Serbian Politics

Горан Давидовић, Милош Тимотијевић, Затамњена прошлост : историја равногораца чачанског краја. Књ. 3, Агонија и слом : ратне 1944. и 1945. године (Чачак : Међуопштински историјски архив ; Краљево : Народни музеј, 2004 (Чачак : Графика Јуреш). - 462, [32] стр. с таблама ; 24 cm

Тираж 500. - Стр. 311-312: Рецензија / Коста Николић, Бојан Димитријевић. - Напомене и библиографске референце уз текст. - Summary: Darkened Past. The history of the Ravna Gora movement in the Čačak region. Book 3, Agony and breakdown of war 1944 and 1945- Библиографија: стр. 304-310. - Регистар.

ISBN 86-80609-29-3 (брош.)
94(497.11)"1944/1945"

COBISS.SR-ID 118526220

The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia with progress towards European accession. The ‘power of attraction’ of EU membership would presumably induce the Bosnian authorities to accept the adaptation costs of political and economic transformation. However, the Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. The track record of the EU’s policies towards Bosnia represents a paradigmatic case of what would happen if almost nothing works as efficiently as in the case of the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not effectively responded to three challenges: 1) adjust the process to the needs of an ethnically divided post-war state; 2) preserve the credibility of accession conditionality, and 3) convey the proper messages on how to comply with EU rules. Therefore, the article argues for a more cohesive and consistent EU approach towards Bosnia.

This article argues that the post-Dayton political organisation of Bosnia represents an exemplary illustration of the difficulties associated with the empirical application of the pluralist model of “consociational democracy”. The country’s political system has been predicated on the existence of consensus and the spirit of cooperation among the three ethnic groups without, however, offering any electoral or political incentives to their leaderships to cooperate. Also, the inclusion of several elements to the Dayton accords of a partition approach to conflict resolution has even encouraged the ethnic leaderships to maintain their nationalistic programs and their endeavours to exploit the aforementioned power-sharing arrangements. Indeed, the structural deficiencies of the Dayton agreement have permitted nationalists to continue implementing their ethnic
agendas and have accounted for the slow progress towards the implementation of the Bosnian peace process. Therefore, this article elaborates on the international policies in Bosnia, aimed at transforming the country into a viable multiethnic state, and highlights the significance of motivations for implementing the peace process.

In the Western Balkans, as elsewhere around the world, governments took extraordinary measures to effectively contain the spread of COVID-19, measures that entailed serious restrictions to individual freedoms. They also introduced extra powers that upset the ordinary division and balance of governmental power. In this context, several analysts have expressed concern that the authoritarian trend observed in the region during the last decade will become further entrenched. The worst fear, that some of the Western Balkan leaderships may retain extraordinary powers indefinitely, has not been confirmed. However, constitutionally prescribed procedures were disregarded and the operation of formal and informal mechanisms of checks and balances ignored. The article argues that the ease with which the Western Balkan leaders removed any checks and controls over their rule raises the valid question of how they may deal with future circumstances which may endanger their power.

The article analyses from an anthropological perspective the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade, the first state-supported Parade in Serbia, as a part of the building of a democratic and European Serbian nation. In their discursive framing of the Parade and making claims on the state to take it under its auspices, the organising NGOs bound the event to the EU integration process of Serbia. This policy link helped them forge a political alliance with the state, but was also instrumentalised by the government to avoid an ideological conflict with the opponents of the Parade. Owing to the perception of the alliance as “elitist” and to the militarised and depoliticised nature of the state’s involvement, the event materially actualised and reified rather than transcended the enduring conflict of liberal and collectivist citizenship visions in Serbia. The article argues that the overall discourse of the government on Europeanisation is informed by the same top-down and instrumental logic. However, members of civil society develop political subjectivities which demand active citizen participation and critically engage with the discourse to restore its democratising potential. Similarly, the emerging “populist” politics of LGBT rights, illustrated by the pop singer Jelena Karleuša's participation in the domestic debate, are better placed to face the legacies of socialist and ethnonationalist nation-building than the human rights and Europeanisation approaches

