این کتاب، با نقد دیدگاه‌های دوگانه که اتنیسیتە، مذهب و ناسیونالیسم را به عنوان حوزه‌های مجزا ترس... more این کتاب، با نقد دیدگاه‌های دوگانه که اتنیسیتە، مذهب و ناسیونالیسم را به عنوان حوزه‌های مجزا ترسیم میکنند، نشان میدهد که نه ملی‌گرایی و نه دین، در خاورمیانه به‌صورت جداگانه قابل تحلیل نیستند. تفسیرهای دینی، به‌عنوان یکی از نظام‌های تولید معنا، تحت تأثیر زمینه‌های تاریخی و سیاسی قرار دارند و گفتمان‌های دینی به شکلی پیچیده با فرآیندهای نهادی‌شدن و ملت‌سازی درگیر هستند. با مرور نقش حیاتی و عمیق اسلام در شکل‌گیری دولت-ملت، این اثر، تبیین‌های معرفت‌شناسانه بنیادین دولت-ملت را زیر سؤال برده و بر انعکاس پیچیدگی‌ها و تداخل‌های بین ملی‌گرایی و تفکر دینی در دوره‌های پایانی قرن نوزدهم و ابتدای قرن بیستم در خاورمیانه تمرکز میکند
این سعی دارد کە بر تکیە بر اسناد تاریخی سعی در ارائە خوانشی جدید از پیوند اسلام و ناسیونالیزم در ... more این سعی دارد کە بر تکیە بر اسناد تاریخی سعی در ارائە خوانشی جدید از پیوند اسلام و ناسیونالیزم در تاریخ کوردستان دارد
Kürtler üzerine olanlar da dâhil geç Osmanlı toplumu hakkında yapılan çalışmalar, Müslüman tarihi... more Kürtler üzerine olanlar da dâhil geç Osmanlı toplumu hakkında yapılan çalışmalar, Müslüman tarihini belli bir homojenlik içinde sunma eğilimindedirler. Müslüman milliyetçi düşüncenin, ilgili tarihyazımı içinde bir unsur olarak ele alınması ancak Birinci Dünya Savaşı ve Kemalizmin yükselişinden sonraya denk gelir. "Küçük Asya'nın çeşitli Müslüman halkları" arasındaki tarihsel farklılıklar ve sözüm ona "etnik bilincin olmaması" kesin bir tarihsel olgu olarak sunulur ve Birinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan önce Müslümanlar arasında milliyetçi eğilimlerin mevcut olduğu kesin bir dille reddedilir. Geçmişin bu söylemsel inşasında, Türk milliyetçiliğinin doğuşu "modern Türk devleti"nin kuruluşuyla eş tutulur. Aynı dönem, Ortadoğu'da Müslüman milliyetçiliğinin de doğum tarihi olarak görülür. Bu çalışma, din ve milliyetçilik arasındaki ilişkinin izlerini sürüyor ve yukarıda değinilen yerleşik algıları ve kabulleri sorguluyor. Özellikle geç Osmanlı dünyasındaki bazı İslami düşünce eğilimlerine odaklanarak modern İslami düşünce ile milliyetçilik arasındaki karşılıklı etkiyi inceleyen bu çalışma, on dokuzuncu yüzyılın sonu ile yirminci yüzyılın başlangıcındaki Kürt ve Türk tarihlerindeki karşılıklı ilişkiyi dinsel söylemlerin kullanılma biçimlerini de göz önünde bulundurarak ele alıyor. Milliyetçi söylemler ile dinsel düşüncenin rahatlıkla iç içe geçmesine olanak sağlayan dinsel yorumların esnekliğine ve bunu sağlayan tarihsel arkapılana dikkat çeken kitap dönemin değerlendirilmesiyle ilgili özgün bir yaklaşım sergiliyor.
Opposing a binary perspective that consolidates ethnicity, religion, and nationalism into separat... more Opposing a binary perspective that consolidates ethnicity, religion, and nationalism into separate spheres, this book demonstrates that neither nationalism nor religion can be studied in isolation in the Middle East. Religious interpretation, like other systems of meaning-production, is affected by its historical and political contexts, and the processes of interpretation and religious translation bleed into the institutional discourses and processes of nation-building. This book calls into question the foundational epistemologies of the nation-state by centering on the pivotal and intimate role Islam played in the emergence of the nation-state, showing the entanglements and reciprocities of nationalism and religious thought as they played out in the Middle East.
The present work consists of separate papers that investigate various topics and themes in Islam... more The present work consists of separate papers that investigate various topics and themes in Islamic history, Kurdish studies and dominated and dominant nationalism in the Modern Middle East. These investigations take place in light of a long work on numerous historical documents, which are studied from an interdisciplinary perspective. The author, in his analyses has benefited from theories of nationalism, religion, history as well as discourse studies. For instance, the Islamic revivalist project of sheikh Ubeydullah of Nehri has been analysed by way of a close reading of his poetic work, Masnavi or Tuhfetul al-Ehbab. Similarly, to show a more complex picture of 1918–22 uprising Ismail Agha of Shikak (a.k.a. Simko), this study draws on many memoirs, personal accounts, and other unexplored primary sources.
The 1979 Iranian Revolution and the subsequent formation of the new state brought both Ayatollah ... more The 1979 Iranian Revolution and the subsequent formation of the new state brought both Ayatollah Khomeini and the concept of Velayat-e Faqih (the authority of the jurist) to a worldwide audience. However, the concept itself has a relatively long history in Shi‘i juridical endeavors.
From its inception, the Twelver Shi‘i religion justified its opposition to the dominant Sunni majority and tied its raison d’être to the claim of having access to ‘infallible guidance and leadership. This exclusive spiritual and political leadership became available to Shi‘ism through its belief in the divine leadership of twelve religious figures who were all descendants of the Prophet of Islam.
Abstract The Kurdish language serves as a powerful medium for preserving the Kurdish identity and... more Abstract The Kurdish language serves as a powerful medium for preserving the Kurdish identity and historical narrative. Through poetry, literature, and humor, Kurds express the anguish of displacement, colonial oppression, and the loss of sovereignty. This resilient narrative is deeply shaped by the forced assimilation and suppression under ruling powers, like the daily Iranian national anthem ritual that denies Kurdish autonomy. Humor and irony, often theological, highlight a sense of divine neglect, as seen in stories and poems where God is portrayed as indifferent to Kurdish suffering. Poets like Sherko Bêkas, Hajar, and Hêmin Mukryani utilize the Kurdish language as a form of resistance, affirming Kurdish rights and challenging religious and political hegemonies. Through geographical and linguistic expressions, Kurds maintain a continuous cultural and political stance against colonial borders and advocate for a reclaimed Kurdistan, turning everyday language into a powerful act of decolonization.
I had never seen him before, but the echo of his gentle voice danced through the air, carried by ... more I had never seen him before, but the echo of his gentle voice danced through the air, carried by whispers that wafted through the vicinity of our villages. When the lamentable news of his passing reached me, it hit me deep inside. For my generation, such deaths go beyond mere mortality. They are not commonplace deaths. It is not just the passing of a singer like Rassu Mamo, who embodies the artistic soul of my people, vanishing into the shadows like countless Kurdish departures every day. No, these deaths hold a weight far beyond the personal. They stand as poignant symbols of a living nation caught in the throes of an enduring crisis. In life and in death, these singers become a symbol of a nation on the brink. A people oppressed by the political, cultural and linguistic colonization of the ruling state. Their existence, their art, their songsall are battlegrounds in a struggle against an oppressive power.
Inspirado en los estudios académicos sobre Palestina, y
en particular en la teoría del “desdesar... more Inspirado en los estudios académicos sobre Palestina, y en particular en la teoría del “desdesarrollo” de Sara Roy, el presente artículo investiga de qué manera la etnonación soberana de Irán dirige y distorsiona el desarrollo para subyugar a la nación kurda, que es una minoría. Además de contextualizar la teoría del desdesarrollo en la disciplina de los estudios del desarrollo y de esbozar cómo funciona el desdesarrollo en la práctica, comparamos las condiciones político-económicas de Rojhelat (Kurdistán oriental/Irán) con las de Palestina para subrayar las similitudes y las diferencias clave entre ambos casos.
Often, in the midst of an experience, its true peril eludes us, concealed in the heat of the mome... more Often, in the midst of an experience, its true peril eludes us, concealed in the heat of the moment. Yet, upon contemplation or when another articulates the gravity of the danger, a profound, icy fear pervades one's being.
