This paper explains that Bulgaria took the responsibility to be the only country to recognise the... more This paper explains that Bulgaria took the responsibility to be the only country to recognise the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina already in January 1992, with the deep conviction that only in this way equality could be achieved between all former Yugoslav republics, and specifically for Bosnia and Herzegovina – the impending tragedy could be prevented. The chronological framework of the article presents Bulgarian foreign policy from the mid-1980s to the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s statehood in April 1992. The Bulgarian government’s decision was officially announced on 15 January 1992. Some Bulgarian politicians had some concerns about Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had not even yet held a referendum on secession from Yugoslavia. The opinion of the Bulgarian Prime Minister Philip Dimitrov was decisive: ‘It was more beneficial for me to look incompetent in constitutional and legal terms on the issue of Bosnia than to create a mess for me and be one of the people who encouraged Milosevic to enter Bosnia’. Although it claimed that it was relying on the criteria adopted by the EC, Bulgaria actually went much further than the EC, which only recognised Slovenia and Croatia. Sofia’s recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina was symbolically important because it came in a moment of rising extreme internal conflict when the whole of Europe was silent and hesitant how to react.
On 27 December 2019, the Parliament of Montenegro voted the Law on Freedom of Religion or Beliefs... more On 27 December 2019, the Parliament of Montenegro voted the Law on Freedom of Religion or Beliefs and Legal Status of Religious Communities. The main purpose of the law was to introduce the control of the state over the Orthodox Church. The adoption of the law provoked a series of protests that influenced the results of the parliamentary elections in the summer of 2020, which became the occasion for the formation of a new ruling majority. The new government of Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapić quickly proposed changes to the Law on Freedom of Religion or Beliefs and Legal Status of Religious Communities, which were adopted in December 2020. The emotions surrounding the controversial law are so strong that they affect researchers of the issue. The most striking example of this: almost all scholars criticize Prime Minister Krivokapić for not repealing two very sensitive texts of the law that concern the autonomy of the church-Article 11 determining that the location of a religious community registered in Montenegro must be Montenegro and Article 16 requiring that the name of a religious community cannot include the name of another country (i.e. Serbia). In fact, both texts were dropped after the public discussions and have not been included in the 2019 law. The mistake was originally made in Aleksandar Raković's book Montenegrin Separatism, Belgrade: Catena mundi, 2019, 192-195. Subsequent researchers cite this book without checking primary sources. Checking the primary sources allows all versions of the law to be compared, from its earliest draft to its final version. The comparison is presented in the following table.
In: Hrvatsko-bugarski odnosi u 19. i 20. stoljeću [Croatian-Bulgarian relations in the 19th and 20th centuries], Josip Bratulić, ed. Zagreb, Hrvatsko-bugarsko društvo, 191-203., 2005
In the paper, the author reflects on the centuries-old tradition that connects Croatian and Bulga... more In the paper, the author reflects on the centuries-old tradition that connects Croatian and Bulgarian river sailors. As the basic river link, the author singles out the Danube, which was an important economic and strategic waterway. Referring to the break in these centuries-old ties that occurred during the Homeland War, the author explains the unfavorable military-strategic situation in which Croatian river sailors found themselves during that period. As one of the numerous examples of international cooperation and support in practice, the author singles out the very significant help that the Bulgarian people showed to the Croatian people, especially on January 15, 1992, when Bulgaria officially recognized Croatia.
The link between Tito's illness and death, the events in Afghanistan and the Macedonian question ... more The link between Tito's illness and death, the events in Afghanistan and the Macedonian question is explored through newly declassified archival documents and memoir sources. In 1980, Belgrade and the world feared that Yugoslavia would descend into chaos after Tito's death. The Soviet Union was expected to invade Yugoslavia after Afghanistan in order to reach the Adriatic coast before its NATO adversaries. Soviet troops would attack through Bulgarian territory, and Bulgaria would take advantage of the situation to settle the Macedonian question in its favour. "The Bulgarian threat" has served as one of the important instruments for preserving the internal cohesion of the nations of the federation.
Законът за свободата на религията или убежденията и правния статут на религиозните общности от 27... more Законът за свободата на религията или убежденията и правния статут на религиозните общности от 27 декември 2019 г. се превръща в проблем на "националното оцеляване". Сръбската православна църква (СПЦ) не споделя и не приема усилията на властите в Подгорица за установяване на черногорска идентичност. Властите квалифицират атаките срещу закона като предизвикателство към националната, културната и религиозната идентичност на Черна гора. Опозицията твърди, че законът е нескопосан опит за отчуждаване на доходоносни църковни имоти. СПЦ организира масови протести "в защита на светите места срещу беззаконието". Гражданите са принудени да избират между религиозна принадлежност, национална идентичност и принадлежност към покровителствени мрежи. През 2020 г. управляващата партия претърпява първото си изборно поражение през последните 30 години. Новото правителство отмени спорните разпоредби относно църковните имоти. Въпреки това драматичният "конфликт на идентичностите" в Черна гора остава нерешен.
Изследвания на Югоизточна Европа, История и геополитика на Балканите, Европеизация на Балканите, Черна гора, Западни Балкани, Политиката в Югоизточна Европа
На 1 март 2012 г. лидерите на ЕС дават на Сърбия статут на страна кандидатка. Румъния блокира реш... more На 1 март 2012 г. лидерите на ЕС дават на Сърбия статут на страна кандидатка. Румъния блокира решението и иска допълнителни гаранции за правата на румънското малцинство в Източна Сърбия. Поведението на Румъния е изненадващо, тъй като Букурещ се смята за традиционен приятел на Белград и е една от петте държави - членки на ЕС, които не признават едностранно обявената независимост на Косово. Случаят става добър повод за възобновяване на по-широкия дебат за начините, по които една държава трябва да отстоява интересите си в рамките на ЕС.
Изследвания на Югоизточна Европа, Балкански изследвания, Сърбия, Разширяване на ЕС, Западни Балкани, ЕС-Западни Балкани, Политика в Югоизточна Европа
Случаят „Бихач" от 1993 г. е уникален в печалната статистика от няколко хиляди регистрирани наруш... more Случаят „Бихач" от 1993 г. е уникален в печалната статистика от няколко хиляди регистрирани нарушения на санкциите срещу Югославия, по всички нейни граници. Единствено при него две държави - България и Румъния - са подложени на тотален натиск да употребят сила. Двете правителство успяват да убедят международната общност, какъв риск за региона крие подобен подход. Международната общност приема, че механизмите по прилагане на ембаргото се нуждаят от усъвършенстване. През следващите две и половина години към никой съсед на Югославия не е отправено подобно искане.
