My teaching and research areas cover the broad area of Middle East and Muslim Contemporary Politics, and include the role of the Arab (mainly but not only) secular intellectuals, the politics of the Arab media, the processes of democratization and de-liberalization in the Arab World, social and protest movements in Arab world. My latest monograph is: al-Haraka al-Markisiyya fi Misr 1967-1981 (The Marxist Movement in Egypt 1967-81), Cairo: The National Centre for Translation, 2010. Before joining Roma Tre, I have held teaching and research positions at the Universities of Mansoura, BUE and AUC (Egypt), Bristol (UK), Milan and Naples "L'Orientale" (Italy), and Macquarie University (Australia) where I have directed the Center for Middle East and North African Studies from 2009 to 2011.
States, Actors and Geopolitical Drivers in the Mediterranean, 2021
During the Arab Uprisings (or ‘Arab Spring’), the EU recognized that the populations in its ‘Sout... more During the Arab Uprisings (or ‘Arab Spring’), the EU recognized that the populations in its ‘Southern Neighborhood’ had been marginalized politically and economically; that this produced instability in politics, economics, and security; and that EU policy needed to correct its previous mistake of equating authoritarian repression with stability. Unfortunately, the wrong lessons have been learned from the Uprisings: Europe’s Union and its most powerful states have returned to focusing ‘stability’ understood as a mere lack of change, and to believing that supporting violently authoritarian regimes is an acceptable ‘cost of doing business’ to keep migration in check and to counter terrorism in Europe’s ‘heartland’. After a brief review of the historical context within which Egypt’s current regime emerged, this contribution criticizes the orthodox analytical and policy narratives which represent Egypt as a ‘beacon of stability’ in a turbulent MENA Region, outlining an alternative view which highlights the structural causes of instability in regimes like Egypt’s. It then outlines this instability by noting Egypt’s own post-2013 track record on key domestic and regional issues. The chapter concludes by criticizing the way Western governments invoke the concept of ‘national interest’ to supporting al-Sisi’s (al-Sīsī) regime and those like it, noting that this approach reflects an inability to accept the evidence of the failure of authoritarian regimes to stabilize either internally or externally.
ABSTRACT This article explores whether, in the decade preceding the 2011 uprising, Egypt’s Indepe... more ABSTRACT This article explores whether, in the decade preceding the 2011 uprising, Egypt’s Independent Civic Activists (ICAs) can be considered organic intellectuals in terms of Antonio Gramsci’s well-known definition. To do so, three aspects of ‘organicity’ with respect to subaltern groups are identified: a ‘demographic’ dimension, namely their embeddedness within subaltern groups; an ‘ideological’ dimension pertaining to their ability to correctly identify the problems affecting subaltern classes; and a ‘cognitive’ dimension, i.e. whether ICAs had managed to gain at least partial recognition from subaltern groups as providing political leadership. During the pre-2011 period, ICAs can be shown to be partly – but not fully – ‘organic’ intellectuals with respect to Egypt’s subaltern groups. Examining ICAs’ evolving mobilisation, it is also possible to both discern the embryonic emergence of a counter-hegemonic project well before 2011, and by contrast the substantial continuity between the regime and the Ikhwan. Finally, the article notes that the Egyptian regime under Husni Mubarak appeared unable or unwilling to address the root causes of dissatisfaction through anything other than palliative measures, leaving it not so much stable as fierce and brittle, vulnerable in precisely the same ways ICAs capitalised on in the run-up to the ‘January 25th Revolution’.
The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of the Middle East, 2021
Conventional approaches to democratization in the Middle East take for granted the priority of so... more Conventional approaches to democratization in the Middle East take for granted the priority of some civil–political rights (e.g., voting) over others (e.g., rights of association or protest, socioeconomic rights). The discursive structure of these approaches has framed both the promotion of democracy by the European Union and regional governments’ counter-conductive reframing against that effort. But this pas de deux is part of a broader dynamic in which the common ground shared by these two efforts frames democracy so as to deny and delegitimize both the conception of democracy held by Middle Eastern and North African populations themselves and the political and socioeconomic demands of those same populations. Governments, in short, are engaged in “counter-conducting” their own populations. Drawing on critical discourse analysis of key documents, public opinion survey data, and activist interviews, an analysis of the Egyptian case shows that the discursive competition between gover...
