The article attempts to explain the specifics of Romania’s policy toward Ukrainen after the Russi... more The article attempts to explain the specifics of Romania’s policy toward Ukrainen after the Russian invasion of the country. The author traces the origins of this policy to the myth of the “Latin island,” which was the main founding myth for the Romanian national community. It evokes certain foreign policy attitudes: a desire to stay in the mainstream of Western politics, a perception of Russia as a threat to one’s sovereignty, and a distance from the Eastern Slavs in general. The author points out that these defined both the conservative policy toward Ukraine immediately after the Russian invasion and the rapprochement in mutual relations that occurred in the fall of 2023.
The Russian invasion highlighted the importance of Ukrainian-Moldovan relations for the developme... more The Russian invasion highlighted the importance of Ukrainian-Moldovan relations for the development and strategic situation of both countries. For Chisinau, Ukraine has become a key security guarantor. In turn, Kiev recognized the strategic importance of its neighbor in the military, social, transportation, and logistics spheres. At the same time, there have been signs of divergence in policy toward Transnistria. However, there is no indication of fundamental dimension, which could impact the development of relations between the two countries. Moldovan-Ukrainian relations before 2022. Despite the neighborhood and numerous common interests, relations between the two countries after 1991 did not have the character of a genuine partnership. Their most important driving force was usually the interests of the oligarchs on the two sides of the border. It had a crucial impact on the reality of policy toward Transnistria, for decades allowing the separatist republic to function effectively economically (by using Ukrainian roads and port infrastructure). The first sign of a possible qualitative breakthrough in mutual relations was President Mai Sandu's visit to Kiev in January 2021. A common point for the Moldovan leader and President Volodymyr Zelensky was the desire to reduce the role of oligarchs in their countries as well as Russia's influence in the region. During this visit, the most important tasks in the sphere of bilateral cooperation were defined; announcing the establishment of a permanent presidential dialogue, cooperation on the development of regional security, and a number of practical measures such as the construction of the Chisinau-Kiev highway, increasing electricity exports from Ukraine to Moldova, eliminating environmental problems related to the operation of Ukraine's hydroelectric power plant on the Dniester River, and resolving controversies over ethnic and linguistic minorities.
The European Political Community (EPC) summit, held in Chisinau on June 1, 2023, was a step towar... more The European Political Community (EPC) summit, held in Chisinau on June 1, 2023, was a step toward firmly rooting this format in the international system. At the same time, it was a clear gesture confirming the growing importance of the Eastern European countries. The meeting of European leaders outlined divergences on the issue of security guarantees for Ukraine. At the same time, the event was a success for the pro-Western power camp in Moldova. The European Political Community. An international dialogue format bringing together forty-five countries. Initiated by French President Emanuel Macron after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The first summit of the Community was held in Prague on October 6, 2022. The purpose of the EPC's existence is to expand the political dialogue on issues fundamental to European security-primarily related to military threats and energy-beyond the European Union's member states. The format brings together EU members and its institutions with associate and candidate states, countries that do not express such ambitions such as Armenia, Azerbaijan, Norway, or Iceland, as well as European powers: Britain and Turkey. Belarus and Russia were not invited to join the Community. Compared to other institutions, the EPC is distinguished by its lack of bureaucratization and current goals. The crux of the idea of the EPC is the desire to maintain the dialogue of the "European political family" for peace and stability on the continent, despite the existing political differences. Chisinau Summit. The Republic of Moldova was the host for the second EPC summit. It was the largest political and diplomatic event in its history. Hosting the summit on the territory of a country that Russia still sees as belonging to its sphere of influence was a clear political statement. It took on additional overtones due to the fact that the deliberations took place on the grounds of a resort in the village of Bulboaca (near Chisinau), located not far from the border of unrecognized Transnistria, where Russian military troops are stationed, and a few dozen kilometres from the border with Ukraine. The meeting brought together more than forty heads of state. Noticeable was the absence of Turkish President Recep Tayip Erdogan, due to his duties related to re-election and the formation of a new government. The meeting was inaugurated with a joint address by Moldovan President Maia Sandu and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, who was the first to arrive at the venue. The leaders of the two post-Soviet states declared deep cooperation and unity on the path of European integration ("we are ready to go shoulder to shoulder," Sandu and Zelenskiy said).