In this paper, I will examine the influence of nationalism and colonial racial theories on modern... more In this paper, I will examine the influence of nationalism and colonial racial theories on modern Islamic thought in Muslim South Asia and the Middle East. I argue that modern Islamic thought-a new way of conceiving Islam that began in the late nineteenth century-has some basic features that reveal the influence of Western colonial discourse, racial theories, and nationalism. I will provide many examples that show how contemporary Islamic thought has internalized the colonial discourse on religion, nation, and state. In particular, I will discuss the influence of nationalism on Islamism and how Islamists believe that a "true" Islamic life requires the creation of an Islamic state. But modern states are essentially limited, and national interests determine their relations with the outside world. An Islamic state cannot be an exception to the latter rule. Therefore, Islamic principles cannot determine an Islamic state's domestic and foreign policies; ultimately, it would have to function like a nation-state. Through a brief discussion of the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) and Turkey, I will also show how the discourse of these states is nationalist in practice and that the national interest of these states determines their foreign and domestic policies.
On 17 June 2017, Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, called on pro-... more On 17 June 2017, Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, called on pro-regime vigilantes to 'fire at will' or to act on their own discretion in putting the state's Islamic teaching into practice without the need to consult either their superiors or the relevant authorities. Our article argues that, since 1979, the policy of 'firing at will' has been the defining feature of the Islamic Republic's model of governance and corresponds to the spirit of its constitution. Inspired by the scholarship on disciplinary policies, this article seeks to contextualize the 'firing at will' policy within the ethno-religious and racial discourse embodied in and warranted by the Islamic Republic's constitution. Finally, by discussing the state's violent treatment of Kurdish kolbers (cross-border laborers), we will show how the Iranian state's internal colonial policies have engendered a state of exception and normalized the daily spectacle of violence in Eastern Kurdistan.
Jina Amini fue asesinada por portar “de manera inapropiada” su velo; en realidad, sobre ella pesa... more Jina Amini fue asesinada por portar “de manera inapropiada” su velo; en realidad, sobre ella pesaba una triple condena desde hacía mucho antes, cuando nació mujer, kurda y sunita en un país en el que una Constitución sostiene sobre principios androcéntricos, etnorreligiosos y raciales un poder que criminaliza y excluye a quien no cumple con dichos principios.
This paper investigates the ways in which the nationalist narrative of the statist archaeology in... more This paper investigates the ways in which the nationalist narrative of the statist archaeology in Iran has contributed to the dominant nationalist discourse in systematic attempts to erase any evidence of the existence of a "non-Aryan" past in the Iranian plateau. Sponsored by the state, ethnoracial archaeological studies in Iran have functioned as a powerful instrument for constructing a desired past, one that is informed by Persianist primordial nationalism. To justify the state's concurrent homogenization policies, Iranian archaeology has ascribed a sole historical agency to the Persian ethnie. Iranian archaeological studies have been employed by the Persianist intelligentsia and the state for propagating the idea of the singularity of "the nation"-one in which nonsovereign communities have no history, identity, or culture. Building on emergent decolonized literature on archaeology, this paper aims to interrogate some of the fundamental premises of nationalist archaeological studies in Iran.
Textualizing the Ethno-Religious Sovereign Race, Ethnicity, Nationalism in the Perso-Islamic Textbooks, 2021
Don't beat me for singing; I am a Kurd; my ancestors have left us with their love, pains, struggl... more Don't beat me for singing; I am a Kurd; my ancestors have left us with their love, pains, struggles, and existence through their songs. I shall sing and you must listen to my songs.-Farzad Kamangar (the executed Kurdish teacher), A Letter to the Prison Guard. The creation of a national hegemony often involves a hegemony of language.-Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism. It would be quite futile to inquire whether racist theories have emanated chiefly from the elites…. It is, however, quite clear that they are 'rationalized' by intellectuals.-Etienne Balibar, Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities. This paper is a study of the Islamic Republic of Iran's Frist to Twelve grade textbooks. This paper examines issues of language, race, ethnicity, and religious nationalism in textbooks, and to cast light on how the state in Iran has striven to Perso-Shi'ify the polity through its education system. The official textbooks depict the sovereign community (Persians) as the sole agent of history. The state considers alternative (unofficial) narratives treasonous. This is an in-depth study of how Iran's state-sanctioned textbooks, their situatedness, and the contextual knowledge gained from them offer revealing points of interpretation, illuminating the foundation of the existing structural ethno-linguistic dividing lines, and shows that Islamism, as the governing bounded logic implanted in textbooks, lends solidity to racial theories and historiographies. This study sporadically discusses the views and experiences of a number of Kurdish school teachers with whom we could conduct in-depth interviews.
Since the establishment of the modern nation-state in Iran in the early twentieth century, the st... more Since the establishment of the modern nation-state in Iran in the early twentieth century, the state has viewed Kurds and their political struggle for survival as an existential threat to its integrity. The Islamic Republic’s coming to power – after the1979 Revolution – gravely intensified the state’s securitisation policies in the Eastern Kurdistan (also known as Rojhelat). This article, thus, investigates the Islamic Republic’s anti-Kurdish strategies starting immediately after the Revolution. Those policies can be best characterised as an exclusionary inclusion. In this liminal sphere of political life, Kurds are subjugated to the daily struggle of preservation of their identity. This paper casts light on the state’s assimilatory strategies in Eastern Kurdistan exerted through militarisation, minoritisation, and a steady cultural and demographic transformation of the region.
Through the investigation of kolberi (cross-border labor), this paper sheds light on the state's ... more Through the investigation of kolberi (cross-border labor), this paper sheds light on the state's policy of de-development (or internal colonialization) of the Kurdish region (known as Rojhelat) in Iran. While the most dangerous form of labor, kolberi has become a dominant employment opportunity for Rojhelat Kurds in the last decade. There are no Iranian state laws criminalizing kolberi, and yet those laborers die on a regular basis-being shot or thrown off mountain cliffs by the state forces, stepping into minefields, and so forth. Nevertheless, there is not a single scholarly paper on this subject. Using the mixed methods research approach, our study analyzes the existing data along with in-depth interviews with 20 people who are currently engaged in kolberi to contextualize this under-studied phenomenon. Our finding demonstrates that kolberi is a direct outcome of a uni-ethno-religious policies of development and part and parcel of the state's Perso-Shi'ification strategy in Kurdistan. Therefore, kolberi is more of a political phenomenon than an economic one. K E Y W O R D S apartheid economy, kolberi, Kurdistan, mixed methods research, Perso-Shi'i state 1 | INTRODUC TI ON In his 1965 work, Pablo González Casanova describes internal colonialism as the "rule of one ethnic group … over other such groups living within the continuous boundaries of a single state" (pp. 130-132). Casanova employed the concept in the context of multi-ethnic societies. For him, then, internal colonial relations are not necessarily
این کتاب، با نقد دیدگاه‌های دوگانه که اتنیسیتە، مذهب و ناسیونالیسم را به عنوان حوزه‌های مجزا ترس... more این کتاب، با نقد دیدگاه‌های دوگانه که اتنیسیتە، مذهب و ناسیونالیسم را به عنوان حوزه‌های مجزا ترسیم میکنند، نشان میدهد که نه ملی‌گرایی و نه دین، در خاورمیانه به‌صورت جداگانه قابل تحلیل نیستند. تفسیرهای دینی، به‌عنوان یکی از نظام‌های تولید معنا، تحت تأثیر زمینه‌های تاریخی و سیاسی قرار دارند و گفتمان‌های دینی به شکلی پیچیده با فرآیندهای نهادی‌شدن و ملت‌سازی درگیر هستند. با مرور نقش حیاتی و عمیق اسلام در شکل‌گیری دولت-ملت، این اثر، تبیین‌های معرفت‌شناسانه بنیادین دولت-ملت را زیر سؤال برده و بر انعکاس پیچیدگی‌ها و تداخل‌های بین ملی‌گرایی و تفکر دینی در دوره‌های پایانی قرن نوزدهم و ابتدای قرن بیستم در خاورمیانه تمرکز میکند
این سعی دارد کە بر تکیە بر اسناد تاریخی سعی در ارائە خوانشی جدید از پیوند اسلام و ناسیونالیزم در ... more این سعی دارد کە بر تکیە بر اسناد تاریخی سعی در ارائە خوانشی جدید از پیوند اسلام و ناسیونالیزم در تاریخ کوردستان دارد
Kürtler üzerine olanlar da dâhil geç Osmanlı toplumu hakkında yapılan çalışmalar, Müslüman tarihi... more Kürtler üzerine olanlar da dâhil geç Osmanlı toplumu hakkında yapılan çalışmalar, Müslüman tarihini belli bir homojenlik içinde sunma eğilimindedirler. Müslüman milliyetçi düşüncenin, ilgili tarihyazımı içinde bir unsur olarak ele alınması ancak Birinci Dünya Savaşı ve Kemalizmin yükselişinden sonraya denk gelir. "Küçük Asya'nın çeşitli Müslüman halkları" arasındaki tarihsel farklılıklar ve sözüm ona "etnik bilincin olmaması" kesin bir tarihsel olgu olarak sunulur ve Birinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan önce Müslümanlar arasında milliyetçi eğilimlerin mevcut olduğu kesin bir dille reddedilir. Geçmişin bu söylemsel inşasında, Türk milliyetçiliğinin doğuşu "modern Türk devleti"nin kuruluşuyla eş tutulur. Aynı dönem, Ortadoğu'da Müslüman milliyetçiliğinin de doğum tarihi olarak görülür. Bu çalışma, din ve milliyetçilik arasındaki ilişkinin izlerini sürüyor ve yukarıda değinilen yerleşik algıları ve kabulleri sorguluyor. Özellikle geç Osmanlı dünyasındaki bazı İslami düşünce eğilimlerine odaklanarak modern İslami düşünce ile milliyetçilik arasındaki karşılıklı etkiyi inceleyen bu çalışma, on dokuzuncu yüzyılın sonu ile yirminci yüzyılın başlangıcındaki Kürt ve Türk tarihlerindeki karşılıklı ilişkiyi dinsel söylemlerin kullanılma biçimlerini de göz önünde bulundurarak ele alıyor. Milliyetçi söylemler ile dinsel düşüncenin rahatlıkla iç içe geçmesine olanak sağlayan dinsel yorumların esnekliğine ve bunu sağlayan tarihsel arkapılana dikkat çeken kitap dönemin değerlendirilmesiyle ilgili özgün bir yaklaşım sergiliyor.