Югоизточна Европа, Сърбия, санкции, разпадане на Югославия, Съвременни Балкани
Трифон Трифонов. Полесражението край Варна. Традиция и реалност. В - Известия на Съюза на учените – Варна, Културното наследство на Варна '2014. Варна,130-139., 2014
Over the last 150 years, nine diagrams of the Battle of Varna have been produced, which had it "s... more Over the last 150 years, nine diagrams of the Battle of Varna have been produced, which had it "spread out" over nine kilometres in an east-west direction from the sea shore. All are of varying degrees of inaccuracy. The present article is the result of many years of on-the-ground research on the battlefield and comparing it with historical sources and with the weaponry and tactics of the time. This has allowed the author Trifon Trifonov (a close friend and relative of mine) to offer a revised topography of the Battle of Varna in 1444.
Review of Jordan Baev, US Intelligence and Bulgaria (1941 – 1991). East – West Publishing House, ... more Review of Jordan Baev, US Intelligence and Bulgaria (1941 – 1991). East – West Publishing House, Sofia 2021, 366 p. - Йордан Баев, Американското разузнаване и България (1941 – 1991). София, Изток-Запад, 2021, 366 с. ISBN 978-619-01-0878-8) Review of Jordan Baev, KGB in Bulgaria. Cooperation between the Soviet and Bulgarian secret services (1944 – 1991). Bulgarian history Publishing House, Sofia 2021, Second edition, 462 p. - Йордан Баев, КГБ в България. Сътрудничеството между съветските и българските тайни служби (1944-1991). София, Българска история, 2021, Второ доп. издание, 462 с. ISBN: 978-619-7496-82-6)
Тhe Law on Freedom of Religion or Beliefs and Legal Status of Religious Communities of 27 Decembe... more Тhe Law on Freedom of Religion or Beliefs and Legal Status of Religious Communities of 27 December 2019 is becoming a problem of “national survival”. The Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) has not shared or accepted the efforts of the authorities in Podgorica to establish a Montenegrin identity. The authorities have qualified the attacks on the law as a challenge to Montenegro’s national, cultural and religious identity. The opposition claims that the Law is an offhand attempt to expropriate lucrative church properties. SOC has organized mass protests “in defense of the holy places against lawlessness”. Citizens are forced to choose among religious affiliation, national identity and affiliation to patronage networks. In 2020 the ruling party suffered its first electoral defeat in the past 30 years. The new government repealed the contentious provisions on church properties. Nevertheless, the dramatic “conflict of identities” in Montenegro remains unresolved.
Kostov, A. ( Ed.) Contemporary Balkans: The Challenges of the 21st Century, Sofia: Tendril, 2021
The “return” to Europe is the principal legitimising message after 2000. Serbia’s political syste... more The “return” to Europe is the principal legitimising message after 2000. Serbia’s political system can be defined as paternalistic democracy with a significant role of the leaders of the parliamentary parties. The election results in 2014, 2016 and 2020 give an opportunity to the Serbian Progressive Party to exercise absolute power. The party surprisingly gave an example of European coalition culture. Naturally, the smaller coalition partners also have a smaller relative weight in the country’s governance. The figure of Aleksandar Vučić dominates, after he rose from Deputy Prime Minister via Prime Minister to President. In that latter function he resurrected the model under which the country is ruled by a technocratic Prime Minister and the real power is in the President’s hand. The EU is a priority in Serbian foreign policy, but it competes with Russia, China and the USA. The image of the EU in the Serbian public mind sustained damage due to the EU’s difficulty in coping first with the refugee crisis and then with the COVID-19 pandemic. The traumatic memory of the bomb raids in 1999 features very prominently in the attitude to the USA. The military neutrality is successfully combined with cooperation with NATO. Serbian statesmen are aspiring towards the Yugoslav foreign policy heritage with its idea of balance between the key international players. Three principal processes with destructive influence in a regional perspective can be outlined. The first among them is the unresolved Kosovo issue. The second process comprises the influence of major foreign crises: Ukrainian, refugees and the Middle East. The third process is Serbia’s discreetly announced claim of influence within the Western Balkans by using the Serbian minorities in the neighbouring states, the shared Yugoslav past and the process of restoring the economic contacts from Yugoslav times.
Kostov, A. ( Ed.) Contemporary Balkans: The Challenges of the 21st Century, Sofia: Tendril, 2021
For more than a decade after the referendum, the traditional division of the Montenegrin society ... more For more than a decade after the referendum, the traditional division of the Montenegrin society along political and ethnic lines continued to intensify, acquiring an economic dimension as well. The problems are connected with the consolidation of a new national identity and with the imposition of a new foreign policy orientation. The dominant political figure of Milo Djukanović found it increasingly difficult to balance between the diverse internal and external interests. Linking the idea of the country’s stability with one individual and with the circle of his close associates was becoming more and more problematic in the course of time. The accession of Montenegro to NATO failed to turn into a stabilising factor, at least from a short-term perspective. The distancing from Russia seemed like an “unnatural” anomaly against the background of the deep historical ties between the two countries. A day before the bitterly disputed elections in 2016, the authorities announced that a coup attempt had been thwarted, citing Russia as instigator. Relations with China develop at the point of intersection between politics and economy. Chinese investments and loans are welcomed with open arms, but they lead to growing indebtedness to Beijing. The periodic boycott of parliament became one of the manifestations of the political instability between 2013 and 2020. The confrontation escalated sharply after the adoption of the new law on the freedom of religious denominations and the legal status of the religious communities. That law transforms the conflict of identities into a blunt attempt at expropriating attractive real estate belonging to the Church. There is a growing feeling in society that the time of the last generation of politicians from the former Yugoslavia is running out. The political model of quasi single-party rule with a dominant formation supported by the minority parties, which lasted for three decades, is exhausted
Костов, Ал. (Съст.), Съвременните Балкани: Предизвикателствата на XXI век, София: Тендрил , 2021
„Завръщането“ в Европа е основното легитимиращо послание след 2000 г. Пполитическата система на С... more „Завръщането“ в Европа е основното легитимиращо послание след 2000 г. Пполитическата система на Сърбия може да бъде определена като патерналистична демокрация със значима роля на лидерите на парламентарните партии. Изборните успехи през 2014, 2016 и 2020 г. дават възможност на Сръбската прогресивна партия да упражнява абсолютна власт. Партията изненадващо дава пример за европейска коалиционна култура. Разбира се по-малките коалиционни партньори имат и по-малка относителната тежест в управлението. Дминира фигурата на Александър Вучич, който се издига от вицепремиер през премиер до президент. В последната си функция той възражда модела, при който страната се управлява от премиер-технократ, а реалната власт е в ръцете на президента. Във външната политика приоритет е ЕС, но той се конкурира с Русия, Китай и САЩ. Образът на ЕС в сръбското обществено съзнание понася поражения поради трудностите на съюза при справяне първо с бежанската криза, а след това и с коронакризата. В отношението към САЩ важно място заемат травматичният спомен от бомбардировките през 1999 г. Военният неутралитет успешно се съчетава със сътрудничество с НАТО. Сръбските държавници се стремят да присвоят югославското външнополитическо наследство с неговата идея за баланс между основните международни играчи. Могат да бъдат очертани три основни процеса, които оказват деструктивно влияние в регионален план. Първият е нерешеният Косовския въпрос. Вторият включва отражението на значими външни кризи - украинска, бежанска и близкоизточна. Третият е дискретно заявената претенция на Сърбия за влияние в рамките на Западните Балкани, чрез използване на сръбските малцинства в съседните държави, на общото югославското минало и на процеса на възстановяване на икономическите връзки от югославско време.