The text looks into the importance of sate capture for the stability of hybrid regimes from the Serbian post-2000 perspective. It argues for an integration of these two research fields. Part one gives a list extractive institutions related to political state capture. These institutions provide better measurement of state capture. Part two emphasizes
the importance of state capture for other hybrid regimes’s critical areas such as elections and media. Although rigged elections and controlled media are important pillars of
hybrid regimes, they depend to a large extent on the public funds by which they can be financed. Extraction of public funds matters because these are used to pay both activists
who manipulate the electoral process in the field and the media that hide information on the basis of which citizens can decide how to vote. The issue of extraction has been understudied in the debates on the consolidation of democracy in Serbia after 2000 but also in the discussios on democratic decline.

Boyko Marinkov and Biser Banchev (eds), Ukrainskata kriza I Balkanite [The Ukraine Crisis and the Balkans] (Paradigma, 2017), is a comprehensive effort to map out responses in the entire region, from Albania to Romania and Croatia to Turkey. It is hoped that the collective volume by the Balkan Studies Institute at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences will find its way to the English- language reader.
Dimitar Bechev “Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe”

Contents
The Ukrainian crisis - the regional view
Anatomy of the Ukrainian crisis
The Ukrainian crisis in the Ankara-Kiev-Moscow geopolitical triangle
Romania and the Ukrainian crisis: in search of a new strategic role
Keeping up with Brussels. The Bulgarian response to the Ukrainian crisis
Croatia and the Ukraine crisis
"Andonis Samaras may end up like Yanukovych, but Greece will not end up like Ukraine"
The European idea in the shadow of Kosovo and South Stream (Serbia and the Ukrainian crisis)
The Ukrainian crisis and the Republic of Macedonia
The similar positions of Albania and Kosovo on the Ukrainian crisis
Montenegro and the Ukrainian crisis
Annexes
Selected chronology of the Ukrainian crisis
Positions of the Balkan countries on specific cases related to the Ukrainian crisis

During the 1990’s the leaders of several Serbian paramilitary units engaged in armed conflicts of former Yugoslavia, were presented to the public as the war heroes, the guardians, the defenders of the Serbian people and its territories. Having the benefit to an access of the ‘great Pantheon’ of the Serbian media these individuals were current as public figures in the political and in the cultural life during that decade and were the leading social role models to young generations. These social (anti)heroes were compared and were imagined as living embodiments of ancient heroes, mythical champions - the hajduks -the south-Slavic insurgents and bandits during the Ottoman-period, who were a topic of numerous creation in the oral literature. The hajduk-imagery was abundantly used in public speeches about these units and in the self-representation of these modern’ champions’ as well. The heroic image of some of these individuals is partially deconstructed since the warmongering era of the 90’s, nevertheless their role remains for a great part of the contemporary population unquestionable and just.

Is the neoliberal economic policy applicable in East and Central Europe after the breakdown of communism in 1989? The first part of the article defines neoliberalism as a system of market allocation of resources, the domination of private property, personal initiative for exchange, and the minimal state. This definition is derived from the two cases of neoliberal reforms in the US and the UK in the 1980s. The second part discusses market imperfections by considering the government solution for the principal-agent problem created by information asymmerty. Since the state intevention itself suffers from political failures resulting
in inefficient allocation, it can be justified only if it offers an institutional design that solves the principal-agent problem and political failures.