Romania and Ukraine have reached a level of mutual understanding hitherto unknown. The countries ... more Romania and Ukraine have reached a level of mutual understanding hitherto unknown. The countries have managed to arrange relations on the most sensitive issues such as the problem of agricultural imports and the rights of national minorities. This provides the basis for the development of a stable security architecture in this part of the Black Sea region. The effect of the rapprochement has also been to increase Romania’s importance in the international arena and strengthen its position in relations with Western partners
Tekst przedstawia refleksję nad potencjałem rozwoju regionalnej
kultury pamięci na wyspach Wolin,... more Tekst przedstawia refleksję nad potencjałem rozwoju regionalnej kultury pamięci na wyspach Wolin, Uznam i Karsibór. Zagadnienie jest prezentowane jako fundamentalny krok w stronę umocnienia tożsamości lokalnej. Współczesna odrębność wyspiarskiego (sub)regionu została wyjaśniona w oparciu o procesy społeczno-polityczne, które zachodziły tu bezpośrednio po zakończeniu drugiej wojny światowej i przyłączeniu wysp do Polski. Artykuł przedstawia analizę obecnych narracji historycznych, uwidaczniających się w przestrzeni publicznej, stawiając tezę że ich głównym motorem napędowym jest turystyka. Za najbardziej wyraziste motywy uznano historię wczesnośredniowieczną oraz militarną z XIX i XX w. Tymczasem kluczowym dla budowy autentycznej (sub)regionalnej kultury pamięci byłoby, zdaniem autora, uwidocznienie w przestrzeni publicznej wątków odnoszących się do powojennej historii wysp: losów osadników, atmosfery „polskiego Dzikiego Zachodu” oraz kultury morskiej
Authors of this article use the examples of the Donbass and Pridnestrovie
regions to examine the ... more Authors of this article use the examples of the Donbass and Pridnestrovie regions to examine the relationship between regional identity, separatism, and armed conflict. On the basis of comparative methods of analysis, they describe the historical and sociological processes and political conditions that, over the course of history, produced the formation of a specific sense of regional separateness among the inhabitants of those regions. They prove that regional identity need not rest on centuries of tradition and that Soviet modernization could be a key component of that identity. This analysis of the relation between regional identity and war indicates that the popular explanation of the underpinnings of separatism in Eastern Europe by reference to identity is insufficient in the case of these two regions. In contemporary Donbass and in Pridnestrovie both, identity is constructed on the basis of a war narrative but has become a foundation for effective separatism only in connection with the interests of the local elites and/or external political and cultural factors.
The multipolarity of today's world is changing Transdniestria. The unrecognised para-state that u... more The multipolarity of today's world is changing Transdniestria. The unrecognised para-state that until recently was almost exlusively depent on Russia, now trades with the European Union. while this new reality may not have reduced Russia's influence in the region, it has certainly offered Trandniestrian oligarchs a new business opportunity.
Artykuł prezentuje złożoność relacji pomiędzy polityką i dyskursami politycznymi w Republice Mołd... more Artykuł prezentuje złożoność relacji pomiędzy polityką i dyskursami politycznymi w Republice Mołdawii a procesem formowania się wspólnej tożsamości narodowej mieszkańców tego państwa.
A change in the government’s rhetoric does not necessarily mean that Moldova is taking a pro-Russ... more A change in the government’s rhetoric does not necessarily mean that Moldova is taking a pro-Russian turn, at least not in the sense often implied in Central and Eastern European geopolitical discourse. Just a few years ago Eastern European states seemed to face a stark and unconditional choice: integration with the West or exclusive co-operation with the Kremlin. Today’s world, and especially Europe, looks quite different.
The local political-business elite is doing everything in its power to halt the finalisation of t... more The local political-business elite is doing everything in its power to halt the finalisation of the formation of the Moldovan nation. While looking to the West, the elites have had the same role as the “Green Barons” of the kolkhoz nomenclature.