Opposing a binary perspective that consolidates ethnicity, religion, and nationalism into separat... more Opposing a binary perspective that consolidates ethnicity, religion, and nationalism into separate spheres, this book demonstrates that neither nationalism nor religion can be studied in isolation in the Middle East. Religious interpretation, like other systems of meaning-production, is affected by its historical and political contexts, and the processes of interpretation and religious translation bleed into the institutional discourses and processes of nation-building. This book calls into question the foundational epistemologies of the nation-state by centering on the pivotal and intimate role Islam played in the emergence of the nation-state, showing the entanglements and reciprocities of nationalism and religious thought as they played out in the Middle East.
The present work consists of separate papers that investigate various topics and themes in Islam... more The present work consists of separate papers that investigate various topics and themes in Islamic history, Kurdish studies and dominated and dominant nationalism in the Modern Middle East. These investigations take place in light of a long work on numerous historical documents, which are studied from an interdisciplinary perspective. The author, in his analyses has benefited from theories of nationalism, religion, history as well as discourse studies. For instance, the Islamic revivalist project of sheikh Ubeydullah of Nehri has been analysed by way of a close reading of his poetic work, Masnavi or Tuhfetul al-Ehbab. Similarly, to show a more complex picture of 1918–22 uprising Ismail Agha of Shikak (a.k.a. Simko), this study draws on many memoirs, personal accounts, and other unexplored primary sources.
The 1979 Iranian Revolution and the subsequent formation of the new state brought both Ayatollah ... more The 1979 Iranian Revolution and the subsequent formation of the new state brought both Ayatollah Khomeini and the concept of Velayat-e Faqih (the authority of the jurist) to a worldwide audience. However, the concept itself has a relatively long history in Shi‘i juridical endeavors.
From its inception, the Twelver Shi‘i religion justified its opposition to the dominant Sunni majority and tied its raison d’être to the claim of having access to ‘infallible guidance and leadership. This exclusive spiritual and political leadership became available to Shi‘ism through its belief in the divine leadership of twelve religious figures who were all descendants of the Prophet of Islam.
Abstract The Kurdish language serves as a powerful medium for preserving the Kurdish identity and... more Abstract The Kurdish language serves as a powerful medium for preserving the Kurdish identity and historical narrative. Through poetry, literature, and humor, Kurds express the anguish of displacement, colonial oppression, and the loss of sovereignty. This resilient narrative is deeply shaped by the forced assimilation and suppression under ruling powers, like the daily Iranian national anthem ritual that denies Kurdish autonomy. Humor and irony, often theological, highlight a sense of divine neglect, as seen in stories and poems where God is portrayed as indifferent to Kurdish suffering. Poets like Sherko Bêkas, Hajar, and Hêmin Mukryani utilize the Kurdish language as a form of resistance, affirming Kurdish rights and challenging religious and political hegemonies. Through geographical and linguistic expressions, Kurds maintain a continuous cultural and political stance against colonial borders and advocate for a reclaimed Kurdistan, turning everyday language into a powerful act of decolonization.
I had never seen him before, but the echo of his gentle voice danced through the air, carried by ... more I had never seen him before, but the echo of his gentle voice danced through the air, carried by whispers that wafted through the vicinity of our villages. When the lamentable news of his passing reached me, it hit me deep inside. For my generation, such deaths go beyond mere mortality. They are not commonplace deaths. It is not just the passing of a singer like Rassu Mamo, who embodies the artistic soul of my people, vanishing into the shadows like countless Kurdish departures every day. No, these deaths hold a weight far beyond the personal. They stand as poignant symbols of a living nation caught in the throes of an enduring crisis. In life and in death, these singers become a symbol of a nation on the brink. A people oppressed by the political, cultural and linguistic colonization of the ruling state. Their existence, their art, their songsall are battlegrounds in a struggle against an oppressive power.
Inspirado en los estudios académicos sobre Palestina, y
en particular en la teoría del “desdesar... more Inspirado en los estudios académicos sobre Palestina, y en particular en la teoría del “desdesarrollo” de Sara Roy, el presente artículo investiga de qué manera la etnonación soberana de Irán dirige y distorsiona el desarrollo para subyugar a la nación kurda, que es una minoría. Además de contextualizar la teoría del desdesarrollo en la disciplina de los estudios del desarrollo y de esbozar cómo funciona el desdesarrollo en la práctica, comparamos las condiciones político-económicas de Rojhelat (Kurdistán oriental/Irán) con las de Palestina para subrayar las similitudes y las diferencias clave entre ambos casos.
Often, in the midst of an experience, its true peril eludes us, concealed in the heat of the mome... more Often, in the midst of an experience, its true peril eludes us, concealed in the heat of the moment. Yet, upon contemplation or when another articulates the gravity of the danger, a profound, icy fear pervades one's being.
In this paper, I will examine the influence of nationalism and colonial racial theories on modern... more In this paper, I will examine the influence of nationalism and colonial racial theories on modern Islamic thought in Muslim South Asia and the Middle East. I argue that modern Islamic thought-a new way of conceiving Islam that began in the late nineteenth century-has some basic features that reveal the influence of Western colonial discourse, racial theories, and nationalism. I will provide many examples that show how contemporary Islamic thought has internalized the colonial discourse on religion, nation, and state. In particular, I will discuss the influence of nationalism on Islamism and how Islamists believe that a "true" Islamic life requires the creation of an Islamic state. But modern states are essentially limited, and national interests determine their relations with the outside world. An Islamic state cannot be an exception to the latter rule. Therefore, Islamic principles cannot determine an Islamic state's domestic and foreign policies; ultimately, it would have to function like a nation-state. Through a brief discussion of the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) and Turkey, I will also show how the discourse of these states is nationalist in practice and that the national interest of these states determines their foreign and domestic policies.
On 17 June 2017, Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, called on pro-... more On 17 June 2017, Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, called on pro-regime vigilantes to 'fire at will' or to act on their own discretion in putting the state's Islamic teaching into practice without the need to consult either their superiors or the relevant authorities. Our article argues that, since 1979, the policy of 'firing at will' has been the defining feature of the Islamic Republic's model of governance and corresponds to the spirit of its constitution. Inspired by the scholarship on disciplinary policies, this article seeks to contextualize the 'firing at will' policy within the ethno-religious and racial discourse embodied in and warranted by the Islamic Republic's constitution. Finally, by discussing the state's violent treatment of Kurdish kolbers (cross-border laborers), we will show how the Iranian state's internal colonial policies have engendered a state of exception and normalized the daily spectacle of violence in Eastern Kurdistan.
Jina Amini fue asesinada por portar “de manera inapropiada” su velo; en realidad, sobre ella pesa... more Jina Amini fue asesinada por portar “de manera inapropiada” su velo; en realidad, sobre ella pesaba una triple condena desde hacía mucho antes, cuando nació mujer, kurda y sunita en un país en el que una Constitución sostiene sobre principios androcéntricos, etnorreligiosos y raciales un poder que criminaliza y excluye a quien no cumple con dichos principios.
This paper investigates the ways in which the nationalist narrative of the statist archaeology in... more This paper investigates the ways in which the nationalist narrative of the statist archaeology in Iran has contributed to the dominant nationalist discourse in systematic attempts to erase any evidence of the existence of a "non-Aryan" past in the Iranian plateau. Sponsored by the state, ethnoracial archaeological studies in Iran have functioned as a powerful instrument for constructing a desired past, one that is informed by Persianist primordial nationalism. To justify the state's concurrent homogenization policies, Iranian archaeology has ascribed a sole historical agency to the Persian ethnie. Iranian archaeological studies have been employed by the Persianist intelligentsia and the state for propagating the idea of the singularity of "the nation"-one in which nonsovereign communities have no history, identity, or culture. Building on emergent decolonized literature on archaeology, this paper aims to interrogate some of the fundamental premises of nationalist archaeological studies in Iran.