Костов, Ал. (Съст.), Съвременните Балкани: Предизвикателствата на XXI век, София: Тендрил,, 2021
Повече от десетилетие след референдума традиционното разделение на черногорското обществото по по... more Повече от десетилетие след референдума традиционното разделение на черногорското обществото по политическа и етническа линия продължава да се задълбочава, като придобива и стопанско измерение. Проблемите са свързани с утвърждаването на нова национална идентичност и с налагането на нова външнополитическа ориентация. Доминиращата политическа фигура на Мило Джуканович все по-трудно балансира между разнородните вътрешни и външни интереси. Обвързването на идеята за стабилността на страната с една личност и неговото обкръжение става все по-проблематичното във времето. Присъединяването на Черна гора към НАТО не успява да се превърне в стабилизиращ фактор, поне в краткосрочен план. Разграничението от Русия изглежда като „противоестествена“ аномалия на фона на дълбоките исторически връзки между двете страни. Ден преди горещо оспорваните избори през 2016 г., властите обявяват, че е осуетен опит за преврат, а Русия е посочена като подбудител. На пресечната точка между политика и икономика се развиват отношенията с Китай. Китайските инвестиции и заеми се приемат с широко отворени обятия, но водят до нарастваща дългова зависимост към Пекин. Периодичният бойкот на парламента става едно от проявленията на политическата нестабилност в периода 2013-2020 г. Противопоставянето ескалира рязко с приемането на новия закон за свободата на вероизповеданията и правния статут на религиозните общности. Този закон превръща конфликта на идентичности в безцеремонен опит за експроприиране на апетитни църковни имоти. В обществото се налага усещането, че изтича времето във властта на последната генерация политици от времето на бивша Югославия. Продължилият три десетилетия политически модел на квазиеднопартийно управление с доминираща формация, подкрепено от малцинствените партии, е изчерпан.
In 2019, the Serbian government approved a bill according to which the feast of St. St. Cyril and... more In 2019, the Serbian government approved a bill according to which the feast of St. St. Cyril and Methodius – May 24 would be celebrated at state level as the Day of Slavic Literacy and Culture. The historical memory of the creators of the Slavic alphabet and the question of the political function of the Cyrillic alphabet introduced an important symbolic load in the Serbian state’s relations with Croatia, Montenegro and (North) Macedonia in the second decade of the 21st century.
Review of Venelin Tsachevsky, Bulgaria and the Balkans at the beginning of the XXI century [Венел... more Review of Venelin Tsachevsky, Bulgaria and the Balkans at the beginning of the XXI century [Венелин Цачевски, България и Балканите в началото на ХХІ век] „Изток-Запад”, С., 2011
This text investigates the statement that the USA have been planning dismemberment of Yugoslavia ... more This text investigates the statement that the USA have been planning dismemberment of Yugoslavia as early as 1984, according to National Security Decision Directive 133 „UNITED STATES POLICY TOWARD YUGOSLAVIA", 14 March 1984, approved by President Ronald Reagan. However, only one third of the classified NSDD 133 was published in 1990, thus misleading some of the analyzers and giving space for different interpretations. Our analysis shows that the document in question aims at just the opposite - economic and military stabilization of Yugoslavia. This becomes obvious after the publication of the full content of NSDD 133 in 1996, and this text offers enough facts proving the implementation of a „long-established policy of support for the independence, territorial integrity and national unity of Yugoslavia" in 1980s.
The Bulgarian policy towards the Yugoslav crisis during the years 1989-1995 can now be presented ... more The Bulgarian policy towards the Yugoslav crisis during the years 1989-1995 can now be presented thanks to the fact that documentary sources from Bulgarian foreign ministry archives are accessible and they can be compared to the accessible sources from the Dutch foreign ministry as well as to valuable data from UN archives. The first element which is part of Bulgaria's policy towards the Yugoslav crisis is the so called "Macedonian question". According to the author this question which had been frozen during the Cold War came out foreground again. After years of silence Bulgaria officially declared that it had no claims against its neighbors but refused to accept the creation of the Macedonian nation on anti-Bulgarian basis. At the same time Bulgaria supported the establishment of an independent Macedonian state; Bulgaria was first to recognize the Republic of Macedonia and defended it's recognition by the UN. The second ingredient was the Bulgarian reaction towards the military conflict which took place on Yugoslav territory. According to Bulgarian position the Yugoslav republics had the right to claim independence but on the other hand Bulgaria followed the European policy towards Milosevic's Yugoslavia. Bulgaria struggled to avoid the intervention in Bosnia from any other Balkan nation outside ex-Yugoslavia and searched for a balanced attitude towards Serbia, Slovenia and Croatia. Bulgaria accepted the embargo against Milosevic's Yugoslavia. The country suffered financial losses and the smuggling across the border led to an expansion of the organized crime. Bulgaria looked for compensations from UN and even tried to lead a Balkan collective action in order to overcome the consequences resulted in by the sanctions. The last important element of Bulgaria's policy was the question regarding the Bulgarian minority in Serbia. Initially Bulgaria looked for decisions on bilateral basis instead of "internalization" and Bulgaria turned to the latter pleading at the UN only after Yugoslavia had put forward a report claiming that the rights of Bulgarians were fully guaranteed. The author's thesis tries to revise some of the political myths regarding the Bulgarian foreign policy in 1989-1995 - the myth that there was no continuity in country's foreign policy and the myth that the political and economical relations with Serbia and Montenegro diminished dramatically during the period under study. Despite Bulgaria's internal difficulties, the state managed to keep broad opportunities for manoeuvring.
The political life of the Albanian minority in Serbia in the period 2010-2014 abounded in local l... more The political life of the Albanian minority in Serbia in the period 2010-2014 abounded in local level micro-confl icts motivated by numerous family, interpersonal and career confrontations. They reflected the differences existing among the three municipalities with considerable numbers of Albanian population usually referred to collectively as the “Preševo Valley”. The influence of the historical leader Riza Halimi was challenged by various powerful figures on a local scale and particularly by the faction of the former fighters from the Liberation Army of Preševo, Medveđa and Bujanovac. “Preševo” Albanians have alternated moments of cooperation with the Serbian government with moments of boycott, without ever discontinuing informal and behind-the-scene contacts. In 2012 the Albanian minority parties participated in the local, parliamentary and presidential elections, thereby ultimately fitting into the Serbian political system.