Unlike Tunisia’s more orderly and quicker transition, over a year after the removal of ex-Preside... more Unlike Tunisia’s more orderly and quicker transition, over a year after the removal of ex-President Hosni Mubarak, the situation in Egypt remains confused. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), the military junta which took over from the former President, has undertaken certain steps towards transition, but opinion on their intentions remains deeply divided. Increasingly, it is clear that they constitute the hard core of Mubarak’s regime, that they are fighting for their survival, and that in this struggle, they are more than prepared to sacrifice the demands for freedom and social justice which were at the core of the uprising which began on January 25th, 2011. Appreciating the complexities of the wider political situation in Egypt is crucial to understand the magnitude of the obstacles which independent civil society groups face in Egypt today. The basic demand of the uprising, in Egypt as in Tunisia, is encapsulated by one of its best-known slogans: ash-sha’b yurid isqa...
ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Published in the United States of America by Rowman &am... more ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Published in the United States of America by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 http: / / www. ro wmanlittlefield. com 12 Hid's ...
Interface: a journal for and about social movements, 2012
Context: The Military and the “Deep State” Unlike Tunisia’s more orderly and quicker transition, ... more Context: The Military and the “Deep State” Unlike Tunisia’s more orderly and quicker transition, over a year after the removal of ex-President Hosni Mubarak, the situation in Egypt remains confused. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), the military junta which took over from the former President, has undertaken certain steps towards transition, but opinion on their intentions remains deeply divided. Increasingly, it is clear that they constitute the hard core of Mubarak’s regime, that they are fighting for their survival, and that in this struggle, they are more than prepared to sacrifice the demands for freedom and social justice which were at the core of the uprising which began on January 25th, 2011.
States, Actors and Geopolitical Drivers in the Mediterranean, 2021
During the Arab Uprisings (or ‘Arab Spring’), the EU recognized that the populations in its ‘Sout... more During the Arab Uprisings (or ‘Arab Spring’), the EU recognized that the populations in its ‘Southern Neighborhood’ had been marginalized politically and economically; that this produced instability in politics, economics, and security; and that EU policy needed to correct its previous mistake of equating authoritarian repression with stability. Unfortunately, the wrong lessons have been learned from the Uprisings: Europe’s Union and its most powerful states have returned to focusing ‘stability’ understood as a mere lack of change, and to believing that supporting violently authoritarian regimes is an acceptable ‘cost of doing business’ to keep migration in check and to counter terrorism in Europe’s ‘heartland’. After a brief review of the historical context within which Egypt’s current regime emerged, this contribution criticizes the orthodox analytical and policy narratives which represent Egypt as a ‘beacon of stability’ in a turbulent MENA Region, outlining an alternative view which highlights the structural causes of instability in regimes like Egypt’s. It then outlines this instability by noting Egypt’s own post-2013 track record on key domestic and regional issues. The chapter concludes by criticizing the way Western governments invoke the concept of ‘national interest’ to supporting al-Sisi’s (al-Sīsī) regime and those like it, noting that this approach reflects an inability to accept the evidence of the failure of authoritarian regimes to stabilize either internally or externally.
ABSTRACT This article explores whether, in the decade preceding the 2011 uprising, Egypt’s Indepe... more ABSTRACT This article explores whether, in the decade preceding the 2011 uprising, Egypt’s Independent Civic Activists (ICAs) can be considered organic intellectuals in terms of Antonio Gramsci’s well-known definition. To do so, three aspects of ‘organicity’ with respect to subaltern groups are identified: a ‘demographic’ dimension, namely their embeddedness within subaltern groups; an ‘ideological’ dimension pertaining to their ability to correctly identify the problems affecting subaltern classes; and a ‘cognitive’ dimension, i.e. whether ICAs had managed to gain at least partial recognition from subaltern groups as providing political leadership. During the pre-2011 period, ICAs can be shown to be partly – but not fully – ‘organic’ intellectuals with respect to Egypt’s subaltern groups. Examining ICAs’ evolving mobilisation, it is also possible to both discern the embryonic emergence of a counter-hegemonic project well before 2011, and by contrast the substantial continuity between the regime and the Ikhwan. Finally, the article notes that the Egyptian regime under Husni Mubarak appeared unable or unwilling to address the root causes of dissatisfaction through anything other than palliative measures, leaving it not so much stable as fierce and brittle, vulnerable in precisely the same ways ICAs capitalised on in the run-up to the ‘January 25th Revolution’.
The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of the Middle East, 2021
Conventional approaches to democratization in the Middle East take for granted the priority of so... more Conventional approaches to democratization in the Middle East take for granted the priority of some civil–political rights (e.g., voting) over others (e.g., rights of association or protest, socioeconomic rights). The discursive structure of these approaches has framed both the promotion of democracy by the European Union and regional governments’ counter-conductive reframing against that effort. But this pas de deux is part of a broader dynamic in which the common ground shared by these two efforts frames democracy so as to deny and delegitimize both the conception of democracy held by Middle Eastern and North African populations themselves and the political and socioeconomic demands of those same populations. Governments, in short, are engaged in “counter-conducting” their own populations. Drawing on critical discourse analysis of key documents, public opinion survey data, and activist interviews, an analysis of the Egyptian case shows that the discursive competition between gover...