Textualizing the Ethno-Religious Sovereign Race, Ethnicity, Nationalism in the Perso-Islamic Textbooks, 2021
Don't beat me for singing; I am a Kurd; my ancestors have left us with their love, pains, struggl... more Don't beat me for singing; I am a Kurd; my ancestors have left us with their love, pains, struggles, and existence through their songs. I shall sing and you must listen to my songs.-Farzad Kamangar (the executed Kurdish teacher), A Letter to the Prison Guard. The creation of a national hegemony often involves a hegemony of language.-Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism. It would be quite futile to inquire whether racist theories have emanated chiefly from the elites…. It is, however, quite clear that they are 'rationalized' by intellectuals.-Etienne Balibar, Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities. This paper is a study of the Islamic Republic of Iran's Frist to Twelve grade textbooks. This paper examines issues of language, race, ethnicity, and religious nationalism in textbooks, and to cast light on how the state in Iran has striven to Perso-Shi'ify the polity through its education system. The official textbooks depict the sovereign community (Persians) as the sole agent of history. The state considers alternative (unofficial) narratives treasonous. This is an in-depth study of how Iran's state-sanctioned textbooks, their situatedness, and the contextual knowledge gained from them offer revealing points of interpretation, illuminating the foundation of the existing structural ethno-linguistic dividing lines, and shows that Islamism, as the governing bounded logic implanted in textbooks, lends solidity to racial theories and historiographies. This study sporadically discusses the views and experiences of a number of Kurdish school teachers with whom we could conduct in-depth interviews.
Since the establishment of the modern nation-state in Iran in the early twentieth century, the st... more Since the establishment of the modern nation-state in Iran in the early twentieth century, the state has viewed Kurds and their political struggle for survival as an existential threat to its integrity. The Islamic Republic’s coming to power – after the1979 Revolution – gravely intensified the state’s securitisation policies in the Eastern Kurdistan (also known as Rojhelat). This article, thus, investigates the Islamic Republic’s anti-Kurdish strategies starting immediately after the Revolution. Those policies can be best characterised as an exclusionary inclusion. In this liminal sphere of political life, Kurds are subjugated to the daily struggle of preservation of their identity. This paper casts light on the state’s assimilatory strategies in Eastern Kurdistan exerted through militarisation, minoritisation, and a steady cultural and demographic transformation of the region.
Through the investigation of kolberi (cross-border labor), this paper sheds light on the state's ... more Through the investigation of kolberi (cross-border labor), this paper sheds light on the state's policy of de-development (or internal colonialization) of the Kurdish region (known as Rojhelat) in Iran. While the most dangerous form of labor, kolberi has become a dominant employment opportunity for Rojhelat Kurds in the last decade. There are no Iranian state laws criminalizing kolberi, and yet those laborers die on a regular basis-being shot or thrown off mountain cliffs by the state forces, stepping into minefields, and so forth. Nevertheless, there is not a single scholarly paper on this subject. Using the mixed methods research approach, our study analyzes the existing data along with in-depth interviews with 20 people who are currently engaged in kolberi to contextualize this under-studied phenomenon. Our finding demonstrates that kolberi is a direct outcome of a uni-ethno-religious policies of development and part and parcel of the state's Perso-Shi'ification strategy in Kurdistan. Therefore, kolberi is more of a political phenomenon than an economic one. K E Y W O R D S apartheid economy, kolberi, Kurdistan, mixed methods research, Perso-Shi'i state 1 | INTRODUC TI ON In his 1965 work, Pablo González Casanova describes internal colonialism as the "rule of one ethnic group … over other such groups living within the continuous boundaries of a single state" (pp. 130-132). Casanova employed the concept in the context of multi-ethnic societies. For him, then, internal colonial relations are not necessarily
Since the 1979 Revolution, the Iranian state has adopted a sophisticated set of policies to assim... more Since the 1979 Revolution, the Iranian state has adopted a sophisticated set of policies to assimilate the Eastern Kurds. The Kurds are often the main target of the Iranian state’s military operations, its assimilatory strategies, and its regime of surveillance. After the ‘conquest’ (fath) of Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhelat) in 1979, the state tried to retain control over the region through systemic militarisation, the establishment of ‘revolutionary institutions’, and new religious and cultural centres, to transform the demographic, religious and cultural profile of Kurdistan. This paper is an attempt to illuminate the state’s religious nationalism and various forms of assimilatory strategies that the Islamic Republic of Iran has employed to transform Kurdish regions.
Since the late 19th century, despite multi-cultural and multilingual composition of Iranian popu... more Since the late 19th century, despite multi-cultural and multilingual composition of Iranian population, Persian nationalism has functioned as the ideology of the state. Persian intelligentsia have formulated a set of historical and cultural referents that enabled them to present the Persian language and identity as primordial and all-inclusive of all Iranians. By the advent of the modern nation-state, during Pahlavi dynasty, the non-Persian identities were brutally repressed in favor of the “One Country, One Nation, and One Language” policy. Through the adoption of such a policy and with the help of Persian intellectual and literati classes, the state was able to impose Persian identity as the singular “Iranian identity” and systematically marginalize and criminalize the non-Persian identities, treating them as “manufactured ethnic identities.” Being declared as “manufactured,” non-Persian identities are consequently perceived as constant threats to the territorial integrity and ideological monologue of the sovereign. This paper, therefore, aims to critically reassess “Iranian identity” and its production of “internal colonized Other.” It argues that through such an “internal othering” that Persian nationalism, backed by the combined force of a military and “privileged epistemology” has generated and sustained “the process of internal colonization.”
(2019), “Interrogating the Tribal: the aporia of ‘tribalism’ in the sociological study of the Mi... more (2019), “Interrogating the Tribal: the aporia of ‘tribalism’ in the sociological study of the Middle East”, British Journal of Sociology, 70 (5), 1799-1824.
In this paper, we intend to deconstruct the term ‘tribalism’ as a colonial category, which figures as a prominent concept in social studies on Kurds as well as the Middle East at large. Blithely used, tribalism has occupied a central place, especially in the existing scholarship on Kurdistan. Some earlier anthropological works have gone so far as to regard tribalism as the ‘DNA’ of Middle Eastern people. Drawing on recent studies on Latin America, Africa and Central Asia, we argue that the use of tribalism as if it is the natural constitution of Kurdish society has caused a significant misrepresentation and oversimplification of socio‐political life in Kurdistan as well as the broader Middle East. In a way, the existing body of scholarship on this region has reproduced statist‐nationalist discourses at the expense of dominated communities (e.g., Kurds). The historical context of both colonial powers and nation‐states ‘combating tribes and tribalism’ coincided with the emergence of the discourse of racial biopolitics. Thus, the use of the term tribalism to define certain nations or ethnic groups should not be viewed as merely an application of socio‐anthropological categories. Hence, we argue that the ethical aspects and implications of the use of tribalism by both colonial powers and later by the nation‐state to define certain ethnic groups must not be overlooked.
The Journal of Critical Global South Studies, 2019
Abstract: This paper examines the religio-political views of Sheikh Ubeydullah of Nehri, the lead... more Abstract: This paper examines the religio-political views of Sheikh Ubeydullah of Nehri, the leader of the 1880 Kurdish uprising. The paper makes use of new primary sources, which allow for offering a more coherent picture of the scopes and limits of Sheikh Ubeydullah’s views on a number of key issues, especially on topics of religious universalism and tolerance, Kurdish education, and Kurdish nationalism. The paper uses archival research and primary sources of his alleged anti-Christian views similar to those found among Turks drove the Sheik’s uprising. Instead, the paper argues that his views contrasted sharply with these and were, instead, rooted more in a Rumi-type religious universalism that was actually more hospitable to Christians. This paper particularly focuses on the Sheikh’s relation with non-Muslims and makes extensive use of the transcriptions of a two and an hour conversation between the Sheikh and an American missionary figure. This lengthy conversation unveils much about the motivations behind the 1880 Kurdish uprising and touches upon Ubeydullah previously unknown and, interestingly, unorthodox thoughts about religious universalism and religious tolerance.
Abstract: This article investigates the centrality of language in the Qur’ānic story of Adam as a... more Abstract: This article investigates the centrality of language in the Qur’ānic story of Adam as a human being or insān. Based on the Qur’ān’s view of human creation, Adam emerges as a creature who is uniquely capable of naming things. Analyzing the semantic difference between the two key concepts of insān and bashar, I argue that the human being as khalīfa is the “successor” to non-speaking creatures rather than a successor to God, as is commonly understood. The appearance of the concept of insān in the Qur’ānic model of creation refers primarily to the creation of a speaking animal. Hence, the Qur’ānic use of the term khalīfa should also be seen as signifying an evolutionary stage in humanity’s social life on earth rather than providing the basis for a political institution. Understanding the concept of khalīfa in the light of the human acquisition of language instead of mastery over God’s earthly creation leads to a fundamentally different picture of political sovereignty in Islam from that held by proponents of political Islam.
