's poems to be, firstly, an echo of the Lakhmid-
Ghassanid strife as to the period when the Lakhmids were in power at Hira, and, secondly, an echo of Asad's
resistance to the spread of Ghassanid influence into Najd as to later times. Taking into account that this
conclusion has been reached through intensive employment of pre-Islamic poetry, the article reiterates the
historical value of this poetry, so much so that without consulting it practically no judgments regarding pre-
Islamic tribal issues can safely be made. Similarly, the students of pre-Islamic poetry, as the article stresses,
can hardly pursue their studies without a detailed knowledge of the history of that period. In other words,
poetry and history in pre-Islamic period correlate, and this study presents itself as a manifestation of their
strong mutual relation.
adopted the jabrite doctrine and used it as a tool for defending the legitimacy of their caliphs
against their political rivals. It provides sufficient ground for rejecting this belief and then
proceeds to re-examine the mainly literary attestations behind it, in the light of an extremely
important yet hardly quoted Umayyad document, which is indispensable for reconstructing
how the Umayyads conceived the Caliphate. Those attestations, as the article concludes,
highlight a metaphysical theory that attributes to the caliphs, i.e. to the Umayyads, a leading
role in a divinely plan for the salvation of the mankind. It's upon this theory, not upon the
jabrite doctrine, that the Umayyads based their right to the Caliphat.
في مصطلح "المرباع"
Arab scholars from different fields of knowledge believe 1) that the term "al-mirba'" denotes one forth of the booty said to be claimed by a tribal chieftain or alike as his own share in the spoils of war, and 2) that this share was reduced in Islam from one fourth to one fifth. The current article rejects this common belief. It argues, in contrast, that the booty division system according to fifths goes back to pre-Islamic times, wherefore the mirba' holders (ashab al-mirba') were influential tribal leaders, whose submission to a political authority obliged them to pay to it one fifth of what they captured in their raids. For this political authority regarded them subjects and deputies and so it viewed their military operations as activities carried out in its name, in which case it considered itself entitled to a share in the booty-- a fifth. The tribal leader, for his part, held the responsibility of dividing the other four fifths among his followers, so he was called sahib al-Mirba'. In arriving at this conclusion, the article examines the lexicographical, social and political aspects of the term in question, and draws its evidence from a wide variety of sources.
This article questions the general assumption that the nickname "Abu Qabus", which appears frequently in pre-Islamic poetry, belonged to the last Lakhmid king, al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir or, for that matter, to any Lakhmid king before him. It argues rather that this nickname pertained to the royal Ghassanid family of Jafna and that its holder was the Ghassanid king al-Harith the junior, a contemporary of al-Nu'man b. al-Mundhir. This conclusion has been based on careful examination of the related materials either belonging to tribes located within the Ghassanid zone of influence or tribes traditionally classified as Lakhmid satellites due to their dwelling in the deserts of eastern Arabia. The presence of a Ghassanid ruler in the records of this latter type of tribes had something to do, as the article points out, with persistent Ghassanid attempts to fill the political vacuum the Lakhmids had been leaving behind as their kingdom was approaching its end. For the credibility of its findings the article has built its discussions almost entirely on poetry and other generally accepted materials, while practically paying no attention to those largely fanatical stories and ill-evidenced expositions given by Arab historians and philologists.
This article questions the common belief that the royal nickname "muharriq", which widely occurs in pre-Islamic poems, was used for different kings from different royal Arab families. It argues that as far as poetry is concerned, "muharriq" belonged to one and sole king, and that this king was the Ghassanid al-Harith the junior (al-asghar), who ruled towards the end of the sixth century. To prove this assumption, the article first examines the poetic materials where muharriq appears in a context that may encourage readers to identify him as a Lakhmid king. It, then, examines the rest of poetic materials where commentators identify muharriq as a Lakhmid king but on no basis whatsoever. In both cases, the examination illustrates that muharriq was not possibly a Lakhmid but a Ghassanid king. Subsequently, the article clarifies the very identity of this Ghassanid muharriq and concludes that he is al-Harith alAsghar b. 'Amr Abi Shamir b. al-Harith al-Akbar b. Jabala. In view of this conclusion, the political connection of many pre-Islamic poems is to be reconsidered, let alone long standing concepts of the tribes' relations with both Lakhmid and Ghassanid kingdoms in the last phases of their history.
This article questions the common belief that Hujr b. Um Qatam, mentioned repeatedly in pre-Islamic poems, mainly in the poems of the Asadi 'Abid b. al-Abras, was himself the early sixth century king Hujr b. al-Harith b. 'Amr of the Kindite family of Akil al-Murar. After a thorough discussion based on Arabic and non-Arabic sources, the article concludes that (1) Hujr b. Um Qatam was active late in the sixth century A.D., i.e. two or three generations later than generally believed and (2) he was not possibly a member of the Kindite family of Akil al-Murar. Rather, he most probably belonged to a branch of Kinda then residing in Dumat al-Jandal and paying homage to Byzantium; otherwise, he must have been one of the late Ghassanid kings. These findings, moreover, highlight the background of the plainly exaggerated estimates of how long 'Abid lived. All the related accounts stem, as the article shows, from misinterpreting historical references in his poetry.
This article challenges a belief, widely circulated in modern studies, that the Umayyads adopted the jabrite doctrine and used it as a tool for defending the legitimacy of their rule against their political rivals. It provides sufficient grounds for rejecting this belief and then proceeds to re-examine the mainly literary attestations behind it, in the light of an extremely important yet hardly quoted Umayyad document, which is indispensable for reconstructing how the Umayyads conceived the Caliphate. Those attestations, as the article concludes, highlight a metaphysical theory that attributes to the caliphs, i.e. to the Umayyads, a leading role in a divinely plan for the salvation of the mankind. It's upon this theory, not upon the jabrite doctrine, that the Umayyads based their right to the Caliphate.