Unlike Tunisia’s more orderly and quicker transition, over a year after the removal of ex-Preside... more Unlike Tunisia’s more orderly and quicker transition, over a year after the removal of ex-President Hosni Mubarak, the situation in Egypt remains confused. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), the military junta which took over from the former President, has undertaken certain steps towards transition, but opinion on their intentions remains deeply divided. Increasingly, it is clear that they constitute the hard core of Mubarak’s regime, that they are fighting for their survival, and that in this struggle, they are more than prepared to sacrifice the demands for freedom and social justice which were at the core of the uprising which began on January 25th, 2011. Appreciating the complexities of the wider political situation in Egypt is crucial to understand the magnitude of the obstacles which independent civil society groups face in Egypt today. The basic demand of the uprising, in Egypt as in Tunisia, is encapsulated by one of its best-known slogans: ash-sha’b yurid isqa...
ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Published in the United States of America by Rowman &am... more ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Published in the United States of America by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 http: / / www. ro wmanlittlefield. com 12 Hid's ...
Interface: a journal for and about social movements, 2012
Context: The Military and the “Deep State” Unlike Tunisia’s more orderly and quicker transition, ... more Context: The Military and the “Deep State” Unlike Tunisia’s more orderly and quicker transition, over a year after the removal of ex-President Hosni Mubarak, the situation in Egypt remains confused. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), the military junta which took over from the former President, has undertaken certain steps towards transition, but opinion on their intentions remains deeply divided. Increasingly, it is clear that they constitute the hard core of Mubarak’s regime, that they are fighting for their survival, and that in this struggle, they are more than prepared to sacrifice the demands for freedom and social justice which were at the core of the uprising which began on January 25th, 2011.
La guerre en Syrie : « révolte, « révolution », « guerre civile », « guerre au terrorisme » et « ... more La guerre en Syrie : « révolte, « révolution », « guerre civile », « guerre au terrorisme » et « guerre internationale ». De l'usage des catégories dans la construction discursive du conflit syrien.
Storia e metodologia nello studio del mondo musulmano I Colloqui, aperti a chiunque si occupi di ... more Storia e metodologia nello studio del mondo musulmano I Colloqui, aperti a chiunque si occupi di mondo musulmano in una prospettiva storica, si terranno con cadenza quadrimestrale tramite la piattaforma MT. Basati su un approccio informale e collaborativo, gli incontri saranno l'occasione per scambiare conoscenze e discutere di linee di ricerca, fonti e metodologie. L'argomento specifico degli incontri sarà deciso di volta in volta.
Introduction - L. Anceschi & G. Gervasio Part I Redistributing Power Relations through Inform... more Introduction - L. Anceschi & G. Gervasio Part I Redistributing Power Relations through Informal Alliances 1. In-formalized Polity and the Politics of Dynasty in Egypt and Libya - Larbi Sadiki 2. Beyond the Party: The Shifting Structure of Syria's Power - Lorenzo Trombetta 3. Power and Clanism in the Occupied Palestinian Territory- Massimo Alone 4. When Informal Powers Surface: Civic Activism and the 2011 Egyptian Revolution- Gennaro Gervasio & Andrea Teti 5. Informal Institutions in Turkish Politics: The Case of Proxy Leadership- Gokhan Bacik Part II Radicalization and Conflict 6. Radicalism or Revolution? Power and Resistance in Iran- Arshin Adib-Moghaddam 7. Beyond 'Culture' and 'Tradition' in Sudan: The Role of the State in Reinventing Darfur's Tribal Politics- Noah R. Bassil 8. Protests and Public Power in Post-Saddam Iraq: The Case of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Union- Benjamin Isakhan 9. Rebuilding the State from Below: NGO Networks and the Politics of Civil Society in Somalia- Valeria Saggiomo Part III Resistance, Co-optation, Centralization 10. Apolitical Civil Society and the Constitutional Debate in Morocco- Emanuela Dalmasso11. An Invisible and Enduring Presence: Women in Egyptian Politics- Lucia Sorbera 12. Feudal Control of Politics in Peripheral Turkey: the Example of the Sanliurfa Province- Michelangelo Guida 13. Authoritarian Informality: Elite Centralization in Turkmenistan- Luca Anceschi 14. Informality, Knowledge and Power: The Disciplinary Politics of Civil Society and Democracy- Andrea Teti
Uploads
Papers by Gennaro Gervasio