- Babes-Bolyai University, Faculty of Sociology and Social Work, Department MemberNew Europe College, NEC International Fellow, Post-Docadd
This paper starts from the premise that social space, the state space, is a socially productive territory characterized, among other things, by hierarchical social, economic and political relations. This hierarchical dimension of space... more
This paper starts from the premise that social space, the state space, is a socially productive territory characterized, among other things, by hierarchical social, economic and political relations. This hierarchical dimension of space comes to the fore when researching the urban marginalization of Roma people in Romania. The mechanisms of exclusion employed by the state against Roma groups are situated in a wide range of other policies, among which uneven territorial development ranks chief. As such, this paper seeks to analyse the junction between these processes. It asks the question: how did the process of urban planning reinforce the urban marginalization of Roma people during socialism in Baia Mare? In order to address this question, I mobilize the results of two years of archival research in the city of Baia Mare, coupled with the discursive analysis of this archival material. I perform a diachronic analysis of how Roma people were targeted by state practices of urban marginalization, such as stigmatization, criminalization and repression. I show how the policies of systematisation of Baia Mare shaped the territory of a particular neighbourhood-Hatvan, attempting to manage and control the Roma population there. Throughout the 1960s, Hatvan was considered a focal point for crime. This led to a largescale plan to completely transform the area through evictions, demolitions and the displacement of Roma people. The result was a place that was seen as clean, ordered and lawful social space, which became what is currently known as the Vasile Alecsandri neighbourhood. However, this space continues to this day to be one of social marginalisation, economic deprivation and institutionalised racism.
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This text is a political analysis of the events surrounding the demise of the Austro–Hungarian administration in Transylvania and its replacement by the Romanian one at the end of World War I. It focuses on the months of November and... more
This text is a political analysis of the events surrounding the demise of the Austro–Hungarian administration in Transylvania and its replacement by the Romanian one at the end of World War I. It focuses on the months of November and December 1918. In particular, the text looks at the Romanian paramilitary groups called the National Guards. I argue that in Transylvania in November and December 1918, the National Guards played a pacifying and state-building role, through their repressive and anti-communist function. Unlike the paramilitary phenomenon in the rest of Europe, in Transylvania it was the very counter-revolutionary function of the paramilitary troops that produced constructive and constitutive effects. At the same time, unlike the Romanian historiography, which almost unanimously has seen the role of these troops as only a positive one, I underline the repressive function of the National Guards, which made them act violently against any alternative political projects of th...
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This text re-constructs the evolution of anticommunist ideas and practices during the period of Romania’s ‘great union’, while it also sketches the international context that enabled this evolution. It is a genealogical discourse analysis... more
This text re-constructs the evolution of anticommunist ideas and practices during the period of Romania’s ‘great union’, while it also sketches the international context that enabled this evolution. It is a genealogical discourse analysis that serves for a better understanding of Romania’s present political and social climate. The political, diplomatic and military process of crafting ‘Greater Romania’ between 1918 and 1919 rested fundamentally on the anticommunist discourse. This discourse functioned as a pretext for the armed interventions in the desired territories. It also helped to securitize and pacify these three territories. The Romanian army entered Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Transylvania with the goal of protecting the local population against Bolshevik disorders and ‘anarchy’. The anticommunist discourse evolved from the panic generated by retreating Russian soldiers and the ‘anarchy’ they created towards the fear of contagion with the revolutionary ‘psychosis’. The answer...
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This article deals with denunciations from people in the city of Timişoara, Romania. It focuses on Cristian Brâncovan, a so-called national champion of justice and the author of an online campaign against pickpockets that started in 2016.... more
This article deals with denunciations from people in the city of Timişoara, Romania. It focuses on Cristian Brâncovan, a so-called national champion of justice and the author of an online campaign against pickpockets that started in 2016. He has photographed suspects, published their photographs on his Facebook page, and occasionally harassed them in the street. Most, if not all, of his suspects were of Roma origins. The article also examines denunciations made anonymously to the Timişoara Local Police that the police then use to legitimize the arrests, evictions, and harassment of marginalized groups. Denouncing is regarded as a civic act, one by which the denouncer fulfills his/her/their duty as a citizen and contributes to public order and security. As such, the article highlights the active role of the population at the grassroots level to articulate the discourses and practices of moral panic. I argue that such practices are an instrument through which the Romanian middle class upholds its need for an ethical form of politics. The middle class in Romania uses denunciation as a way to enact, speak, and solicit security during episodes of moral panic. By demanding security, the Romanian middle class enforces a set of “civilized” principles against two distinct, yet related, “others”—the communist past and the underprivileged precariat. In this way, denunciations reinforce the state’s repression against marginal groups.