Keywords: neoliberalism; market failures; political failures; principal-agent model; supply-side economics

This article analyzes the contested remembrance of the assassination of Habsburg Archduke Franz Ferdinand by Serbian radical Gavrilo Princip in 1914 in Sarajevo. I place the politics of the assassination centennial commemoration in the context of Serbian and Bosnian contemporary anxieties about their respective ontological insecurities. In Serbia, these anxieties centre on Serbia's fear of losing its international reputation as a state that was seen as historically generous and self-sacrificing and a victim of historical injustice at the hands of great powers. In Bosnia, anxieties revolve around its persistently unresolved international status, failure to create any cohesive postwar Bosnian identity, and deep internal ethnic divisions. The article explores ways in which the memory of the 1914 assassination is utilized for contemporary memory-building purposes in both Serbia and Bosnia, as part of a larger narrative of state-building, in which both states see themselves as " indispensable nations " that cracked open the historical arc of the twentieth century. The article demonstrates the profound anxiety historical commemorations provoke in internationally insecure states and illustrates ways in which states can respond. On 28 June 1914, Gavrilo Princip, a nineteen-year-old member of the Serbian radical organization " Young Bosnia " , shot and killed Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian imperial throne and his wife Sophie. " Young Bosnia " was a ragtag group of young men who took themselves very seriously, 1 and who were, it turned out, quite incompetent at the whole business of terrorism. This is how their plan worked on 28 June 1914: the seven conspirators lined the route along which the royal couple was to drive. They each had instructions to kill Franz Ferdinand when given a chance. The first conspirator lost his nerve and let the car pass unharmed. Then the second hurled a grenade at the car, but missed, and the grenade instead exploded next to another car, injuring spectators nearby. This failed assassin then swallowed a cyanide pill and jumped into the river, but the cyanide didn't work and the river was too shallow, so he survived and was promptly arrested. The eventual assassin, Gavrilo Princip, was not much better at assassinations, but his fortune was that the driver of the archduke's car took a wrong turn and the imperial couple just appeared a few feet away from Princip, who then shot them at close range. He also tried to take a cyanide pill to avoid capture — again cyanide didn't work — then he tried to shoot himself, but his pistol jammed — and then he was captured by the Austrian police. 2 He was tried and

Izlaganje na promociji knjige Stefa Jansena: Antinacionalizam. Etnografija otpora u Beogradu i Zagrebu, Beograd: XX vek, 2005, (prevod sa engleskog Aleksandra Bajazetov-Vučen), održane 15. novembra 2005. godine u Kulturnom centru. Objavljeno u časopisu Treći program, 125–126, (I–II), Beograd 2005.

Development of ‘16 + 1’ framework substantially depends on how Central and Eastern European countries understand their fast-evolving relationship with China. This article investigates and analyses related perceptions and discusses their implications for ‘16 + 1’. Focusing on the Sino-Serbian relationship, the study reveals that the understanding of China and its growing involvement in the region oscillates between the extremes, yet that both positive and negative evaluations are not supported by the available empirical evidence and informed by a proper understanding of the context within which the relationship takes place. This is likely to result in a sense of disillusionment, as well as heightened concerns about the relationship with China, casting shadow over the prospects of the China-CEE relations.

Es handelt sich um die Übersetzung des Tagebuchs von Petar Čarnojević aus der Zeit seiner politischen Tätigkeit in der Eigenschaft eines königlichen Kommissars (vom 27. April—28. Juli 1848), als man ihn beauftragt hatte, den Unruhen im Süden Ungarns ein Ende zu setzen. In der Einleitung wird in gedrängter Form auf den Charakte und die Bedeutung der politischen Tätigkeit von Petar Čarnojević hingewiesen. Darüberhinaus werden auch die seine Persönlichkeit und Tätigkeit kennzeichnenden Kontroversen erörtert und auf die Bedeutung der im Zusammenhang mit seiner Tätigkeit als königlicher Kommissar entstandenen historischen Materialien (Korrespondenz, Befehle, Anordnungen, Proklamationen) hingewiesen.