Dyskusja o reintegracji Mołdawii i Naddniestrza się ożywia. Połączenie dwóch brzegów Dniestru bez... more Dyskusja o reintegracji Mołdawii i Naddniestrza się ożywia. Połączenie dwóch brzegów Dniestru bez uwzględnienia kwestii kulturowych i tożsamościowych spowoduje jednak powstanie kolejnej bomby z opóźnionym zapłonem.
"A community by accident ... more "A community by accident People of the Pridnestrovie: an identity study" The aim of this volume is to present and examine the social processes occurring in the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic while focusing on the emergence of a shared identity among its inhabitants. The work sets out to answer three principal questions, namely what kind of identities take precedence in the developing community of Transnistria; what are the notions of their own community, the vision of its place in the world and the image they have formed of other national groups; how does the community envision the past of Transnistria and Transnistrians? Each of the above issues is analyzed in the domains of scientific discourse, politics, culture and daily life, also taking into account the attitudes of the local elites, expressed as part of in-depth interviews. To a large extent, the work relies of field research conducted in Transnistria itself. The study is an interdisciplinary one, combining the approaches of social history and historical anthropology. The identity deriving from statehood and Russian civilizational identity are two crucial categories of the Transnistrian identity. The former relies on the nation-building policies of the government of the unrecognized republic, and is founded on the experience of joint struggle for statehood and twenty years of living together in a country whose existence has not been officially acknowledged. The latter draws upon the sense of belonging to Russian civilization. The community of Transnistria is approached here as a community of ‘orphans’ left by the USSR who, due to a combination of complex factors (accident), were able to achieve and sustain statehood.
Moldova is beginning to resemble the pro-western autocracies of the Middle East. While the United... more Moldova is beginning to resemble the pro-western autocracies of the Middle East. While the United States legitimises the country’s pathologies of power, the European Union is trying to address them.
The article attempts to explain the specifics of Romania’s policy toward Ukrainen after the Russi... more The article attempts to explain the specifics of Romania’s policy toward Ukrainen after the Russian invasion of the country. The author traces the origins of this policy to the myth of the “Latin island,” which was the main founding myth for the Romanian national community. It evokes certain foreign policy attitudes: a desire to stay in the mainstream of Western politics, a perception of Russia as a threat to one’s sovereignty, and a distance from the Eastern Slavs in general. The author points out that these defined both the conservative policy toward Ukraine immediately after the Russian invasion and the rapprochement in mutual relations that occurred in the fall of 2023.
The Russian invasion highlighted the importance of Ukrainian-Moldovan relations for the developme... more The Russian invasion highlighted the importance of Ukrainian-Moldovan relations for the development and strategic situation of both countries. For Chisinau, Ukraine has become a key security guarantor. In turn, Kiev recognized the strategic importance of its neighbor in the military, social, transportation, and logistics spheres. At the same time, there have been signs of divergence in policy toward Transnistria. However, there is no indication of fundamental dimension, which could impact the development of relations between the two countries. Moldovan-Ukrainian relations before 2022. Despite the neighborhood and numerous common interests, relations between the two countries after 1991 did not have the character of a genuine partnership. Their most important driving force was usually the interests of the oligarchs on the two sides of the border. It had a crucial impact on the reality of policy toward Transnistria, for decades allowing the separatist republic to function effectively economically (by using Ukrainian roads and port infrastructure). The first sign of a possible qualitative breakthrough in mutual relations was President Mai Sandu's visit to Kiev in January 2021. A common point for the Moldovan leader and President Volodymyr Zelensky was the desire to reduce the role of oligarchs in their countries as well as Russia's influence in the region. During this visit, the most important tasks in the sphere of bilateral cooperation were defined; announcing the establishment of a permanent presidential dialogue, cooperation on the development of regional security, and a number of practical measures such as the construction of the Chisinau-Kiev highway, increasing electricity exports from Ukraine to Moldova, eliminating environmental problems related to the operation of Ukraine's hydroelectric power plant on the Dniester River, and resolving controversies over ethnic and linguistic minorities.