This article focuses on the uprising in 1918–22 of Ismail Agha of Shikak (a.k.a. Simko) in Irania... more This article focuses on the uprising in 1918–22 of Ismail Agha of Shikak (a.k.a. Simko) in Iranian Kurdistan and how he has been portrayed in Persian historiography. Painting Simko simply as another Kurdish rebellious chief with no nationalist aspirations leaves important questions unanswered. Simko introduced a number of firsts in Kurdish political history to Iranian Kurdistan, yet his innovations have generally been overlooked. Simko was conscious of, informed by, and founded his politics upon the communal distinctions deemed to legitimize varying degrees of Kurdish self-rule. In addition to his political and military activities, Simko co-founded the first Kurdish school in Iran, published the first Kurdish-Persian newspaper, and made Kurdish the official medium of his reign. This article draws on memoirs, personal accounts, and other unexplored primary documents to show a more complex picture of Simko’s resistance, problematizes some idées reçues about Simko and his ethno-nationalism, and explores inconsistencies in the existing literature on the subject.
Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies R&D, 2017
Soleimani, Kamal (2017), “Modern Islamic Political Thought, ‘Islamism’ and Nationalism”, Journal ... more Soleimani, Kamal (2017), “Modern Islamic Political Thought, ‘Islamism’ and Nationalism”, Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies R&D. 2 (1), 1-16.
This paper theorizes the nexus between “Islamism” and nationalism, showing that neither nationalism nor religion(s) can be studied in isolation. I argue that Islamism is unable to conceive of a political system beyond the nation-state and appears to have internalized the political boundaries imposed by the discourse of the nation-state. Such internalization, in turn, affects the Islamist understanding of umma and similar ‘universalist’ concepts. My paper insists on a keen attention to context in the analysis of religious interpretations. Despite elements of continuity in religious thought, contextual influences transform the practice of religious interpretation and mark it with temporal specificity. Muhammad Iqbal (1877 –1938) once noted that “the task before the modern Muslim is, therefore, immense. He has to rethink the whole system of Islam without completely breaking with the past.” However, such a rethinking is not homogeneous and bears the mark of interaction with specific socio-historical contexts; religious thought in the era of nationalism was affected by its context as much as it affected the context itself. This dialectic manifested itself as reciprocity and mutual entanglement. In this paper, I explore these entanglements and reciprocities of nationalism and Islamism.
چکیدە
این مقاله مطالعەای است در خصوص کتب درسی جمهوری اسلامی ایران کلاس اول تا دوازدهم. این نوشتە ... more چکیدە این مقاله مطالعەای است در خصوص کتب درسی جمهوری اسلامی ایران کلاس اول تا دوازدهم. این نوشتە به بڕسی مسائلی مانند زبان، نژاد، اتنیسیتە و ناسیونالیسم مذهبی در کتابهای درسی میپردازد تا روشن سازد کە چگونە دولت در ایران برای فارسی_شیعی کردن جامعە از طریق سیستم آموزشی سخت در تلاش است. کتب رسمی درسی، جامعەی حاکم (فارسها) را به عنوان تنها کنشگر و عامل در تاریخ ایران به تصویر میکشند. دولت ارائە هر گونە روایت جایگزین (غیر رسمی) خارج از این چارچوب را خیانت بە "کشو" میداند. این مقالە، مطالعەی عمیقی است که نشان میدهد کتاب های درسی تالیف دولت ایران، جایگاه آنها و دانش زمینەای که از آنها به دست می آید، چگونه نکات آشکار تفسیری را ارائه میدهد، بنیان خطوط تقسیم کنندە اتنوزبانی ساختاری را روشن میکند و نشان میدهد که اسلامگرایی به عنوان منطق حاکم بر کتاب های درسی، به این نظریه های نژادی و تاریخ نگاریها استحکام میبخشد. در چند جای این مطالعه، نظرات و تجربیات تعدادی از معلمان کورد را که توانستیم با آنها مصاحبەهای عمیقی انجام دهیم، مورد بحث و بڕرسی قرار دادەایم.
Bu makale, İran İslam Cumhuriyeti'nin birinci ile on ikinci sınıf ders kitaplarının bir incelemes... more Bu makale, İran İslam Cumhuriyeti'nin birinci ile on ikinci sınıf ders kitaplarının bir incelemesidir. Makale, İran devletinin eğitim sistemi aracılığıyla devleti nasıl Pers/Fars-Şiileştirmeye çalıştığına ışık tutmak için resmi ders kitaplarındaki dil, ırk, etnisite ve dini milliyetçilik konularını incelemektedir. Resmi ders kitapları egemen topluluğu (Farslar) tarihin tek faili olarak tasvir etmektedir. Mevcut İran yönetimi, alternatif (resmi olmayan) anlatıları ihanet olarak görmektedir. Bu nedenle elinizdeki makale, İran’ın devlet onaylı ders kitaplarının, bu kitapların konumlarının ve bunlardan edinilen bilginin, var olan yapısal etnolinguistik ayrım çizgilerinin temelini aydınlatan açıklama noktaları sunduğunu ve ders kitaplarına yerleştirilmiş, yönetim mantığının sınırlarını belirleyen İslamcılığın ırksal teorilere ve tarih yazımlarına nasıl sağlamlık kazandırdığını gösteren kapsamlı bir çalışmadır. Derinlemesine görüşmeler gerçekleştirebildiğimiz çok sayıda Kürt öğretmenin görüş ve deneyimleri de ara ara tartışılmaya dahil edilmiştir.
Ji ber ku çalakiyên bi vî rengî bandorê ji vegotinên derbarê navend-nîştiman de werdigrin. Herwis... more Ji ber ku çalakiyên bi vî rengî bandorê ji vegotinên derbarê navend-nîştiman de werdigrin. Herwisa girîngiyeke zêde ya behsên derbarê nîştiman-navend de heye, bi vê sedemê ku behsê raborî û niha ji dîtingeha akinciyên sereke ên wê ve dike, herwisa ders û perwerdehiyeke taybet derheqê çawaniya bîrkirin a ji vê nîştimanê de di hundirê xwe de diparêze. Ders û perwerdeyên wiha pîroziyê dibexşîne nîştiman û xwezayê. Herwiha ew ders û perwerdehî bilindahiya çiyayan, darên zindî, rabûna rûbaran, avên nîştimanê û istûreyên nîştimana dayîk tevli nav helbest û mûzîk û edebiyata lixweveger a xelkê dikin. Ew ders û perwerdehî bi tevlîhevkirina xelk û eko-sîstemê kincekî nostaljîk û hertimî li cendekê çîrok û istûreyên nîştimana dayîk dikin.
آنچه که نباید فراموش کرد آن است که فرهنگ نویسان جوامع مسلط خود محصول
آموزش و پرورش ملی هستند و به... more آنچه که نباید فراموش کرد آن است که فرهنگ نویسان جوامع مسلط خود محصول آموزش و پرورش ملی هستند و به همین دلیل عمیقاً از بدیهی پنداریهای ناسیونالیزم حاکم متاثر هستند و به تاریخ، زبان، فرهنگ و مفهوم ملت از منظر ناسیونالیزم حاکم مینگرند. از این رو کارهای پژوهشی و آکادمیک آنان نیز بدیهی پنداریهای موجود و حاکم را منعکس م یسازد. این بستر ناسیونالیستی مسلط، نگرش و سمت و سوی ایدئولوژیک کار پژوهشی آنان را تعیین می کند. به همین دلیل زبانشناس و دانشگاهی جامعه مسلط در گونه ای از ناسیونالیزم محصور است که مایکل بیلیگ، تئوریسین مشهور پژوهش های ناسیونالیستی، آن را ناسیونالیزم روزانه می نامد. پژوهشگر و آکادمیسین جامعه مسلط به راحتی نمی تواند عواطف، احساسات و لحن صدای ناسیونالیسم حاکمه مستتر در کار پژوهشی خود را تشخیص دهد.