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What is the relationship between vigilantism on gentrification? As state and private capital actors begin to see urban areas in need of renewal, they also construct those areas as 'dangerous', and their inhabitants as 'criminals'. This... more
What is the relationship between vigilantism on gentrification? As state and private capital actors begin to see urban areas in need of renewal, they also construct those areas as 'dangerous', and their inhabitants as 'criminals'. This gentrification-security nexus has, however, been analyzed mostly as a top-down process, in which it is agents endowed with high levels of political and economic capital that are able to steer urban renewal policies. This paper focuses on agents that emerge from 'the grassroots', and especially on vigilante groups. These groups have far-right or conservatory ideologies. As such, they enact exclusionary practices of security that enforce gentrification. I illustrate this with the case of the City Angels, a group that has contributed to the renewal of Milan's main train station. I show how this group combines security with social work, and at the same time maintains a coercive presence in the train station. The City Angels patrol, deter, denounce and pacify the marginalized people that live around the train station, and ultimately push them out of that area. Vigilantes operate in tandem with the state by creating an appearance of security in the area that they are patrolling. Within this stabilized and domesticated landscape, the state and the real estate developers can operate unhindered. The increased security raises the value of the city scape. It also eliminates or neutralizes those who seen as hindrances to gentrification.
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This text reconstructs the evolution of anticommunist ideas and practices during the period of Romania's 'great union', while it also sketches the international context that enabled this evolution. It is a genealogical discourse analysis... more
This text reconstructs the evolution of anticommunist ideas and practices during the period of Romania's 'great union', while it also sketches the international context that enabled this evolution. It is a genealogical discourse analysis that serves for a better understanding of Romania's present political and social climate. The political, diplomatic and military process of crafting 'Greater Romania' between 1918 and 1919 rested fundamentally on the anticommunist discourse. This discourse functioned as a pretext for the armed interventions in the desired territories. It also helped to securitize and pacify these three territories. The Romanian army entered Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Transylvania with the goal of protecting the local population against Bolshevik disorders and 'anarchy'. The anticommunist discourse evolved from the panic generated by retreating Russian soldiers and the 'anarchy' they created towards the fear of contagion with the revolutionary 'psychosis'. The answer to the communist threat was invariably violent and militaristic in nature. The ideas and issues raised by the communists were never legitimized as a political project but as a crime and a pathology that could destroy society. In this context, what we now refer to as 'the Great Union' was largely the substitution of social and economic projects with the hegemonic narrative of anti-communism .
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This text deals with denunciations from people in the city of Timişoara, Romania. It focuses first on Cristian Brâncovan, a so-called "national champion of justice", who has been leading an online campaign against pickpockets since 2016.... more
This text deals with denunciations from people in the city of Timişoara, Romania. It focuses first on Cristian Brâncovan, a so-called "national champion of justice", who has been leading an online campaign against pickpockets since 2016. He is photographing suspects, publishes their photo on his Facebook page, and occasionally harasses them in the street. Most if not all of his suspects are of Roma origins. Second, the article focuses on anonymous denunciations that the police pick up and use to legitimize arrests, evictions and harassment. I argue that such practices of denunciation, including Brâncovan's campaign, are an instrument through which the Romanian middle class upholds its need for an ethical form of politics. In this way, denunciations reinforce the state's repression against marginal groups. Denouncing is seen as a civic act, one by which the denouncer fulfills their duty as a citizen and contributes to public order and security.