The European Political Community (EPC) summit, held in Chisinau on June 1, 2023, was a step towar... more The European Political Community (EPC) summit, held in Chisinau on June 1, 2023, was a step toward firmly rooting this format in the international system. At the same time, it was a clear gesture confirming the growing importance of the Eastern European countries. The meeting of European leaders outlined divergences on the issue of security guarantees for Ukraine. At the same time, the event was a success for the pro-Western power camp in Moldova. The European Political Community. An international dialogue format bringing together forty-five countries. Initiated by French President Emanuel Macron after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The first summit of the Community was held in Prague on October 6, 2022. The purpose of the EPC's existence is to expand the political dialogue on issues fundamental to European security-primarily related to military threats and energy-beyond the European Union's member states. The format brings together EU members and its institutions with associate and candidate states, countries that do not express such ambitions such as Armenia, Azerbaijan, Norway, or Iceland, as well as European powers: Britain and Turkey. Belarus and Russia were not invited to join the Community. Compared to other institutions, the EPC is distinguished by its lack of bureaucratization and current goals. The crux of the idea of the EPC is the desire to maintain the dialogue of the "European political family" for peace and stability on the continent, despite the existing political differences. Chisinau Summit. The Republic of Moldova was the host for the second EPC summit. It was the largest political and diplomatic event in its history. Hosting the summit on the territory of a country that Russia still sees as belonging to its sphere of influence was a clear political statement. It took on additional overtones due to the fact that the deliberations took place on the grounds of a resort in the village of Bulboaca (near Chisinau), located not far from the border of unrecognized Transnistria, where Russian military troops are stationed, and a few dozen kilometres from the border with Ukraine. The meeting brought together more than forty heads of state. Noticeable was the absence of Turkish President Recep Tayip Erdogan, due to his duties related to re-election and the formation of a new government. The meeting was inaugurated with a joint address by Moldovan President Maia Sandu and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, who was the first to arrive at the venue. The leaders of the two post-Soviet states declared deep cooperation and unity on the path of European integration ("we are ready to go shoulder to shoulder," Sandu and Zelenskiy said).
Romania and Ukraine have reached a level of mutual understanding hitherto unknown. The countries ... more Romania and Ukraine have reached a level of mutual understanding hitherto unknown. The countries have managed to arrange relations on the most sensitive issues such as the problem of agricultural imports and the rights of national minorities. This provides the basis for the development of a stable security architecture in this part of the Black Sea region. The effect of the rapprochement has also been to increase Romania’s importance in the international arena and strengthen its position in relations with Western partners
Tekst przedstawia refleksję nad potencjałem rozwoju regionalnej
kultury pamięci na wyspach Wolin,... more Tekst przedstawia refleksję nad potencjałem rozwoju regionalnej kultury pamięci na wyspach Wolin, Uznam i Karsibór. Zagadnienie jest prezentowane jako fundamentalny krok w stronę umocnienia tożsamości lokalnej. Współczesna odrębność wyspiarskiego (sub)regionu została wyjaśniona w oparciu o procesy społeczno-polityczne, które zachodziły tu bezpośrednio po zakończeniu drugiej wojny światowej i przyłączeniu wysp do Polski. Artykuł przedstawia analizę obecnych narracji historycznych, uwidaczniających się w przestrzeni publicznej, stawiając tezę że ich głównym motorem napędowym jest turystyka. Za najbardziej wyraziste motywy uznano historię wczesnośredniowieczną oraz militarną z XIX i XX w. Tymczasem kluczowym dla budowy autentycznej (sub)regionalnej kultury pamięci byłoby, zdaniem autora, uwidocznienie w przestrzeni publicznej wątków odnoszących się do powojennej historii wysp: losów osadników, atmosfery „polskiego Dzikiego Zachodu” oraz kultury morskiej
Authors of this article use the examples of the Donbass and Pridnestrovie
regions to examine the ... more Authors of this article use the examples of the Donbass and Pridnestrovie regions to examine the relationship between regional identity, separatism, and armed conflict. On the basis of comparative methods of analysis, they describe the historical and sociological processes and political conditions that, over the course of history, produced the formation of a specific sense of regional separateness among the inhabitants of those regions. They prove that regional identity need not rest on centuries of tradition and that Soviet modernization could be a key component of that identity. This analysis of the relation between regional identity and war indicates that the popular explanation of the underpinnings of separatism in Eastern Europe by reference to identity is insufficient in the case of these two regions. In contemporary Donbass and in Pridnestrovie both, identity is constructed on the basis of a war narrative but has become a foundation for effective separatism only in connection with the interests of the local elites and/or external political and cultural factors.