Kürt İslam’ı maalesef yok edilmiş bir İslam’dır. En azından bana göre Kürt milliyetçiliği Şeyh Ub... more Kürt İslam’ı maalesef yok edilmiş bir İslam’dır. En azından bana göre Kürt milliyetçiliği Şeyh Ubeydullah ile başlıyor. Said Nursi de aynı düşüncede olup daima Kürt İslamını över ve Kürt İslamını temsil eder, ama onun düşünceleri tamamen Nurculaştırılmış ve saptırılmıştır. Örneğin Şeyh Said de bu noktada önemlidir ama belli bir dönemden sonra Kürt İslam’ı, Kürt hareketleri yavaş yavaş yok edildi. Kürtlerin büyük bir kısmı dindardır. Dolayısıyla ulusal bir hareket olarak Kürt siyaseti “Kürt İslam’ını göz ardı edemeyiz” diye düşünemedi. Yani bir Kürt hareketinin sol ayağının olmasına karşı değilim, bu oldukça önemli olabilir. Ama milli bir hareket, milletini de anlamalı ve onların hassasiyetlerine de önem vermelidir. Yoksa güç kazanamaz. Yani bu siyasi bir meseledir. Bu noktada İslam da başka düşünceler gibi, anlayışlar gibi değişen bir meseledir. İslam, öznesi değişemeyen bir fenomen değildir. Kürt İslam’ı daha çok modern dönemde yani 1970’lere M. Barzani’ye kadar gelen dönemi kapsıyor ve Kürdistan Cumhuriyetinde örneğin Şeyh Mahmud gibi Kürt olup aynı zamanda dindar olmak Kürtlüklerine bir engel teşkil etmiyordu. Benimsedikleri din anlayışı Kürt haklarına karşı bir din anlayışı değildi.
پژوهشگران حوزه ناسیونالیسم تاکید میکنند که نادیده گرفتن رابطه بین محیط زیست و جنبشهای هویت طلبانه... more پژوهشگران حوزه ناسیونالیسم تاکید میکنند که نادیده گرفتن رابطه بین محیط زیست و جنبشهای هویت طلبانه مانع درک فعالیتهای زیست-محیطی می شود، زیرا که چنین فعالیتهایی متاثر از روایتهای سرزمین-مرکز هستند و بسترمندند. روایتهای سرزمین-مرکز مهمند چون عمدتا گذشته و حال از منظر ساکنان اصلی آن منعکس میکنند و آموزه های خاصی از چگونگی تصور آن سرزمین را در خود محفوظ می دارند. چنین آموزه های به سرزمین و طبیعت تقدس بخشیده و بلندای کوهها، سرزندگی درختان و طغیان رودخانه و آبهای وطن و اسطوره های سرزمین مادری را در شعر، موسیقی و ادبیات با خود-ارجاعی مردمان می آمیزند. وبا عجین کردن مردم و اکوسیستم، به کالبد داستانها و اسطوره های سرزمین مادری لباسی نوستالوژیک و جاودانه می پوشانند (ویلیام و اسمیث، ۱۹۸۳؛ هرب و کاپلان، ۱۹۹۹؛ کیسر، ۲۰۰۲؛ ناش، ۱۹۹۳). تجسم این پیوندهای هویتی و روایات سرزمین-مرکز و اکولوژیک در شعارهای مردم در تشییع جنازه شریف باجوَر جای برای تردید باقی نمی گذارند. چنین تنیدگی بین خود-ارجاعی هویتی کوردها، «شهید شدن» در راه حفاظت از کوردستان، وطن (نیشتمان) و درختان آن بصورت طبیعی بر زبان کوردها در مریوان جاری شده و نام شریف باجوَر، در شعارهای زیر، بعنوان سمبل جدایی ناپذیری اکولوژی کوردستان و هویت آن در دلها و تاریخ مردمانش ثبت می گردد: پارێزه‌ری داره‌ستان ---بۆ به شه‌هید کوردستان پارێزه‌ری نیشتمان--- بۆ به شه‌هید کوردستان
Kemal Soleîmanî li gundekî rojhilat yê nêzîkî sînorê başûr û bakur ji dayik bûye. Di nava dengê... more Kemal Soleîmanî li gundekî rojhilat yê nêzîkî sînorê başûr û bakur ji dayik bûye. Di nava dengê guleyan de û di nava atmosfera kurdîtîya awarte de mezin bû. Dema di 1999an de koçî Amerîkayê kir, ne ziman dizanibû û ne jî argumanên wî yên xweparastinê hebûn. Bi ser de jî ji bo bikaribe debara malbata xwe bike divê bixebitîya jî. Soleîmanî li gel gelek dijwarîyan giringî da perwerdehîya xwe. Berê beşa felsefeyê xwend, dû re li ser mijara netewe-dewlet û têkilîya dînî û li ser pevçûnên dewlet û misilmanîyê xebitî. Me bi Kemal Soleîmanî re li ser çîroka wî ya şexsî dest bi rêwitîyê kir û me li ser mijarên misilmanî, dewlet û têkilîyên neteweyî, sîyaseta kurdî û misilmanîya kurdî sohbet kir.
تبحث هذه الورقة في الآراء الدينية السياسية للشيخ عبيد الله النهري، زعيم الانتفاضة الكردية عام 188... more تبحث هذه الورقة في الآراء الدينية السياسية للشيخ عبيد الله النهري، زعيم الانتفاضة الكردية عام 1880. تستفيد الورقة من مصادر أولية جديدة، التي تسمح بتقديم صورة أكثر تماسكاً لوجهات نظر الشيخ عبيد الله حول عدد من القضايا الرئيسية، خاصةً حول مواضيع العالمية الدينية والتسامح، والتعليم الكردي، والقومية الكردية. تستعين الورقة بأبحاث أرشيفية ومصادر أساسية تزعم عن وجود آراء معادية للمسيحية لديه، مشابهة لتلك الموجودة بين الأتراك، دفعت إلى انتفاضة الشيخ. مقابل ذلك، تجادل الورقة هذه المزاعم التي تتناقض بشكل حاد مع آرائه، والتي تظهر عالمية دينية على غرار عالمية (الرومي)، التي كانت في الواقع أكثر ترحيباً بالمسيحيين. تركز هذه الورقة بشكل خاص على علاقة الشيخ مع غير المسلمين وتستخدم الورقة بشكل موسع نسخة من محادثة استغرقت ساعتين بين الشيخ ومبشّر أميركي. تكشف هذه المحادثة المطوّلة الكثير عن الدوافع وراء الانتفاضة الكردية عام 1880، وتتطرق إلى شخصية عبيد الله غير المعروفة من قبل، والمثيرة للاهتمام، وإلى أفكاره غير التقليدية حول العالمية الدينية والتسامح الديني.
چکیده
در این مقاله، در نظر داریم اصطلاح "قبیله‌گرایی" را به عنوان سازه ای استعماری، كه به عنوان ی... more چکیده در این مقاله، در نظر داریم اصطلاح "قبیله‌گرایی" را به عنوان سازه ای استعماری، كه به عنوان یك مفهوم برجسته در مطالعات اجتماعی كردها و نیز در مقیاس بزرگتر خاورمیانه، مطرح میشود، را بررسی و شالوده شکنی كنیم. اصطلاح قبیلەگرایی وکاربرد سرسری و بی‌دقت آن، جایگاه مهمی به ویژه در پژوهش‌های مربوط بە کردستان از آن خود کرده است. برخی از تحقیقات انسان‌شناسانه قدیمی‌تر تا آنجا پیش رفته‌اند که قبیلەگرایی را بە سان دی‌ان‌ای مردم خاورمیانه می‌دانند. ما با استناد به مطالعات اخیر مربوط بە آمریکای لاتین، آفریقا و آسیای میانه، استدلال می‌كنیم كه بکارگیری اصطلاح قبیله‌گرایی، کە ادعا میشود ساختار طبیعی جامعە کرد است، در مفهوم متداول خود به تحریف واقعیت و سادەسازی بیش از حد زندگی سیاسی-اجتماعی کردستان و در مقیاس وسیع‌تر خاورمیانە منجر شده است. به نوعی، مجموعە پژوهش‌های موجود در این منطقه، گفتمان‌های دولتی-ناسیونالیستی را بە زیان جوامع تحت سلطه (مثلاً کردها) بازتولید کرده‌اند. بستر و زمینه تاریخی هر دو پدیدە قدرت‌های استعماری و دولت-ملت‌هایی کە "در حال مبارزه با قبایل و قبیله‌گرایی" هستند، با ظهور گفتمان بیوپولیتیک نژادی همزمان شد. بنابراین، استفاده از اصطلاح قبیله‌گرایی برای تعریف برخی ملل یا گروه‌های اتنیکی خاص را نباید صرفاً به عنوان مسئلەای از بکارگیری مقولات اجتماعی- انسان‌شناختی تلقی کرد. از این رو، ما استدلال می‌کنیم که جنبه‌های اخلاقی و پیامدهای استفاده از قبیله‌گرایی توسط قدرت‌های استعماری و بعداً توسط دولت-ملت‌ها برای تعریف و مشخص کردن برخی اتنیک‌ها نباید مورد غفلت قرار گیرد.