This paper explains that Bulgaria took the responsibility to be the only country to recognise the... more This paper explains that Bulgaria took the responsibility to be the only country to recognise the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina already in January 1992, with the deep conviction that only in this way equality could be achieved between all former Yugoslav republics, and specifically for Bosnia and Herzegovina – the impending tragedy could be prevented. The chronological framework of the article presents Bulgarian foreign policy from the mid-1980s to the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s statehood in April 1992. The Bulgarian government’s decision was officially announced on 15 January 1992. Some Bulgarian politicians had some concerns about Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had not even yet held a referendum on secession from Yugoslavia. The opinion of the Bulgarian Prime Minister Philip Dimitrov was decisive: ‘It was more beneficial for me to look incompetent in constitutional and legal terms on the issue of Bosnia than to create a mess for me and be one of the people who encouraged Milosevic to enter Bosnia’. Although it claimed that it was relying on the criteria adopted by the EC, Bulgaria actually went much further than the EC, which only recognised Slovenia and Croatia. Sofia’s recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina was symbolically important because it came in a moment of rising extreme internal conflict when the whole of Europe was silent and hesitant how to react.
On 27 December 2019, the Parliament of Montenegro voted the Law on Freedom of Religion or Beliefs... more On 27 December 2019, the Parliament of Montenegro voted the Law on Freedom of Religion or Beliefs and Legal Status of Religious Communities. The main purpose of the law was to introduce the control of the state over the Orthodox Church. The adoption of the law provoked a series of protests that influenced the results of the parliamentary elections in the summer of 2020, which became the occasion for the formation of a new ruling majority. The new government of Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapić quickly proposed changes to the Law on Freedom of Religion or Beliefs and Legal Status of Religious Communities, which were adopted in December 2020. The emotions surrounding the controversial law are so strong that they affect researchers of the issue. The most striking example of this: almost all scholars criticize Prime Minister Krivokapić for not repealing two very sensitive texts of the law that concern the autonomy of the church-Article 11 determining that the location of a religious community registered in Montenegro must be Montenegro and Article 16 requiring that the name of a religious community cannot include the name of another country (i.e. Serbia). In fact, both texts were dropped after the public discussions and have not been included in the 2019 law. The mistake was originally made in Aleksandar Raković's book Montenegrin Separatism, Belgrade: Catena mundi, 2019, 192-195. Subsequent researchers cite this book without checking primary sources. Checking the primary sources allows all versions of the law to be compared, from its earliest draft to its final version. The comparison is presented in the following table.
In: Hrvatsko-bugarski odnosi u 19. i 20. stoljeću [Croatian-Bulgarian relations in the 19th and 20th centuries], Josip Bratulić, ed. Zagreb, Hrvatsko-bugarsko društvo, 191-203., 2005
In the paper, the author reflects on the centuries-old tradition that connects Croatian and Bulga... more In the paper, the author reflects on the centuries-old tradition that connects Croatian and Bulgarian river sailors. As the basic river link, the author singles out the Danube, which was an important economic and strategic waterway. Referring to the break in these centuries-old ties that occurred during the Homeland War, the author explains the unfavorable military-strategic situation in which Croatian river sailors found themselves during that period. As one of the numerous examples of international cooperation and support in practice, the author singles out the very significant help that the Bulgarian people showed to the Croatian people, especially on January 15, 1992, when Bulgaria officially recognized Croatia.
The link between Tito's illness and death, the events in Afghanistan and the Macedonian question ... more The link between Tito's illness and death, the events in Afghanistan and the Macedonian question is explored through newly declassified archival documents and memoir sources. In 1980, Belgrade and the world feared that Yugoslavia would descend into chaos after Tito's death. The Soviet Union was expected to invade Yugoslavia after Afghanistan in order to reach the Adriatic coast before its NATO adversaries. Soviet troops would attack through Bulgarian territory, and Bulgaria would take advantage of the situation to settle the Macedonian question in its favour. "The Bulgarian threat" has served as one of the important instruments for preserving the internal cohesion of the nations of the federation.
Законът за свободата на религията или убежденията и правния статут на религиозните общности от 27... more Законът за свободата на религията или убежденията и правния статут на религиозните общности от 27 декември 2019 г. се превръща в проблем на "националното оцеляване". Сръбската православна църква (СПЦ) не споделя и не приема усилията на властите в Подгорица за установяване на черногорска идентичност. Властите квалифицират атаките срещу закона като предизвикателство към националната, културната и религиозната идентичност на Черна гора. Опозицията твърди, че законът е нескопосан опит за отчуждаване на доходоносни църковни имоти. СПЦ организира масови протести "в защита на светите места срещу беззаконието". Гражданите са принудени да избират между религиозна принадлежност, национална идентичност и принадлежност към покровителствени мрежи. През 2020 г. управляващата партия претърпява първото си изборно поражение през последните 30 години. Новото правителство отмени спорните разпоредби относно църковните имоти. Въпреки това драматичният "конфликт на идентичностите" в Черна гора остава нерешен.
Изследвания на Югоизточна Европа, История и геополитика на Балканите, Европеизация на Балканите, Черна гора, Западни Балкани, Политиката в Югоизточна Европа
На 1 март 2012 г. лидерите на ЕС дават на Сърбия статут на страна кандидатка. Румъния блокира реш... more На 1 март 2012 г. лидерите на ЕС дават на Сърбия статут на страна кандидатка. Румъния блокира решението и иска допълнителни гаранции за правата на румънското малцинство в Източна Сърбия. Поведението на Румъния е изненадващо, тъй като Букурещ се смята за традиционен приятел на Белград и е една от петте държави - членки на ЕС, които не признават едностранно обявената независимост на Косово. Случаят става добър повод за възобновяване на по-широкия дебат за начините, по които една държава трябва да отстоява интересите си в рамките на ЕС.
Изследвания на Югоизточна Европа, Балкански изследвания, Сърбия, Разширяване на ЕС, Западни Балкани, ЕС-Западни Балкани, Политика в Югоизточна Европа
Случаят „Бихач" от 1993 г. е уникален в печалната статистика от няколко хиляди регистрирани наруш... more Случаят „Бихач" от 1993 г. е уникален в печалната статистика от няколко хиляди регистрирани нарушения на санкциите срещу Югославия, по всички нейни граници. Единствено при него две държави - България и Румъния - са подложени на тотален натиск да употребят сила. Двете правителство успяват да убедят международната общност, какъв риск за региона крие подобен подход. Международната общност приема, че механизмите по прилагане на ембаргото се нуждаят от усъвършенстване. През следващите две и половина години към никой съсед на Югославия не е отправено подобно искане.
Югоизточна Европа, Сърбия, санкции, разпадане на Югославия, Съвременни Балкани
Трифон Трифонов. Полесражението край Варна. Традиция и реалност. В - Известия на Съюза на учените – Варна, Културното наследство на Варна '2014. Варна,130-139., 2014
Over the last 150 years, nine diagrams of the Battle of Varna have been produced, which had it "s... more Over the last 150 years, nine diagrams of the Battle of Varna have been produced, which had it "spread out" over nine kilometres in an east-west direction from the sea shore. All are of varying degrees of inaccuracy. The present article is the result of many years of on-the-ground research on the battlefield and comparing it with historical sources and with the weaponry and tactics of the time. This has allowed the author Trifon Trifonov (a close friend and relative of mine) to offer a revised topography of the Battle of Varna in 1444.