The multipolarity of today's world is changing Transdniestria. The unrecognised para-state that u... more The multipolarity of today's world is changing Transdniestria. The unrecognised para-state that until recently was almost exlusively depent on Russia, now trades with the European Union. while this new reality may not have reduced Russia's influence in the region, it has certainly offered Trandniestrian oligarchs a new business opportunity.
Artykuł prezentuje złożoność relacji pomiędzy polityką i dyskursami politycznymi w Republice Mołd... more Artykuł prezentuje złożoność relacji pomiędzy polityką i dyskursami politycznymi w Republice Mołdawii a procesem formowania się wspólnej tożsamości narodowej mieszkańców tego państwa.
A change in the government’s rhetoric does not necessarily mean that Moldova is taking a pro-Russ... more A change in the government’s rhetoric does not necessarily mean that Moldova is taking a pro-Russian turn, at least not in the sense often implied in Central and Eastern European geopolitical discourse. Just a few years ago Eastern European states seemed to face a stark and unconditional choice: integration with the West or exclusive co-operation with the Kremlin. Today’s world, and especially Europe, looks quite different.
The local political-business elite is doing everything in its power to halt the finalisation of t... more The local political-business elite is doing everything in its power to halt the finalisation of the formation of the Moldovan nation. While looking to the West, the elites have had the same role as the “Green Barons” of the kolkhoz nomenclature.
Dyskusja o reintegracji Mołdawii i Naddniestrza się ożywia. Połączenie dwóch brzegów Dniestru bez... more Dyskusja o reintegracji Mołdawii i Naddniestrza się ożywia. Połączenie dwóch brzegów Dniestru bez uwzględnienia kwestii kulturowych i tożsamościowych spowoduje jednak powstanie kolejnej bomby z opóźnionym zapłonem.
"A community by accident ... more "A community by accident People of the Pridnestrovie: an identity study" The aim of this volume is to present and examine the social processes occurring in the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic while focusing on the emergence of a shared identity among its inhabitants. The work sets out to answer three principal questions, namely what kind of identities take precedence in the developing community of Transnistria; what are the notions of their own community, the vision of its place in the world and the image they have formed of other national groups; how does the community envision the past of Transnistria and Transnistrians? Each of the above issues is analyzed in the domains of scientific discourse, politics, culture and daily life, also taking into account the attitudes of the local elites, expressed as part of in-depth interviews. To a large extent, the work relies of field research conducted in Transnistria itself. The study is an interdisciplinary one, combining the approaches of social history and historical anthropology. The identity deriving from statehood and Russian civilizational identity are two crucial categories of the Transnistrian identity. The former relies on the nation-building policies of the government of the unrecognized republic, and is founded on the experience of joint struggle for statehood and twenty years of living together in a country whose existence has not been officially acknowledged. The latter draws upon the sense of belonging to Russian civilization. The community of Transnistria is approached here as a community of ‘orphans’ left by the USSR who, due to a combination of complex factors (accident), were able to achieve and sustain statehood.
Moldova is beginning to resemble the pro-western autocracies of the Middle East. While the United... more Moldova is beginning to resemble the pro-western autocracies of the Middle East. While the United States legitimises the country’s pathologies of power, the European Union is trying to address them.