On May 9 2010, the Islamic Republic of Iran executed the 35-year-old Kurdish teacher Farzad Kaman... more On May 9 2010, the Islamic Republic of Iran executed the 35-year-old Kurdish teacher Farzad Kamangar along with 4 other political prisoners in Tehran. Farzad was an exemplary teacher in Eastern Kurdistan. He was a member of the Kurdish Human Rights Organization and a journalist. In July 2006, to follow up with his brother's medical treatments, Farzad was arrested upon his arrival in Tehran. His imprisonment lasted for over four years. His inhumane prison conditions, torture, and 7 months of solitary confinement have been all documented by the intentional human rights organizations. On February 25th, 2008, Farzad was sentenced to death for "risking the national security" of the Islamic Republic. During his imprisonment, Farzad turned into a symbol of heroism, audacity, and innocence. It was also in the prison that Farzad articulated his unbounded love for his students, Kurdish people, and for humanity at large in his well-known and captivating prison letters. Those letters gained him international sympathy and respect. I had the honor to translate some of those letters to English. Farzad’s execution symbolized the brutality of the religious regime in Tehran. Sherko Bekes, the renowned Kurdish poet, penned the following poem to describe the pain of Farzad’s death in which he frequently refers to the Iranian state as the Republic of execution.
Kurdek radibe dibêje ez ne
neteweperwer im, heger ku Kurd
be ew dibe neteweperwerekî
Tirk, jixwe ... more Kurdek radibe dibêje ez ne neteweperwer im, heger ku Kurd be ew dibe neteweperwerekî Tirk, jixwe ku Tirk be, ew xwedî luksekî wiha ye. Neteweperwerî paradîgmayek e û ne pêkan e ku meriv ji nav sînorên vê paradîgmayê derkeve. Ev ji sed salî zêdetir e ku dewleta Tirk dixwaze Kurdan bike Tirk. Di eslê xwe da Tirkiyeyîbûna Kurdistanê tê wateya Tirkbûna Kurdan.
One of the fine contributions of this book, perhaps unintentionally, is to point out what appears... more One of the fine contributions of this book, perhaps unintentionally, is to point out what appears to be two separate and parallel, evolutionary socio-political developments, ongoing diachronically. In the West, the concept of the nation-state emerged from the Treaties of Westphalia as a western European, Christian component of a regional cultural setting allowing for the establishment of a peoples' governing system. In the East, Islam, as propounded by the Prophet was deeply involved with the identity of the primary social unit, the tribe and in this case the Quraish, and characterized by the Arabic qawmiyah. There was no equivalent expression in Arabic for the western-developed " state, " save for the famed Arab historian's Muqadamah (1377) by Ibn Khaldun who introduced not necessarily as analysis, a word to recognize the equivalent of a political organization, dawla. As students of Islam are well aware, the significant difference between it and western Christianity is the latter's emphasis on separating religion from the state—at least in some form—whereas in Islam there is an all-inclusive, comprehensive weaving of institutions that guide the believers' life. Rather than emulating a prototypic model, the Islamic world molded its own political structure and supporting institutions to comport to an idiosyncratic mode. Notably, the classic Sunni theologian Ibn Taymiya, in his al-Kitab al
What was the language first spoken by man on the earth? And where did the first conversation betw... more What was the language first spoken by man on the earth? And where did the first conversation between God and man or among men themselves take place? The answers to these questions were a matter of vital importance to some scholars, particularly to philologists, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Based on these answers, history was rewritten, historical relations were revised and new kinships and relations discovered among nations, races and languages. Consequently, new solidarities were imposed on history and old enmities and conflicts were revived. This is what Olender calls the Semitic- Aryan Myth. What were the ideological, political and perhaps economic motivations behind all this? Why in those centuries, as Olender asserts, did theologians, philosophers and philologists start racing to reveal the origin of languages and to find the first language on the earth? Why did language and its components, the function of words, their roots and verb conjugation become definitive to study peoples and nations? What could all these components of a given language reveal about the people who spoke the language? Is language a criterion for humans’ mental evolution? Does a language create a special mental structure? Or does a language unveil one’s capacity to think? These were all on the table as questions for philologists to solve.
in 2011, Herkul.org broadcast a staged interview with the Turkish preacher Muhammed Fethullah Gül... more in 2011, Herkul.org broadcast a staged interview with the Turkish preacher Muhammed Fethullah Gülen. In this interview Gülen expressed dissatisfaction with the Turkish military for their failure to kill Kurdish guerrillas. Gülen also discussed solutions to what he called "the Kurdish problem," such as sending imams to Kurdish provinces to indoctrinate children with his vision of Islam.
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Books by Kamal Soleimani
From its inception, the Twelver Shi‘i religion justified its opposition to the dominant Sunni majority and tied its raison d’être to the claim of having access to ‘infallible guidance and leadership. This exclusive spiritual and political leadership became available to Shi‘ism through its belief in the divine leadership of twelve religious figures who were all descendants of the Prophet of Islam.
Papers by Kamal Soleimani
en particular en la teoría del “desdesarrollo” de Sara Roy, el presente artículo investiga de qué manera la etnonación soberana de Irán
dirige y distorsiona el desarrollo para subyugar a la nación kurda, que
es una minoría. Además de contextualizar la teoría del desdesarrollo
en la disciplina de los estudios del desarrollo y de esbozar cómo funciona el desdesarrollo en la práctica, comparamos las condiciones político-económicas de Rojhelat (Kurdistán oriental/Irán) con las de
Palestina para subrayar las similitudes y las diferencias clave entre ambos casos.
From its inception, the Twelver Shi‘i religion justified its opposition to the dominant Sunni majority and tied its raison d’être to the claim of having access to ‘infallible guidance and leadership. This exclusive spiritual and political leadership became available to Shi‘ism through its belief in the divine leadership of twelve religious figures who were all descendants of the Prophet of Islam.
en particular en la teoría del “desdesarrollo” de Sara Roy, el presente artículo investiga de qué manera la etnonación soberana de Irán
dirige y distorsiona el desarrollo para subyugar a la nación kurda, que
es una minoría. Además de contextualizar la teoría del desdesarrollo
en la disciplina de los estudios del desarrollo y de esbozar cómo funciona el desdesarrollo en la práctica, comparamos las condiciones político-económicas de Rojhelat (Kurdistán oriental/Irán) con las de
Palestina para subrayar las similitudes y las diferencias clave entre ambos casos.
In this paper, we intend to deconstruct the term ‘tribalism’ as a colonial category, which figures as a prominent concept in social studies on Kurds as well as the Middle East at large. Blithely used, tribalism has occupied a central place, especially in the existing scholarship on Kurdistan. Some earlier anthropological works have gone so far as to regard tribalism as the ‘DNA’ of Middle Eastern people. Drawing on recent studies on Latin America, Africa and Central Asia, we argue that the use of tribalism as if it is the natural constitution of Kurdish society has caused a significant misrepresentation and oversimplification of socio‐political life in Kurdistan as well as the broader Middle East. In a way, the existing body of scholarship on this region has reproduced statist‐nationalist discourses at the expense of dominated communities (e.g., Kurds). The historical context of both colonial powers and nation‐states ‘combating tribes and tribalism’ coincided with the emergence of the discourse of racial biopolitics. Thus, the use of the term tribalism to define certain nations or ethnic groups should not be viewed as merely an application of socio‐anthropological categories. Hence, we argue that the ethical aspects and implications of the use of tribalism by both colonial powers and later by the nation‐state to define certain ethnic groups must not be overlooked.
This paper theorizes the nexus between “Islamism” and nationalism, showing that neither nationalism nor religion(s) can be studied in isolation. I argue that Islamism is unable to conceive of a political system beyond the nation-state and appears to have internalized the political boundaries imposed by the discourse of the nation-state. Such internalization, in turn, affects the Islamist understanding of umma and similar ‘universalist’ concepts. My paper insists on a keen attention to context in the analysis of religious interpretations. Despite elements of continuity in religious thought, contextual influences transform the practice of religious interpretation and mark it with temporal specificity. Muhammad Iqbal (1877 –1938) once noted that “the task before the modern Muslim is, therefore, immense. He has to rethink the whole system of Islam without completely breaking with the past.” However, such a rethinking is not homogeneous and bears the mark of interaction with specific socio-historical contexts; religious thought in the era of nationalism was affected by its context as much as it affected the context itself. This dialectic manifested itself as reciprocity and mutual entanglement. In this paper, I explore these entanglements and reciprocities of nationalism and Islamism.