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This paper examines the case of the women who in 2012 were criminalised by the Greek authorities for conducting sex work while living with HIV. Such measures were not only exceptional, but were also serious breaches of human rights.... more
This paper examines the case of the women who in 2012 were criminalised by the Greek authorities for conducting sex work while living with HIV. Such measures were not only exceptional, but were also serious breaches of human rights. Claiming to be taking precautions to protect society from a potential future AIDS epidemic, the state repeatedly disclosed sensitive information and mug shots of the alleged offenders to the media. However, as this paper will show, the authorities’ choice to present the women as dangerous provided an opportunity for controlling more than just this small, ‘deviant’ group. Instead of containing the (perceived) risk, the authorities’ measures led to panic, presenting the women as a threat to the integrity of the Greek family. In linking risk assessment, control of the population and technologies of knowledge, the paper will argue that the women were framed and criminalized as migrants and non-citizens. Moreover, we show that spectacular events, such as the “uncovering” of the seropositive women, set in motion processes of threat articulation and risk prediction.
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In this text, I briefly analyse the ways in which environmental activism is being criminalised and treated as terrorism. I will illustrate the text with instances of such treatment from Romania, Italy, France, Greece, the UK and the US.... more
In this text, I briefly analyse the ways in which environmental activism is being criminalised and treated as terrorism. I will illustrate the text with instances of such treatment from Romania, Italy, France, Greece, the UK and the US. Such a long list of examples is needed in order to argue that the criminalisation of environmental activism is far from being an isolated aspect of one government's policy. It is part of a global trend whereby the contemporary capitalist state is repressing any significant interference in its strategic alliance with multinational companies. It is also part of a global trend in which governments articulate certain forms of civil disobedience as security threats for the infrastructure of the state. In this process, the " terrorist " label functions as the most important alarm that justifies a host of heavy repressive measures against environmental activists. The label of " eco-terrorism " plays a crucial role in cracking down on any form of radical dissent towards the activity of big companies.
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We want to argue here that the success of the extreme right discourses and practices in the current capitalist crisis has to be seen also as a function of the need for security. That is, we cannot explain this success merely in terms of... more
We want to argue here that the success of the extreme right discourses and practices in the current capitalist crisis has to be seen also as a function of the need for security. That is, we cannot explain this success merely in terms of identity politics, state and media propaganda or as an effect of the retreat of redistribution policies. These and other factors may very well make us understand certain aspects of the right-radicalization of certain segments of the population. However, we argue that a strategic analysis must incorporate and comprehend the implications of security as a mechanism of the extreme right. We use the example of the Golden Dawn group in Greece to underline the importance of security demands. We argue that there are two possible tactics that the non-liberal antifascist resistance 1 can use to tackle this: on the one hand, it can provide alternative security projects that are not based on ethnic, race, gender, class or other forms of exclusions, and that deal with the need for safe spaces and body integrity; and on the other hand, it can deconstruct the discourse of security altogether, and point out to the mechanisms through which the need for security is induced by capitalist narratives that emphasize property, merit and hierarchies.
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This paper argues that extremist groups use a mechanism of security to gain legitimacy for their actions. I would like to draw attention to the danger represented by such groups, a danger that goes directly to the heart of the state’s... more
This paper argues that extremist groups use a mechanism
of security to gain legitimacy for their actions. I would
like to draw attention to the danger represented by such
groups, a danger that goes directly to the heart of the
state’s monopoly of violence.
of security to gain legitimacy for their actions. I would
like to draw attention to the danger represented by such
groups, a danger that goes directly to the heart of the
state’s monopoly of violence.
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This paper argues that the rise of anti-immigrant and anti-foreigners violence in Europe in the last years, and their consequential labelling as a threat to the citizens' security, should be seen not only as effects of government... more
This paper argues that the rise of anti-immigrant and anti-foreigners violence in Europe in the last years, and their consequential labelling as a threat to the citizens' security, should be seen not only as effects of government practices. Rather, they should be seen as aspects of deeply embedded social phenomena, through which security and violence are generated and shaped from below, at the level of the society. Violence should be seen as a constitutive force of the community. This paper will then focus on the nexus between security, violence and the sacred. The sacred is able to situate the intrinsic violence of a community in a meaningful context, where its destructive force is converted into the generative force that reinforces the bonds between individuals. The work of Rene Girard on the 'scapegoat' will be used to interpret how violence and the sacred converge in the security demand of the population.