In this chapter, I will depart from fruitful academic field that was mostly devoted to Western European populism, with the intention to adapt theoretical frameworks to be more applicable for transitional and post-communist societies. This step will be the basis for the analysis of post-communist phenomenon – ruling populist parties. The cases of Hungary, Poland and Serbia are frequently used as examples of this trend and their analysis raises questions about relation between populism and democratic performances of transitional post-communist countries. It seems that significant part of Fidesz, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, or SNS - Serbian Progressive Party strength and endurance can be linked to intense campaigns against the opposition, independent media, civil society and other scrutinizing mechanisms of liberal democracies (or emerging liberal democracies, in many cases). Therefore, there is a need to question if this illiberal way of ruling is immanent to populists’ understanding of democracy, and whether it is the only possible outcome of transformation of populism from the opposition to the position stage?

„Завръщането“ в Европа е основното легитимиращо послание след 2000 г. Пполитическата система на Сърбия може да бъде определена като патерналистична демокрация със значима роля на лидерите на парламентарните партии. Изборните успехи през 2014, 2016 и 2020 г. дават възможност на Сръбската прогресивна партия да упражнява абсолютна власт. Партията изненадващо дава пример за европейска коалиционна култура. Разбира се по-малките коалиционни партньори имат и по-малка относителната тежест в управлението. Дминира фигурата на Александър Вучич, който се издига от вицепремиер през премиер до президент. В последната си функция той възражда модела, при който страната се управлява от премиер-технократ, а реалната власт е в ръцете на президента. Във външната политика приоритет е ЕС, но той се конкурира с Русия, Китай и САЩ. Образът на ЕС в сръбското обществено съзнание понася поражения поради трудностите на съюза при справяне първо с бежанската криза, а след това и с коронакризата. В отношението към САЩ важно място заемат травматичният спомен от бомбардировките през 1999 г. Военният неутралитет успешно се съчетава със сътрудничество с НАТО. Сръбските държавници се стремят да присвоят югославското външнополитическо наследство с неговата идея за баланс между основните международни играчи. Могат да бъдат очертани три основни процеса, които оказват деструктивно влияние в регионален план. Първият е нерешеният Косовския въпрос. Вторият включва отражението на значими външни кризи - украинска, бежанска и близкоизточна. Третият е дискретно заявената претенция на Сърбия за влияние в рамките на Западните Балкани, чрез използване на сръбските малцинства в съседните държави, на общото югославското минало и на процеса на възстановяване на икономическите връзки от югославско време.

Članak razmatra uspon, oblike i posledice protesta u nedemokratskim režimima, oslanjajući se na noviju literaturu iz uporedne analize političkih režima i društvenih pokreta. Oblik režima značajno oblikuje izglede za izbijanje protesta, kao i njegove oblike i posledice. Protesti često proizvode bitne promene u personalnom sastavu i politici vlasti, koje značajno utiču na strukturu i delovanje nedemokratskih režima, i ponekad vode promeni režima. Primeri su navedeni iz kasnog komunističkog autoritarizma u Poljskoj i Jugoslaviji, u kojima su dugotrajni protesti doprineli padu režima i države, i postkomunistički autoritarni režimi u Srbiji i Ukrajini koji su više puta uzdrmani a zatim i dokrajčeni "pritiskom odozdo".

At the beginning of XXI century the problem of Serbian national identity has become one of the most important topics in public. There are at least three opposed self-concepts of Serbian nation. The first relies on the medieval folk-Orthodox protonational identity in modern times usually called “svetosavlje”. The second is a secular version of the medieval heritage shaped by the Western European model of constructing the nation, in which the selected contents of the past are spread through of the liberal state and national propaganda. The third concept is a complete rejection of tradition and acceptance of some new supranational identity. By this is usually meant the Yugoslav socialist-era, and in modern times, the cosmopolitan diffused post-culture, but that is still based on Western forms of liberal capitalism. This article provides an overview of the development of Serbian national idea, according to theoretical postulates of Anthony Smith, as one of the contributions to understanding the lack of creation of Serbian national cultural pattern in modern times.