Czy trilog ma przyszłość. Rumunia i Turcja jako partnerzy dla polityki zagranicznej Polski, 2023
Polska, Rumunia i Turcja to największe państwa na wschodnich granicach NATO, dysponujące najwięks... more Polska, Rumunia i Turcja to największe państwa na wschodnich granicach NATO, dysponujące największym potencjałem militarnym, gospodarczym oraz wpływami politycznymi w regionie Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Współpraca dyplomatyczna w trilogu jest jednym z formatów, których celem jest rozwój odporności regionu. Niniejsza praca przedstawia analizę polityk zagranicznych Rumunii i Turcji jako partnerów Polski w tej sferze. Autorzy wskazują na historyczne i tożsamościowe źródła tych polityk, opisują relacje Ankary i Bukaresztu z najważniejszymi graczami na arenie międzynarodowej, oraz relacje między państwami trilogu.
Общество и культура России. Четверть века перемен (1991-2016) Spoleczenstwo i kultura Rosji. Ćwierćwiecze przemian, 2018
Общество и культура России - четверть века перемен (1991-2016),
ред. Катажина Ендращик,
Содерж... more Общество и культура России - четверть века перемен (1991-2016),
ред. Катажина Ендращик,
Содержание
1 Народ, нация, цивилизация. Проблема дискурса об идентичности граждан Российской Федерации после 1991 года,
2 Церковь в России после 1991 года,
3 Культура России в годы трансформации,
4 Мигранты: проблемы безопасности и развития для России. Mногообразие и конфликт групп интересов в принимающем обществе,
5 Стиль жизни – стабильность и динамика,
6 Российские СМИ в период трансформации,
7 Социобразовательные тенденции в России: региональный аспект,
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that these defined both the conservative policy toward Ukraine immediately after the Russian invasion and the rapprochement in mutual relations that occurred in the fall of 2023.
kultury pamięci na wyspach Wolin, Uznam i Karsibór. Zagadnienie
jest prezentowane jako fundamentalny krok w stronę
umocnienia tożsamości lokalnej. Współczesna odrębność wyspiarskiego
(sub)regionu została wyjaśniona w oparciu o procesy
społeczno-polityczne, które zachodziły tu bezpośrednio po zakończeniu
drugiej wojny światowej i przyłączeniu wysp do Polski.
Artykuł przedstawia analizę obecnych narracji historycznych,
uwidaczniających się w przestrzeni publicznej, stawiając tezę że
ich głównym motorem napędowym jest turystyka. Za najbardziej
wyraziste motywy uznano historię wczesnośredniowieczną oraz
militarną z XIX i XX w. Tymczasem kluczowym dla budowy autentycznej
(sub)regionalnej kultury pamięci byłoby, zdaniem autora,
uwidocznienie w przestrzeni publicznej wątków odnoszących
się do powojennej historii wysp: losów osadników, atmosfery
„polskiego Dzikiego Zachodu” oraz kultury morskiej
regions to examine the relationship between regional identity, separatism, and
armed conflict. On the basis of comparative methods of analysis, they describe
the historical and sociological processes and political conditions that, over the
course of history, produced the formation of a specific sense of regional separateness
among the inhabitants of those regions. They prove that regional identity
need not rest on centuries of tradition and that Soviet modernization could be
a key component of that identity. This analysis of the relation between regional
identity and war indicates that the popular explanation of the underpinnings of
separatism in Eastern Europe by reference to identity is insufficient in the case of
these two regions. In contemporary Donbass and in Pridnestrovie both, identity
is constructed on the basis of a war narrative but has become a foundation for effective
separatism only in connection with the interests of the local elites and/or
external political and cultural factors.
The aim of this volume is to present and examine the social processes occurring in the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic while focusing on the emergence of a shared identity among its inhabitants. The work sets out to answer three principal questions, namely what kind of identities take precedence in the developing community of Transnistria; what are the notions of their own community, the vision of its place in the world and the image they have formed of other national groups; how does the community envision the past of Transnistria and Transnistrians?
Each of the above issues is analyzed in the domains of scientific discourse, politics, culture and daily life, also taking into account the attitudes of the local elites, expressed as part of in-depth interviews. To a large extent, the work relies of field research conducted in Transnistria itself. The study is an interdisciplinary one, combining the approaches of social history and historical anthropology.