Review of Jordan Baev, US Intelligence and Bulgaria (1941 – 1991). East – West Publishing House, ... more Review of Jordan Baev, US Intelligence and Bulgaria (1941 – 1991). East – West Publishing House, Sofia 2021, 366 p. - Йордан Баев, Американското разузнаване и България (1941 – 1991). София, Изток-Запад, 2021, 366 с. ISBN 978-619-01-0878-8) Review of Jordan Baev, KGB in Bulgaria. Cooperation between the Soviet and Bulgarian secret services (1944 – 1991). Bulgarian history Publishing House, Sofia 2021, Second edition, 462 p. - Йордан Баев, КГБ в България. Сътрудничеството между съветските и българските тайни служби (1944-1991). София, Българска история, 2021, Второ доп. издание, 462 с. ISBN: 978-619-7496-82-6)
Тhe Law on Freedom of Religion or Beliefs and Legal Status of Religious Communities of 27 Decembe... more Тhe Law on Freedom of Religion or Beliefs and Legal Status of Religious Communities of 27 December 2019 is becoming a problem of “national survival”. The Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) has not shared or accepted the efforts of the authorities in Podgorica to establish a Montenegrin identity. The authorities have qualified the attacks on the law as a challenge to Montenegro’s national, cultural and religious identity. The opposition claims that the Law is an offhand attempt to expropriate lucrative church properties. SOC has organized mass protests “in defense of the holy places against lawlessness”. Citizens are forced to choose among religious affiliation, national identity and affiliation to patronage networks. In 2020 the ruling party suffered its first electoral defeat in the past 30 years. The new government repealed the contentious provisions on church properties. Nevertheless, the dramatic “conflict of identities” in Montenegro remains unresolved.
Kostov, A. ( Ed.) Contemporary Balkans: The Challenges of the 21st Century, Sofia: Tendril, 2021
The “return” to Europe is the principal legitimising message after 2000. Serbia’s political syste... more The “return” to Europe is the principal legitimising message after 2000. Serbia’s political system can be defined as paternalistic democracy with a significant role of the leaders of the parliamentary parties. The election results in 2014, 2016 and 2020 give an opportunity to the Serbian Progressive Party to exercise absolute power. The party surprisingly gave an example of European coalition culture. Naturally, the smaller coalition partners also have a smaller relative weight in the country’s governance. The figure of Aleksandar Vučić dominates, after he rose from Deputy Prime Minister via Prime Minister to President. In that latter function he resurrected the model under which the country is ruled by a technocratic Prime Minister and the real power is in the President’s hand. The EU is a priority in Serbian foreign policy, but it competes with Russia, China and the USA. The image of the EU in the Serbian public mind sustained damage due to the EU’s difficulty in coping first with the refugee crisis and then with the COVID-19 pandemic. The traumatic memory of the bomb raids in 1999 features very prominently in the attitude to the USA. The military neutrality is successfully combined with cooperation with NATO. Serbian statesmen are aspiring towards the Yugoslav foreign policy heritage with its idea of balance between the key international players. Three principal processes with destructive influence in a regional perspective can be outlined. The first among them is the unresolved Kosovo issue. The second process comprises the influence of major foreign crises: Ukrainian, refugees and the Middle East. The third process is Serbia’s discreetly announced claim of influence within the Western Balkans by using the Serbian minorities in the neighbouring states, the shared Yugoslav past and the process of restoring the economic contacts from Yugoslav times.
Kostov, A. ( Ed.) Contemporary Balkans: The Challenges of the 21st Century, Sofia: Tendril, 2021
For more than a decade after the referendum, the traditional division of the Montenegrin society ... more For more than a decade after the referendum, the traditional division of the Montenegrin society along political and ethnic lines continued to intensify, acquiring an economic dimension as well. The problems are connected with the consolidation of a new national identity and with the imposition of a new foreign policy orientation. The dominant political figure of Milo Djukanović found it increasingly difficult to balance between the diverse internal and external interests. Linking the idea of the country’s stability with one individual and with the circle of his close associates was becoming more and more problematic in the course of time. The accession of Montenegro to NATO failed to turn into a stabilising factor, at least from a short-term perspective. The distancing from Russia seemed like an “unnatural” anomaly against the background of the deep historical ties between the two countries. A day before the bitterly disputed elections in 2016, the authorities announced that a coup attempt had been thwarted, citing Russia as instigator. Relations with China develop at the point of intersection between politics and economy. Chinese investments and loans are welcomed with open arms, but they lead to growing indebtedness to Beijing. The periodic boycott of parliament became one of the manifestations of the political instability between 2013 and 2020. The confrontation escalated sharply after the adoption of the new law on the freedom of religious denominations and the legal status of the religious communities. That law transforms the conflict of identities into a blunt attempt at expropriating attractive real estate belonging to the Church. There is a growing feeling in society that the time of the last generation of politicians from the former Yugoslavia is running out. The political model of quasi single-party rule with a dominant formation supported by the minority parties, which lasted for three decades, is exhausted
Костов, Ал. (Съст.), Съвременните Балкани: Предизвикателствата на XXI век, София: Тендрил , 2021
„Завръщането“ в Европа е основното легитимиращо послание след 2000 г. Пполитическата система на С... more „Завръщането“ в Европа е основното легитимиращо послание след 2000 г. Пполитическата система на Сърбия може да бъде определена като патерналистична демокрация със значима роля на лидерите на парламентарните партии. Изборните успехи през 2014, 2016 и 2020 г. дават възможност на Сръбската прогресивна партия да упражнява абсолютна власт. Партията изненадващо дава пример за европейска коалиционна култура. Разбира се по-малките коалиционни партньори имат и по-малка относителната тежест в управлението. Дминира фигурата на Александър Вучич, който се издига от вицепремиер през премиер до президент. В последната си функция той възражда модела, при който страната се управлява от премиер-технократ, а реалната власт е в ръцете на президента. Във външната политика приоритет е ЕС, но той се конкурира с Русия, Китай и САЩ. Образът на ЕС в сръбското обществено съзнание понася поражения поради трудностите на съюза при справяне първо с бежанската криза, а след това и с коронакризата. В отношението към САЩ важно място заемат травматичният спомен от бомбардировките през 1999 г. Военният неутралитет успешно се съчетава със сътрудничество с НАТО. Сръбските държавници се стремят да присвоят югославското външнополитическо наследство с неговата идея за баланс между основните международни играчи. Могат да бъдат очертани три основни процеса, които оказват деструктивно влияние в регионален план. Първият е нерешеният Косовския въпрос. Вторият включва отражението на значими външни кризи - украинска, бежанска и близкоизточна. Третият е дискретно заявената претенция на Сърбия за влияние в рамките на Западните Балкани, чрез използване на сръбските малцинства в съседните държави, на общото югославското минало и на процеса на възстановяване на икономическите връзки от югославско време.