Милош Тимотијевић, „Српска национална идеја – кратак преглед обликовања једног културног обрасца”, Етно-културолошки зборник 21 (2017), 151-176. - УДК 323.1(497.11):316.4(091)

A review of the recent Chinese-language analysis and commentaries on Sino-Serbian relationship - Contribution to the Special Issue of China Analysis: China Investment in Influence: The Future of 16+1 Cooperation, published by the European Council on Foreign Relations.

This article describes the experience of the community of Serb-Catholics living in Dubrovnik in the early twentieth century. It is based primarily on an investigation of the literary and cultural periodical Srdj (1902-08). This study focuses, fi rstly, on the conceptual ambivalence resulting from efforts to apply linguistic criteria to determine Serbian identity and, secondly, on the efforts to construct a mental map that would serve projections of Serbian symbolic territory. While the presence of the Serb-Catholic milieu in the city was short-lived (from the mid-nineteenth century to the First World War), it nevertheless left traces on the urban landscape that typifi ed the ambivalent formation of national identity along religious lines, as Croatians were associated with Catholicism and Serbs with Orthodoxy.

The Majority of the papers in the present volume are the result of a series of seminars which took place between autumn 2007 and spring 2009 at the Department of the History of Eastern Europe at Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, headed by Dr. Tamás Krausz, under the auspices of the doctoral programme entitled ‘The History of Eastern Europe first in a wider historical context and then concentrating on the processes of the past twenty years.

"The project helps young researchers to join in with the international debate on their subject matter and to foster the emergence of a common discourse. We believe it is important that the young generation of historians born around or after the transition who did not live through the pre-1989 period as children or young contemporaries should come to play an increasing role in this discourse. A certain distance in time is an important condition for a deeper understanding of the events and processes of the time. Not only do we gain access to the sources for this exciting sequence of historical phenomena – a distance in time also allows the subject matter to shift from the boundary zone between political sciences and history clearly into the sphere of the latter, thus becoming free of daily political interests. We trust that the authors of the present volume will become active participants in shaping this process."

The 20th Century revolved politically around competing interpretations of Capitalism, Communism, Socialism and Fascism. These are all ways to organize the lives of people on a large scale. Are real alternatives or new interpretations likely to emerge in the challenging years ahead? What might they look like?

Relying on Foucault's theoretical differentiation of three derived management models reflecting the historical and political response to the emergence of three infectious diseases, namely leprosy, the plague and smallpox, this paper will consider the manner in which the approach of health policy-makers in Serbia has changed before, during and after the introduction of the state of emergency caused by the outbreak of the SARS-CoV2 epidemic, largely following the ideal-typical description of these three models of confronting the infection. Starting with the idea of identifying and completely isolating those that are infected from the community for the purpose of preserving a "clean" society, typical of the period of the spread of leprosy, through the idea of introducing quarantine and monitoring mechanisms for the purpose of establishing a disciplined society, typical of the period of the spread of the plague, to the reliance on vaccination and abandonment of the idea of complete eradication of the pathogens, i.e., reliance on statistics and risk analyses for the purpose of longterm understanding and curbing the epidemic, typical of the outbreak of smallpox, it is possible to identify significant similarities of these historical models with different stages in managing the crisis caused by the Covid-19 epidemic in the contemporary local context.

This paper examines the key actors, factors, and events that contributed to the successful overthrow of Slobodan Milošević’s regime on October 5, 2000. The primary focus of this case study is the Bulldozer Revolution that put in power the first democratically elected president of Serbia, Vojislav Koštunica, and thus incentivized the nation’s transition to democracy. Since all over the world we can observe reversals of democracy and the return of semi-authoritarian regimes, this topic is crucial to detect in which ways and under which conditions main civil society and opposition actors can bring about necessary democratic changes. The case study will reflect on the key characteristics of the Milošević regime, including the ways in which it enabled the opposition to grow stronger in 2000. Then, the paper will analyze the crucial roles of youth movement Otpor and opposition DOS in the toppling of the government. The conclusion will offer a brief overview of the immediate aftermath of the Revolution to support the claim that this was a key moment for the history of democracy in Serbia. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that the power of democracy lays with the people in the hope to act as an incentive to actors across the globe which are democratizing their regimes.