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This paper argues that the rise of anti-immigrant and anti-foreigners violence in Europe in the last years, and their consequential labelling as a threat to the citizens’ security, should be seen not only as effects of government... more
This paper argues that the rise of anti-immigrant and anti-foreigners violence in Europe in the last years, and their consequential labelling as a threat to the citizens’ security, should be seen not only as effects of government practices. Rather, they should be seen as aspects of deeply embedded social phenomena, through which security and violence are generated and shaped from below, at the level of the society. Violence should be seen as a constitutive force of the community. This paper will then focus on the nexus between security, violence and the sacred. The sacred is able to situate the intrinsic violence of a community in a meaningful context, where its destructive force is converted into the generative force that reinforces the bonds between individuals. The work of Rene Girard on the ‘scapegoat’ will be used to interpret how violence and the sacred converge in the security demand of the population.
The purpose of this contribution is to map the current security configuration in Europe, trace changes, predict likely scenarios, and discuss what the OSCE can do to affect which scenario will be realized. To this end, we loosely draw on... more
The purpose of this contribution is to map the current security configuration in Europe, trace changes, predict likely scenarios, and discuss what the OSCE can do to affect which scenario will be realized. To this end, we loosely draw on regional security complex theory (RSCT). Our principal argument is that the basic structure of the European security order is gradually being transformed into a bipolar, conflictual order. This process is reversible, and the OSCE may play a small part in bringing about such a change.
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Our main claim is that, rather than distance, what should define security scholarship is a well-negotiated proximity to practice. A return to practice stresses the need for seeking proximity to the world of practitioners and their... more
Our main claim is that, rather than distance, what should define security scholarship is a well-negotiated proximity to practice. A return to practice stresses the need for seeking proximity to the world of practitioners and their activities, and more carefully listening and talking to those whose lives are at stake. Security from such a perspective is best understood by a focus on the practices constituting security, and the variety of diff used and mundane actions and objects – some of them of a profoundly oppressive character – by which security practice is performed. Security studies then are a project of proximity and close engagement with the flow and the infrastructures of the everyday and the mundane, and those discriminated by security practices.
We draw on contemporary practice theorists and pragmatist thinkers to investigate in more detail the move towards a critical security methodology driven by proximity. We discuss the importance of recognizing and strengthening the multifaceted networks in which research is embedded, the practical value of academic knowledge and how our understanding of theory and methodology transforms from such a perspective. We then proceed to outline how participant observation provides a repository of terms and modes of engagement for negotiating proximity in such a way (section three). Drawing on examples of participant observation on security we explore core dimensions of negotiating proximity.
We draw on contemporary practice theorists and pragmatist thinkers to investigate in more detail the move towards a critical security methodology driven by proximity. We discuss the importance of recognizing and strengthening the multifaceted networks in which research is embedded, the practical value of academic knowledge and how our understanding of theory and methodology transforms from such a perspective. We then proceed to outline how participant observation provides a repository of terms and modes of engagement for negotiating proximity in such a way (section three). Drawing on examples of participant observation on security we explore core dimensions of negotiating proximity.
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This chapter explores the nexus between security and gentrification in the case of the Roma people from Cluj, Romania, who were evicted from their homes in the winter of 2010 and relocated to the slum area of Pata Rât. I argue that the... more
This chapter explores the nexus between security and gentrification in the case of the Roma people from Cluj, Romania, who were evicted from their homes in the winter of 2010 and relocated to the slum area of Pata Rât. I argue that the political economy of urban gentrification is intimately intertwined with mechanisms of exclusion and control through processes of security. I discuss the context of gentrification in post-communist Romania, and how this leads to a dire situation of a ‘housing paradox’ for the Roma people – the impossibility of using the urban space due to systematic exclusions. After discussing the eviction and the relocation as assemblages of security, I highlight the political economy that the Roma perform in the specific urban context of these processes.