Костов, Ал. (Съст.), Съвременните Балкани: Предизвикателствата на XXI век, София: Тендрил,, 2021
Повече от десетилетие след референдума традиционното разделение на черногорското обществото по по... more Повече от десетилетие след референдума традиционното разделение на черногорското обществото по политическа и етническа линия продължава да се задълбочава, като придобива и стопанско измерение. Проблемите са свързани с утвърждаването на нова национална идентичност и с налагането на нова външнополитическа ориентация. Доминиращата политическа фигура на Мило Джуканович все по-трудно балансира между разнородните вътрешни и външни интереси. Обвързването на идеята за стабилността на страната с една личност и неговото обкръжение става все по-проблематичното във времето. Присъединяването на Черна гора към НАТО не успява да се превърне в стабилизиращ фактор, поне в краткосрочен план. Разграничението от Русия изглежда като „противоестествена“ аномалия на фона на дълбоките исторически връзки между двете страни. Ден преди горещо оспорваните избори през 2016 г., властите обявяват, че е осуетен опит за преврат, а Русия е посочена като подбудител. На пресечната точка между политика и икономика се развиват отношенията с Китай. Китайските инвестиции и заеми се приемат с широко отворени обятия, но водят до нарастваща дългова зависимост към Пекин. Периодичният бойкот на парламента става едно от проявленията на политическата нестабилност в периода 2013-2020 г. Противопоставянето ескалира рязко с приемането на новия закон за свободата на вероизповеданията и правния статут на религиозните общности. Този закон превръща конфликта на идентичности в безцеремонен опит за експроприиране на апетитни църковни имоти. В обществото се налага усещането, че изтича времето във властта на последната генерация политици от времето на бивша Югославия. Продължилият три десетилетия политически модел на квазиеднопартийно управление с доминираща формация, подкрепено от малцинствените партии, е изчерпан.
In 2019, the Serbian government approved a bill according to which the feast of St. St. Cyril and... more In 2019, the Serbian government approved a bill according to which the feast of St. St. Cyril and Methodius – May 24 would be celebrated at state level as the Day of Slavic Literacy and Culture. The historical memory of the creators of the Slavic alphabet and the question of the political function of the Cyrillic alphabet introduced an important symbolic load in the Serbian state’s relations with Croatia, Montenegro and (North) Macedonia in the second decade of the 21st century.
Review of Venelin Tsachevsky, Bulgaria and the Balkans at the beginning of the XXI century [Венел... more Review of Venelin Tsachevsky, Bulgaria and the Balkans at the beginning of the XXI century [Венелин Цачевски, България и Балканите в началото на ХХІ век] „Изток-Запад”, С., 2011
This text investigates the statement that the USA have been planning dismemberment of Yugoslavia ... more This text investigates the statement that the USA have been planning dismemberment of Yugoslavia as early as 1984, according to National Security Decision Directive 133 „UNITED STATES POLICY TOWARD YUGOSLAVIA", 14 March 1984, approved by President Ronald Reagan. However, only one third of the classified NSDD 133 was published in 1990, thus misleading some of the analyzers and giving space for different interpretations. Our analysis shows that the document in question aims at just the opposite - economic and military stabilization of Yugoslavia. This becomes obvious after the publication of the full content of NSDD 133 in 1996, and this text offers enough facts proving the implementation of a „long-established policy of support for the independence, territorial integrity and national unity of Yugoslavia" in 1980s.
The Bulgarian policy towards the Yugoslav crisis during the years 1989-1995 can now be presented ... more The Bulgarian policy towards the Yugoslav crisis during the years 1989-1995 can now be presented thanks to the fact that documentary sources from Bulgarian foreign ministry archives are accessible and they can be compared to the accessible sources from the Dutch foreign ministry as well as to valuable data from UN archives. The first element which is part of Bulgaria's policy towards the Yugoslav crisis is the so called "Macedonian question". According to the author this question which had been frozen during the Cold War came out foreground again. After years of silence Bulgaria officially declared that it had no claims against its neighbors but refused to accept the creation of the Macedonian nation on anti-Bulgarian basis. At the same time Bulgaria supported the establishment of an independent Macedonian state; Bulgaria was first to recognize the Republic of Macedonia and defended it's recognition by the UN. The second ingredient was the Bulgarian reaction towards the military conflict which took place on Yugoslav territory. According to Bulgarian position the Yugoslav republics had the right to claim independence but on the other hand Bulgaria followed the European policy towards Milosevic's Yugoslavia. Bulgaria struggled to avoid the intervention in Bosnia from any other Balkan nation outside ex-Yugoslavia and searched for a balanced attitude towards Serbia, Slovenia and Croatia. Bulgaria accepted the embargo against Milosevic's Yugoslavia. The country suffered financial losses and the smuggling across the border led to an expansion of the organized crime. Bulgaria looked for compensations from UN and even tried to lead a Balkan collective action in order to overcome the consequences resulted in by the sanctions. The last important element of Bulgaria's policy was the question regarding the Bulgarian minority in Serbia. Initially Bulgaria looked for decisions on bilateral basis instead of "internalization" and Bulgaria turned to the latter pleading at the UN only after Yugoslavia had put forward a report claiming that the rights of Bulgarians were fully guaranteed. The author's thesis tries to revise some of the political myths regarding the Bulgarian foreign policy in 1989-1995 - the myth that there was no continuity in country's foreign policy and the myth that the political and economical relations with Serbia and Montenegro diminished dramatically during the period under study. Despite Bulgaria's internal difficulties, the state managed to keep broad opportunities for manoeuvring.
The political life of the Albanian minority in Serbia in the period 2010-2014 abounded in local l... more The political life of the Albanian minority in Serbia in the period 2010-2014 abounded in local level micro-confl icts motivated by numerous family, interpersonal and career confrontations. They reflected the differences existing among the three municipalities with considerable numbers of Albanian population usually referred to collectively as the “Preševo Valley”. The influence of the historical leader Riza Halimi was challenged by various powerful figures on a local scale and particularly by the faction of the former fighters from the Liberation Army of Preševo, Medveđa and Bujanovac. “Preševo” Albanians have alternated moments of cooperation with the Serbian government with moments of boycott, without ever discontinuing informal and behind-the-scene contacts. In 2012 the Albanian minority parties participated in the local, parliamentary and presidential elections, thereby ultimately fitting into the Serbian political system.