این مقاله مطالعەای است در خصوص کتب درسی جمهوری اسلامی ایران کلاس اول تا دوازدهم. این نوشتە به بڕسی مسائلی مانند زبان، نژاد، اتنیسیتە و ناسیونالیسم مذهبی در کتابهای درسی میپردازد تا روشن سازد کە چگونە دولت در ایران برای فارسی_شیعی کردن جامعە از طریق سیستم آموزشی سخت در تلاش است. کتب رسمی درسی، جامعەی حاکم (فارسها) را به عنوان تنها کنشگر و عامل در تاریخ ایران به تصویر میکشند. دولت ارائە هر گونە روایت جایگزین (غیر رسمی) خارج از این چارچوب را خیانت بە "کشو" میداند. این مقالە، مطالعەی عمیقی است که نشان میدهد کتاب های درسی تالیف دولت ایران، جایگاه آنها و دانش زمینەای که از آنها به دست می آید، چگونه نکات آشکار تفسیری را ارائه میدهد، بنیان خطوط تقسیم کنندە اتنوزبانی ساختاری را روشن میکند و نشان میدهد که اسلامگرایی به عنوان منطق حاکم بر کتاب های درسی، به این نظریه های نژادی و تاریخ نگاریها استحکام میبخشد. در چند جای این مطالعه، نظرات و تجربیات تعدادی از معلمان کورد را که توانستیم با آنها مصاحبەهای عمیقی انجام دهیم، مورد بحث و بڕرسی قرار دادەایم.
ئەم وتارە دەیھەوێ رۆڵی سەرەکی زمان لە چیرۆکی قورئانی ئادەمدا وەکوو مرۆڤ یان ئینسان بداتە بەر لێکۆڵینەوە. بە پشتبەستن بە ڕووانینی قورئان لەسەر ئافراندنی ئینسان، ئادەم وەکوو بوونەوەرێک دەردەکەوێت کە تواناییەکی تایبەتی لە ناونانی شتەکاندا ھەیە. بەلێکۆڵینەوە لە جیاوازی واتایی نێوان دوو چەمکی سەرەکی ئینسان و بەشەردا، بە پێچەوانەی تێگەیشتنە باوەکان کە مرۆڤ وەکوو خەلیفە بە جێنشینی خودا دەزانن، دەیسەلمێنم کە جێنشینی بوونەوەرە بێزمانەکانە. پەیدابوونی چەمکی ئینسان لە مۆدێلی قورئانی ئافراندندا، پێش لەھەموو شتێک ئاماژەیە بۆ ئافراندنی حەیوانی قسەکەر. کەوابوو بەکارھێنانی وشەی خەلیفە لە قورئاندا زیاتر لەوەی کە بەردیبنەما بۆ دامەزراوە سیاسیەکان مسۆگەر بکات، پێویستە وەکوو قۆناغێک لە پێگەیشتن و تەکامولی ژیانی کۆمەڵایەتی مروڤ لەسەر گۆی زەوی، چاوی لێ بکرێت... تێگەییشتن لە چەمکی خەلیفە لەژێر تیشکی «خاوەن زمانبوونی ئینساندا» لە جیاتی ئەوەی ڕێگە بۆ دەسەڵاتداری بەسەر مەخلوقە ئەم جیھانیەکانی خودا خۆش بکات، وێنەیێک لە دەسەڵاتداری سیاسی لە ئیسلامدا وێنا دەکات کە بە تەواوەتی جیاوازە لەو شێوەی کە لایەنگرانی ئیسلامی سیاسی لەسەری تەبان.
وشە سەرەکیەکان:
ئینسان، بەشەر، خەلیفە، زمان، ئادەم، ویستی ئازاد، ئازادی ھەڵبژاردن
سروشــتی هــەاڵواردن و وەالنانــی هەیــە.
موســوڵمان بوون بۆ پێدانــی مافی هاوواڵتی
لە هیچ واڵتێکی ئیســامیدا مــەرج نییە و
ئەمە بابەتێکە تەنانەت بۆ ئیسالمیستەکانیش
ناسروشــتی نییــە. لــە بۆچوونی سیاســیی
ئیسالمیســتەکان )کە لەدایکبــووی دنیای
ڕاســتەقینەی ناســیۆنالیزمە(، ئۆممەتــی
ئیســامی )کۆمەڵگایەک کە لەســەر ئیمان
بنیات نراوە( جێگە و پێگەیەکی ئەوتۆی نییە.
ســەرەڕای ئەوەی کە دەوڵەتــی وێناکراویان
دەتوانێ جۆرێک دەوڵەتی ئایینی بێت، بەاڵم
دەوڵەتێکــی وەهاش دەبێ لــە چوارچێوەی
سنوورە نەتەوەیییە ســنووردار و تایبەتەکاندا
کار بــکات. پێــوەری ڕێبــەری دەوڵەتانــی
ئیسالمیست بۆ وەدەســتهێنانی خۆشبژێویی
خەڵــک لەجیاتیی ڕەزامەندیی خودا دەبێ بە
جۆرێک لەگەڵ بەرژەوەندیی گشتیی نێوخۆیی
و بەرژەوەندیــی نەتەوەییــی واڵتەکەیان لە
ئاستی نێونەتەوەییدا یەک بگرێتەوە.
آموزش و پرورش ملی هستند و به همین دلیل عمیقاً از بدیهی پنداریهای ناسیونالیزم
حاکم متاثر هستند و به تاریخ، زبان، فرهنگ و مفهوم ملت از منظر ناسیونالیزم حاکم مینگرند. از این رو کارهای پژوهشی و آکادمیک آنان نیز بدیهی پنداریهای موجود و حاکم را منعکس م یسازد. این بستر ناسیونالیستی مسلط، نگرش و سمت و سوی ایدئولوژیک کار پژوهشی آنان را تعیین می کند. به همین دلیل زبانشناس و دانشگاهی جامعه مسلط در گونه ای از ناسیونالیزم محصور است که مایکل بیلیگ، تئوریسین مشهور پژوهش های ناسیونالیستی، آن را ناسیونالیزم روزانه می نامد. پژوهشگر و آکادمیسین جامعه مسلط به راحتی نمی تواند عواطف، احساسات و لحن صدای ناسیونالیسم حاکمه مستتر در کار پژوهشی خود را تشخیص دهد.
پارێزه‌ری داره‌ستان ---بۆ به شه‌هید کوردستان
پارێزه‌ری نیشتمان--- بۆ به شه‌هید کوردستان
https://diplo-kurdi.com/ku/node/1989
در این مقاله، در نظر داریم اصطلاح "قبیله‌گرایی" را به عنوان سازه ای استعماری، كه به عنوان یك مفهوم برجسته در مطالعات اجتماعی كردها و نیز در مقیاس بزرگتر خاورمیانه، مطرح میشود، را بررسی و شالوده شکنی كنیم. اصطلاح قبیلەگرایی وکاربرد سرسری و بی‌دقت آن، جایگاه مهمی به ویژه در پژوهش‌های مربوط بە کردستان از آن خود کرده است. برخی از تحقیقات انسان‌شناسانه قدیمی‌تر تا آنجا پیش رفته‌اند که قبیلەگرایی را بە سان دی‌ان‌ای مردم خاورمیانه می‌دانند. ما با استناد به مطالعات اخیر مربوط بە آمریکای لاتین، آفریقا و آسیای میانه، استدلال می‌كنیم كه بکارگیری اصطلاح قبیله‌گرایی، کە ادعا میشود ساختار طبیعی جامعە کرد است، در مفهوم متداول خود به تحریف واقعیت و سادەسازی بیش از حد زندگی سیاسی-اجتماعی کردستان و در مقیاس وسیع‌تر خاورمیانە منجر شده است. به نوعی، مجموعە پژوهش‌های موجود در این منطقه، گفتمان‌های دولتی-ناسیونالیستی را بە زیان جوامع تحت سلطه (مثلاً کردها) بازتولید کرده‌اند. بستر و زمینه تاریخی هر دو پدیدە قدرت‌های استعماری و دولت-ملت‌هایی کە "در حال مبارزه با قبایل و قبیله‌گرایی" هستند، با ظهور گفتمان بیوپولیتیک نژادی همزمان شد. بنابراین، استفاده از اصطلاح قبیله‌گرایی برای تعریف برخی ملل یا گروه‌های اتنیکی خاص را نباید صرفاً به عنوان مسئلەای از بکارگیری مقولات اجتماعی- انسان‌شناختی تلقی کرد. از این رو، ما استدلال می‌کنیم که جنبه‌های اخلاقی و پیامدهای استفاده از قبیله‌گرایی توسط قدرت‌های استعماری و بعداً توسط دولت-ملت‌ها برای تعریف و مشخص کردن برخی اتنیک‌ها نباید مورد غفلت قرار گیرد.
Farzad’s execution symbolized the brutality of the religious regime in Tehran. Sherko Bekes, the renowned Kurdish poet, penned the following poem to describe the pain of Farzad’s death in which he frequently refers to the Iranian state as the Republic of execution.
neteweperwer im, heger ku Kurd
be ew dibe neteweperwerekî
Tirk, jixwe ku Tirk be, ew xwedî
luksekî wiha ye. Neteweperwerî
paradîgmayek e û ne pêkan
e ku meriv ji nav sînorên vê
paradîgmayê derkeve. Ev ji sed
salî zêdetir e ku dewleta Tirk
dixwaze Kurdan bike Tirk. Di eslê
xwe da Tirkiyeyîbûna Kurdistanê
tê wateya Tirkbûna Kurdan.