ТИМОТИЈЕВИЋ, Милош, 1969-
        "Храбри" партизани и "зли" четници : студије о Србији у Другом светском рату : (1941-1945) / Милош Тимотијевић. - Београд : Catena mundi, 2019 (Пирот : Pi-press). - 234 стр. ; 25 cm. - (Библиотека Посебна издања / [Catena mundi, Београд])

Тираж 400. - О аутору: стр. 223-224. - Напомене и библиографске референце уз текст. - Регистар.

ISBN 978-86-6343-110-2
94(497.11)"1941/1945"

COBISS.SR-ID 276209676

Predmet istraživanja, koje je Centar za razvoj civilnog društva (CRCD) uz
podršku Fonda za otvoreno društvo i u partnerstvu sa Skupštinom AP
Vojvodine sproveo tokom aprila 2012, bilo je stanje međunacionalnih odnosa u opštini Temerin. Ovu opštinu u južnoj Bačkoj (28.000 stanovnika)
karakterišu delikatni odnosi između apsolutne srpske etničke većine i brojne
mađarske manjine, koji su tokom poslednje decenije često kulminirali u
gotovo kontinuiranim međuetničkim incidentima. Smešten na krajnjem
obodu relativno homogenog mađarskog etničkog korpusa, a u neposrednoj
blizini Novog Sada, prestonice Šešeljeve „Velike Srbije” i desno radikalizovane srpske omladine, izložen velikim migracionim turbulencijama tokom
više od dva stoleća, Temerin je svojevrsni lakmus za prošle, sadašnje i buduće etničke sukobe u Vojvodini. Poslednji veći migracioni talas izazvan
ratovima u Hrvatskoj i Bosni rezultirao je znatnim povećanjem udela srpskog stanovništva i oštrom podvojenošću između srpske i mađarske zajednice, pre svega među mladima.
Snažan talas međuetničkih incidenata (fizički napadi, verbalni napadi i pretnje,
grafiti, nacionalistički plakati, oskvrnuća i uništavanja crkvene imovine, spomenika i grobalja, uništavanje privatne svojine) zabeležen je u periodu 2003-
2005, da bi gotovo u kontinuitetu incidenti opstajavali i tokom perioda 2008-
2012.

Izdavač:
Centar za razvoj civilnog društva
Zrenjanin, Makedonska 11
www.cdcs.org.rs


Za izdavača:
Vladimir Ilić


Autori:
Vladimir Ilić
Miroslav Keveždi


Urednica:
Snežana Ilić


Prevod na mađarski jezik:
Kécskes István


Prevod na engleski jezik:
Marina Olear


Dizajn i priprema za štampu:
Darko Vuković


Štampa:
ABM Ekonomik, Novi Sad


Tiraž:
500 primeraka

Симо Ц. Ћирковић БИРАНА КОЛОНА (Портрети новинара и штампара) Једна од позитивних особина јаких, расних личности је у томе што могу да се згаде и огорче тако снажно и достојанствено да од свога огорчења направе тренутно садржину живота и стварну снагу. (Иво Андрић) "Кант је доказивао да знање није колекција дарова добијених преко наших чула и ускладиштених у нашем духу као у музеју, него да је, у великом степену, резултат наше сопствене менталне активности; да морамо себе најактивније запослити у истраживању, упоређивању, уједињавању, уопштавању, ако желимо да дођемо до знања" (Карл Р. Попер, Отворено друштво и његови непријатељи)