This collection of essays is based on a research project funded by the Austria’s Agency for Educa... more This collection of essays is based on a research project funded by the Austria’s Agency for Education and Internationalization (OeAD) and the Bulgarian National Science Fund (BNSF), Number KP-06-Austria/8, which was carried out in 2021/23 at the Institute for Balkan Studies with a Centre for Thracology of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (Sofia, Bulgaria) and the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Research on the Consequences of War (Graz-Vienna, Austria). The volume consists of eight articles which are dedicated exclusively to the reappraisal of bilateral relations between Austria and Bulgaria during the Cold War. The ten distinguished scholars provide deep analyses of the complicated bilateral relations between a neutral state Austria and a member-state of the Soviet bloc – People’s Republic of Bulgaria tracing diplomatic, political, economic, trade, etc. relations during the bipolar international system after the World War II. All articles are based primarily on research work with Bulgarian and Austrian declassified archival collections available, but not limited to the following archives: Austrian State Archive /Archive of the Republic (ÖStA/AdR), Central State Archive of the Republic of Bulgaria (Tsentralen Dărzhaven Arkhiv na Republika Bulgaria, or CDA), Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Bulgaria (Arkhiv na Ministerstvo na vănshnite raboti na Republika Bălgaria, AMVnR), Stiftung Bruno Kreisky Archive (SBKA).
Първанов, Антон. Държавната общност Сърбия и Черна гора (2002-2005 г.). Между единението и „развод по сръбски”, в: Юбилеен сборник. Иследвания в чест на 80-годишнината на проф. Кръстьо Манчев, София: Парадигма , 2006
Serbia’s political scene is dominated by amateur politicians who trust technocrat advisers, unfam... more Serbia’s political scene is dominated by amateur politicians who trust technocrat advisers, unfamiliar with the kitchen of the political process of reforms and their implementation.
Никова, Екатерина, Балканската история, разказана като модернизация, в: Юбилеен сборник. Иследвания в чест на 80-годишнината на проф. Кръстьо Манчев, София: Парадигма, 2006
A huge part of Balkan history can and is told as the story of modernisation in the Balkans - from... more A huge part of Balkan history can and is told as the story of modernisation in the Balkans - from the Enlightenment and the Balkan Renaissance through the struggles for national liberation, the creation and consolidation of nation states, the accelerated socialist construction to the reforms of transition and integration into the European Union today. Adopting the perspective of modernization, the researcher assumes a priori that the Balkans are part of Europe, that they repeat its path and follow its goals. The modernisation reading of the new Balkan history is a powerful weapon against the widespread mythological thinking.
Бежанската криза и Балканите (2015 – 2016), София: Парадигма, 2018
Alexandre Kostov, Irina Ognyanova-Krivoshieva and Biser Banchev (eds), Refugee Crisis and the Bal... more Alexandre Kostov, Irina Ognyanova-Krivoshieva and Biser Banchev (eds), Refugee Crisis and the Balkans (2015 – 2016), Sofia: Paradigma, 2017 Contents Migrations – Global and Regional Dimensions Migration in Contemporary Europe The European Union and Refugee Crisis of 2015 Brexit, Imigrants and Refugees Methodological Aspects of Analizing and Forecasting Migration Pressure on Bulgaria Turkey and the European migrant crisis Greece -Passenger Office, Store House, Prison or Asylum for the Refugees The Refugee/Migrant Crisis – a Challenge to the Security of the Republic of Macedonia Serbia: “We are located between two parts of the EU – the one that lets the Refugees pass and the other that closed Borders and raises Fences” Croatia and the Refugee Crisis in the Balkans Slovenia and the Migrant crisis Between “Go Back Turkey” and Brussels: Bulgaria and the Migrant Wave (2013-2017) Albania and Kosovo: Post-1990 Emmigrant Wave and the Influence of the Refugee/Migrant Crisis from 2015 – 2016 “East of the Crisis”: Romania and the Refugee Flow across the Balkans Annexes A selected chronology of the migration crisis along the Western Balkan route Border fences in Europe during the "Refugee" crisis
Boyko Marinkov and Biser Banchev (eds), The Ukraine Crisis (2014-2015) and the Balkans, Sofia: Paradigma, 2017
Boyko Marinkov and Biser Banchev (eds), Ukrainskata kriza I Balkanite [The Ukraine Crisis and the... more Boyko Marinkov and Biser Banchev (eds), Ukrainskata kriza I Balkanite [The Ukraine Crisis and the Balkans] (Paradigma, 2017), is a comprehensive effort to map out responses in the entire region, from Albania to Romania and Croatia to Turkey. It is hoped that the collective volume by the Balkan Studies Institute at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences will find its way to the English- language reader. Dimitar Bechev “Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe”
Contents The Ukrainian crisis - the regional view Anatomy of the Ukrainian crisis The Ukrainian crisis in the Ankara-Kiev-Moscow geopolitical triangle Romania and the Ukrainian crisis: in search of a new strategic role Keeping up with Brussels. The Bulgarian response to the Ukrainian crisis Croatia and the Ukraine crisis "Andonis Samaras may end up like Yanukovych, but Greece will not end up like Ukraine" The European idea in the shadow of Kosovo and South Stream (Serbia and the Ukrainian crisis) The Ukrainian crisis and the Republic of Macedonia The similar positions of Albania and Kosovo on the Ukrainian crisis Montenegro and the Ukrainian crisis Annexes Selected chronology of the Ukrainian crisis Positions of the Balkan countries on specific cases related to the Ukrainian crisis
Kostov, A. ( Ed.) Contemporary Balkans: The Challenges of the 21st Century, Sofia: Tendril, ISBN 978-619-91496-8-3, 2021
The present collective monograph focuses on the challenges facing the Balkans in the beginning of... more The present collective monograph focuses on the challenges facing the Balkans in the beginning of the new decade of this century. The authors of the chapters had the task to provide answers to several important questions connected predominantly with identification of the leading tendencies in the development of each of the countries: from a domestic viewpoint to highlight the key priorities in the sphere of the economy, politics and security, and in their foreign policies – to demonstrate above all their relations with their preferred partners, as well as to highlight the existing issues with a potential for conflicts and instability. The latter is valid both for the relations with their immediate neighbours and with the EU, as well as with global and regional players, notably the USA, Russia and China, and with a country from the same region – Turkey. The principal part of the text addresses these issues. The monograph also comprises three chapters indicating the place of the Balkan countries in the changing strategies and policies of the EU, NATO and Russia – both with a view to assisting the readers and for a broader presentation of the issues discussed. The collective monograph Contemporary Balkans: The Challenges of the 21st Century is prepared in the framework of the Project № DN 20/2-2017 Contemporary Balkans and the Challenges beforе Bulgaria of the Bulgarian National Science Fund.