The identity deriving from statehood and Russian civilizational identity are two crucial categories of the Transnistrian identity. The former relies on the nation-building policies of the government of the unrecognized republic, and is founded on the experience of joint struggle for statehood and twenty years of living together in a country whose existence has not been officially acknowledged. The latter draws upon the sense of belonging to Russian civilization.
The community of Transnistria is approached here as a community of ‘orphans’ left by the USSR who, due to a combination of complex factors (accident), were able to achieve and sustain statehood.
that these defined both the conservative policy toward Ukraine immediately after the Russian invasion and the rapprochement in mutual relations that occurred in the fall of 2023.
kultury pamięci na wyspach Wolin, Uznam i Karsibór. Zagadnienie
jest prezentowane jako fundamentalny krok w stronę
umocnienia tożsamości lokalnej. Współczesna odrębność wyspiarskiego
(sub)regionu została wyjaśniona w oparciu o procesy
społeczno-polityczne, które zachodziły tu bezpośrednio po zakończeniu
drugiej wojny światowej i przyłączeniu wysp do Polski.
Artykuł przedstawia analizę obecnych narracji historycznych,
uwidaczniających się w przestrzeni publicznej, stawiając tezę że
ich głównym motorem napędowym jest turystyka. Za najbardziej
wyraziste motywy uznano historię wczesnośredniowieczną oraz
militarną z XIX i XX w. Tymczasem kluczowym dla budowy autentycznej
(sub)regionalnej kultury pamięci byłoby, zdaniem autora,
uwidocznienie w przestrzeni publicznej wątków odnoszących
się do powojennej historii wysp: losów osadników, atmosfery
„polskiego Dzikiego Zachodu” oraz kultury morskiej
regions to examine the relationship between regional identity, separatism, and
armed conflict. On the basis of comparative methods of analysis, they describe
the historical and sociological processes and political conditions that, over the
course of history, produced the formation of a specific sense of regional separateness
among the inhabitants of those regions. They prove that regional identity
need not rest on centuries of tradition and that Soviet modernization could be
a key component of that identity. This analysis of the relation between regional
identity and war indicates that the popular explanation of the underpinnings of
separatism in Eastern Europe by reference to identity is insufficient in the case of
these two regions. In contemporary Donbass and in Pridnestrovie both, identity
is constructed on the basis of a war narrative but has become a foundation for effective
separatism only in connection with the interests of the local elites and/or
external political and cultural factors.
The aim of this volume is to present and examine the social processes occurring in the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic while focusing on the emergence of a shared identity among its inhabitants. The work sets out to answer three principal questions, namely what kind of identities take precedence in the developing community of Transnistria; what are the notions of their own community, the vision of its place in the world and the image they have formed of other national groups; how does the community envision the past of Transnistria and Transnistrians?
Each of the above issues is analyzed in the domains of scientific discourse, politics, culture and daily life, also taking into account the attitudes of the local elites, expressed as part of in-depth interviews. To a large extent, the work relies of field research conducted in Transnistria itself. The study is an interdisciplinary one, combining the approaches of social history and historical anthropology.
The identity deriving from statehood and Russian civilizational identity are two crucial categories of the Transnistrian identity. The former relies on the nation-building policies of the government of the unrecognized republic, and is founded on the experience of joint struggle for statehood and twenty years of living together in a country whose existence has not been officially acknowledged. The latter draws upon the sense of belonging to Russian civilization.
The community of Transnistria is approached here as a community of ‘orphans’ left by the USSR who, due to a combination of complex factors (accident), were able to achieve and sustain statehood.
ред. Катажина Ендращик,
Содержание
1 Народ, нация, цивилизация. Проблема дискурса об идентичности граждан Российской Федерации после 1991 года,
2 Церковь в России после 1991 года,
3 Культура России в годы трансформации,
4 Мигранты: проблемы безопасности и развития для России. Mногообразие и конфликт групп интересов в принимающем обществе,
5 Стиль жизни – стабильность и динамика,
6 Российские СМИ в период трансформации,
7 Социобразовательные тенденции в России: региональный аспект,