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Acest text discuta rolul garzilor nationale romane in Transilvania in lunile noiembrie si decembrie 1918. In climatul volatil ce a urmat destramarii autoritatii imperiale, aceste garzi au functionat ca trupe paramilitare in slujba... more
Acest text discuta rolul garzilor nationale romane in Transilvania in lunile noiembrie si decembrie 1918. In climatul volatil ce a urmat destramarii autoritatii imperiale, aceste garzi au functionat ca trupe paramilitare in slujba Consiliului National Roman. Literatura de specialitate considera aparitia trupelor paramilitare la finalul primului Razboi Mondial ca fiind un fenomen esentialmente distructiv, reactionar si anti-comunist. Istoriografia romana recenta, pe de alta parte, prezinta garzile nationale romane ca fiind cruciale pentru instaurarea administratiei romanesti in Transilvania. Acest studiu propune o a treia interpretare: garzile romane din Transilvania acelor luni au avut un rol de pacificare si consolidare statala tocmai prin functia lor represiva si anti-comunista. Garzile romane au reprimat revoltele taranesti si miscarile muncitoresti ale acelor zile si au fost folosite la mentinerea securitatii, a ordinii si a proprietatii. Mai mult, ele au constituit o forta militara care a permis CNR sa garanteze autonomia Transilvaniei si puterea de negociere atat in raport cu Budapesta cat si cu Iasi/Bucuresti. In fine, aceste garzi au fost un aparat paramilitar care a asigurat suprematia CNR-si de fapt a Partidului National Roman condus de Iuliu Maniu-in fata altor pozitii politice concurente. Garzile nationale romane au fost forta bruta care au asigurat dominatia politica a noii clase conducatoare din Transilvania.
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This text analyzes the ways in which Romanian historiography during the Communist regime (1948 - 1989) presented the war with Hungary from 1919. It will first showcase the internationalist discourse espoused by the Romanian Communists.... more
This text analyzes the ways in which Romanian historiography during the Communist regime (1948 - 1989) presented the war with Hungary from 1919. It will first showcase the internationalist discourse espoused by the Romanian Communists. This discourse took a poignant turn towards nationalism, a move which is explained by two contrasting perspectives: one that highlights the infusion of pre-1945 nationalist ideas, and the other that argues that nationalism is an intrinsic element of Communism. Neither of these perspectives is fully able to capture how the Communist historians presented the 1919 war. This text picks up three different moments of history writing, three books published at different moments in time, in order to illustrate this historiography. Along the emphasis on national struggles, Romanian Communism continued to embrace a concern for social struggles. Historians writing under Communism have tried to balance these two dimensions. The discourse that allowed such a balance was inspired by the ideas of the Romanian Social-Democratic forces of pre-1945. These ideas provided a narrative of the Nation that was more in tune with the Communist dogma than the extreme-right versions of nationalism that ran in parallel. Yet it was one that also had a degree of autonomy from the Soviet Russian based narrative of internationalism. The Social-Democratic discourse enforced the anti-imperialistic stance of the Romanian Communist Party. The existence of this discourse also shows that the nationalism of this Party was not always inspired by Nazi ideas, and one cannot easily draw a parallel between Communism and the far-right.
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Acest text va analiza Războiul Româno-Ungar din 1919 folosind principii extrase din filozofia realismului politic, asa cum a fost ea articulata in disciplina relatiilor internationale. Voi expune pe larg ceea ce am considerat a fi cele... more
Acest text va analiza Războiul Româno-Ungar din 1919 folosind principii extrase din filozofia realismului politic, asa cum a fost ea articulata in disciplina relatiilor internationale. Voi expune pe larg ceea ce am considerat a fi cele cinci teze ale istoriografiei romanesti, care rezulta din viziunea idealista si romantica prezentata in prima parte. Aceste teze referitoare la Razboiul cu Ungaria portretizeaza Romania ca fiind victima agresiunilor ungare, de care a trebuit sa se apere luptand concomitent impotriva nationalismului si comunismului Ungariei, si culminand cu salvarea acesteia prin ocuparea Budapestei. Totodata, aduc laolalta principiile realismului politic cu tezele istoriografiei romanesti si sintetizez o analiza realista a diplomatiei lui Ion I.C. Bratianu si lui Bela Kun in timpul Razboiului din 1919. Arat in cazul amandorura cum politicile lor au fost ghidate de considerente strategice, pe care apoi le-au justificat apeland la principii morale si idealuri nationale.