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Papers by Biser T Banchev
Изследвания на Югоизточна Европа, История и геополитика на Балканите, Европеизация на Балканите, Черна гора, Западни Балкани, Политиката в Югоизточна Европа
Изследвания на Югоизточна Европа, Балкански изследвания, Сърбия, Разширяване на ЕС, Западни Балкани, ЕС-Западни Балкани, Политика в Югоизточна Европа
Югоизточна Европа, Сърбия, санкции, разпадане на Югославия, Съвременни Балкани
Review of Jordan Baev, KGB in Bulgaria. Cooperation between the Soviet and Bulgarian secret services (1944 – 1991). Bulgarian history Publishing House, Sofia 2021, Second edition, 462 p. - Йордан Баев, КГБ в България. Сътрудничеството между съветските и българските тайни служби (1944-1991). София, Българска история, 2021, Второ доп. издание, 462 с. ISBN: 978-619-7496-82-6)
The first element which is part of Bulgaria's policy towards the Yugoslav crisis is the so called "Macedonian question". According to the author this question which had been frozen during the Cold War came out foreground again. After years of silence Bulgaria officially declared that it had no claims against its neighbors but refused to accept the creation of the Macedonian nation on anti-Bulgarian basis. At the same time Bulgaria supported the establishment of an independent Macedonian state; Bulgaria was first to recognize the Republic of Macedonia and defended it's recognition by the UN.
The second ingredient was the Bulgarian reaction towards the military conflict which took place on Yugoslav territory. According to Bulgarian position the Yugoslav republics had the right to claim independence but on the other hand Bulgaria followed the European policy towards Milosevic's Yugoslavia. Bulgaria struggled to avoid the intervention in Bosnia from any other Balkan nation outside ex-Yugoslavia and searched for a balanced attitude towards Serbia, Slovenia and Croatia. Bulgaria accepted the embargo against Milosevic's Yugoslavia. The country suffered financial losses and the smuggling across the border led to an expansion of the organized crime. Bulgaria looked for compensations from UN and even tried to lead a Balkan collective action in order to overcome the consequences resulted in by the sanctions.
The last important element of Bulgaria's policy was the question regarding the Bulgarian minority in Serbia. Initially Bulgaria looked for decisions on bilateral basis instead of "internalization" and Bulgaria turned to the latter pleading at the UN only after Yugoslavia had put forward a report claiming that the rights of Bulgarians were fully guaranteed.
The author's thesis tries to revise some of the political myths regarding the Bulgarian foreign policy in 1989-1995 - the myth that there was no continuity in country's foreign policy and the myth that the political and economical relations with Serbia and Montenegro diminished dramatically during the period under study. Despite Bulgaria's internal difficulties, the state managed to keep broad opportunities for manoeuvring.
Изследвания на Югоизточна Европа, История и геополитика на Балканите, Европеизация на Балканите, Черна гора, Западни Балкани, Политиката в Югоизточна Европа
Изследвания на Югоизточна Европа, Балкански изследвания, Сърбия, Разширяване на ЕС, Западни Балкани, ЕС-Западни Балкани, Политика в Югоизточна Европа
Югоизточна Европа, Сърбия, санкции, разпадане на Югославия, Съвременни Балкани
Review of Jordan Baev, KGB in Bulgaria. Cooperation between the Soviet and Bulgarian secret services (1944 – 1991). Bulgarian history Publishing House, Sofia 2021, Second edition, 462 p. - Йордан Баев, КГБ в България. Сътрудничеството между съветските и българските тайни служби (1944-1991). София, Българска история, 2021, Второ доп. издание, 462 с. ISBN: 978-619-7496-82-6)
The first element which is part of Bulgaria's policy towards the Yugoslav crisis is the so called "Macedonian question". According to the author this question which had been frozen during the Cold War came out foreground again. After years of silence Bulgaria officially declared that it had no claims against its neighbors but refused to accept the creation of the Macedonian nation on anti-Bulgarian basis. At the same time Bulgaria supported the establishment of an independent Macedonian state; Bulgaria was first to recognize the Republic of Macedonia and defended it's recognition by the UN.
The second ingredient was the Bulgarian reaction towards the military conflict which took place on Yugoslav territory. According to Bulgarian position the Yugoslav republics had the right to claim independence but on the other hand Bulgaria followed the European policy towards Milosevic's Yugoslavia. Bulgaria struggled to avoid the intervention in Bosnia from any other Balkan nation outside ex-Yugoslavia and searched for a balanced attitude towards Serbia, Slovenia and Croatia. Bulgaria accepted the embargo against Milosevic's Yugoslavia. The country suffered financial losses and the smuggling across the border led to an expansion of the organized crime. Bulgaria looked for compensations from UN and even tried to lead a Balkan collective action in order to overcome the consequences resulted in by the sanctions.
The last important element of Bulgaria's policy was the question regarding the Bulgarian minority in Serbia. Initially Bulgaria looked for decisions on bilateral basis instead of "internalization" and Bulgaria turned to the latter pleading at the UN only after Yugoslavia had put forward a report claiming that the rights of Bulgarians were fully guaranteed.
The author's thesis tries to revise some of the political myths regarding the Bulgarian foreign policy in 1989-1995 - the myth that there was no continuity in country's foreign policy and the myth that the political and economical relations with Serbia and Montenegro diminished dramatically during the period under study. Despite Bulgaria's internal difficulties, the state managed to keep broad opportunities for manoeuvring.
Contents
Migrations – Global and Regional Dimensions
Migration in Contemporary Europe
The European Union and Refugee Crisis of 2015
Brexit, Imigrants and Refugees
Methodological Aspects of Analizing and Forecasting Migration Pressure on Bulgaria
Turkey and the European migrant crisis
Greece -Passenger Office, Store House, Prison or Asylum for the Refugees
The Refugee/Migrant Crisis – a Challenge to the Security of the Republic of Macedonia
Serbia: “We are located between two parts of the EU – the one that lets the Refugees pass and the other that closed Borders and raises Fences”
Croatia and the Refugee Crisis in the Balkans
Slovenia and the Migrant crisis
Between “Go Back Turkey” and Brussels: Bulgaria and the Migrant Wave (2013-2017)
Albania and Kosovo: Post-1990 Emmigrant Wave and the Influence of the Refugee/Migrant Crisis from 2015 – 2016
“East of the Crisis”: Romania and the Refugee Flow across the Balkans
Annexes
A selected chronology of the migration crisis along the Western Balkan route
Border fences in Europe during the "Refugee" crisis
Dimitar Bechev “Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe”
Contents
The Ukrainian crisis - the regional view
Anatomy of the Ukrainian crisis
The Ukrainian crisis in the Ankara-Kiev-Moscow geopolitical triangle
Romania and the Ukrainian crisis: in search of a new strategic role
Keeping up with Brussels. The Bulgarian response to the Ukrainian crisis
Croatia and the Ukraine crisis
"Andonis Samaras may end up like Yanukovych, but Greece will not end up like Ukraine"
The European idea in the shadow of Kosovo and South Stream (Serbia and the Ukrainian crisis)
The Ukrainian crisis and the Republic of Macedonia
The similar positions of Albania and Kosovo on the Ukrainian crisis
Montenegro and the Ukrainian crisis
Annexes
Selected chronology of the Ukrainian crisis
Positions of the Balkan countries on specific cases related to the Ukrainian crisis
The collective monograph Contemporary Balkans: The Challenges of the 21st Century is prepared in the framework of the Project № DN 20/2-2017 Contemporary Balkans and the Challenges beforе Bulgaria of the Bulgarian National Science Fund.