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This paper asks how the practices of resistance to security performed by homeless people in Budapest can be read using the tools provided by critical security studies. Such a reading is no easy task, since the emphasis on everyday and... more
This paper asks how the practices of resistance to security performed by homeless people in Budapest can be read using the tools provided by critical security studies. Such a reading is no easy task, since the emphasis on everyday and routine practices of security does not sit well with the prevalent view on how resistance to security is possible. This view is focused on exceptional and heroic acts that overshadow the daily struggles of people against security apparatuses.The case of the homeless people in Budapest is suggested as a way of illustrating such struggles. The paper starts by underlining the links between poverty and security and shows how the homeless people are being criminalized in Budapest. The existing debates on resistance and security focus on emancipation, desecuritisation and ambiguity, but they suffer from a heroic view of resistance. This paper shows the pitfalls of such a view, and proposes a look at everyday practices of resistance. In the final section of the paper, these practices are highlighted in the case of Budapest, based on the author's participatory observations.Focusing on everyday struggles renders the homeless people less invisible than the exceptional view.
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Cercetătorii din cadrul mișcării Căși sociale ACUM! pun la dispoziția persoanelor interesate de domeniul locuirii, implicit și la dispoziția decidenților locali din următoarea legislatură, studiul despre Locuirea în Cluj-Napoca, cu scopul... more
Cercetătorii din cadrul mișcării Căși sociale ACUM! pun la dispoziția persoanelor interesate de domeniul locuirii, implicit și la dispoziția decidenților locali din următoarea legislatură, studiul despre Locuirea în Cluj-Napoca, cu scopul de a oferi informații despre acest domeniu, precum și inspirație pentru soluționarea crizei locuirii în acest oraș. [...] Concluzionăm, că în perioade de crize economice, cum este și cea de acum, creșterea fondului de locuințe sociale publice este o intervenție de stat favorabilă atât economiei (sectorul construcțiilor, dar și alte sectoare conexe), cât și oamenilor cărora li se reduc veniturile. Astfel, și în Cluj-Napoca, dezvoltarea acestui fond trebuie să devină o prioritate. Desigur, pe lângă aceasta, există și alte priorități de soluționat. Dar ultimele decenii locuirea a fost cea mai neglijată dintre toate obiectivele investițiilor publice (școli, spitale, drumuri, parcuri, parcări) și că, precum ne arată pandemia Covid-19, locuința este centrală atât din punctul de vedere al protecției sănătății, cât și al locului de muncă și educației școlare. [...] De ce a renunțat primăria din 2015 încoace la construirea de noi locuințe sociale în oraș în timp ce bugetul local a cunoscut o permanentă creștere? De ce nu a mai renovat clădiri goale cu scopul de a le transforma în blocuri cu unități de locuințe sociale? De ce nu a mai negociat cu dezvoltatorii imobiliari beneficiari de bunuri și investiții publice în vederea preluării unui procent din locuințele realizate de aceștia cu scopul de a le distribui potențialilor beneficiari de locuințe sociale? În spatele acestor opțiuni stă modelul de creștere al „orașului magnet” și transformarea Clujului într-o localitate tot mai atractivă pentru afaceri imobiliare, care merge în mână cu politica reducerii maxime a fondului de locuințe sociale și/ sau a investițiilor publice în noi locuințe publice. [...] Datele din studiul nostru arată că producția de locuințe sociale în Cluj-Napoca este financiar fezabilă. Precum am menționat deja, contraargumentele sunt strict de natură politică, iar câștigătorii politicii de demantelare a fondului locativ public sunt cei care au făcut, fac și speră să facă în continuare profit din afaceri imobiliare. Pentru a transforma orașul nostru cu adevărat într-un oraș pentru oameni, nu pentru profit, această politică trebuie să se schimbe prin a face prioritate număr 1 în deceniul care vine din creșterea numărului de locuințe sociale și de alte tipuri de locuințe publice.
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This paper will present and analyse the discourses of the European Union foreign policy in the Black Sea Region. It will look at the European Neighbourhood Policy, at the four Common Spaces with Russia and at the membership negotiations... more
This paper will present and analyse the discourses of the European Union foreign policy in the Black Sea Region. It will look at the European Neighbourhood Policy, at the four Common Spaces with Russia and at the membership negotiations with Turkey; also, it will look at the border mission in Ukraine, the rule of law mission in Georgia and at the Black Synergy. It will argue that the Black Sea Region is constructed as a bordering region of the EU. As such, it lies at the crossroads of several discourses. These discourses make this border region a distinct one. Subsequently, the paper will analyse the way this distinctiveness is translated into practices of security and border control. These practices will be presented and analysed. The paper will conclude by assessing the legitimacy of these practices, and it will claim that they contribute to the legitimacy deficit of the EU.