2 Background and Related Work
Data Breaches. Schlackl et al. [
110] identified eight categories of consequences of data breaches from the literature; the consequences apply to not only the organization that suffered the breach but also customers, competitors, supply chain partners, and other actors. Breached organizations can bear substantial costs to repair the aftermath, including forensics, patching system vulnerabilities, operational interruptions, compensations to affected individuals, and resolving potential lawsuits [
5,
39,
48,
104,
106]. There are also invisible and hard-to-measure costs in rebuilding the breached organization’s reputation [
63,
136] and affected individuals’ trust [
1,
16,
18,
79]. For affected individuals, exposed data puts them at risk of account compromise [
30,
97,
112,
125], phishing [
90], and identity theft [
3,
103,
108,
117]. Although it may take years before leaked data is misused, the harm can be profound when it happens. For instance, victims of identity theft may have ruined credit reports or have to file for bankruptcy due to abuse of credit [
7]. Identity theft is also traumatizing: in a 2021 survey by the Identity Theft Resource Center [
50], 8% of respondents reported having suicidal thoughts that they did not have before. Thus, some researchers have argued that data breaches cause compensable harm due to the substantial risk of future financial injury and the emotional distress imposed on victims [
25,
117].
Breached organizations are often legally required to notify affected victims [
34,
92] and offer compensations such as discounts [
19] or free credit/identity monitoring [
111]. Services like HIBP [
49] and Firefox Monitor [
83] examine third-party breach reports and notify signed-up users. Some companies automatically reset passwords for users whose credentials appeared in password dumps [
43,
137]. Additional measures for victims include
Two-Factor Authentication (2FA) that increases the difficulty of misusing leaked credentials and warnings that flag social engineering and phishing attacks [
71,
91]. Nevertheless, no solution is perfect: attackers can bypass 2FA without obtaining the secondary token [
31,
54], and phishing warnings have low adherence rates [
4,
6,
33].
Security Mental Models and Behaviors. How individuals perceive the causes and impacts of data breaches relates to mental models of security and privacy. Mental models—an individual’s internalized representation of how a system works [
86]—have been studied for computer security [
60,
131], security warnings [
12], smart home security [
66,
140], and the Internet [
58]. Respective studies consistently find that unawareness and misconceptions of security risks create hurdles to adopting effective mitigation strategies. Even when individuals correctly assess risks, they may still not react accordingly due to bounded rationality and cognitive biases [
2] or not having experienced negative consequences [
143].
In our main survey, we investigate two aspects that may impact how individuals respond to data breaches:
awareness (i.e., whether and how individuals learn about a breach), and
perception regarding a breach’s potential causes and impacts. For awareness, prior research has documented various channels that individuals leverage to learn about security advice, including media, peers, family, workplace, and service providers [
24,
96,
98]. For data breaches specifically, respondents of RAND’s 2016 survey [
1] reported first learning of a breach from the breached organization’s notification (56%), media reports (28%), or third parties (16%). Additionally, prior research has shown that consumers understand the potential impacts of data breaches, such as identity theft and personal information leakage [
53,
59,
142]. Our work complements these findings by prompting participants to reflect on both causes and impacts of specific breaches that affected them, providing insights into how these perceptions link to their emotions and behaviors.
Consumer Reactions to Data Breaches. Data breach victims are advised to take a range of actions depending on the information exposed [
123,
124,
130], such as changing passwords if account credentials are exposed and requesting new credit cards if financial information is exposed. In the United States, victims are further urged to place a credit freeze, check credit reports, and file taxes early if their Social Security number is exposed [
73,
122,
123].
Nevertheless, studies on breaches in general [
1,
53,
59] and on specific breaches [
44,
65,
126,
142] show that consumers rarely take recommended protective measures in response [
53,
142,
143]. Consumers generally report increased concern about identity theft [
8,
53] and diminished trust in the breached organization as well as their service and information quality [
16,
84,
110]. Nonetheless, such risk perception and attitudinal change often do not result in action. Consumers tend to accept compensations provided by the breached organization [
1,
81] but do not go further; they continue using existing credit cards [
81] and the same password for different accounts [
40], thereby fueling credential stuffing attacks that cause account compromises [
51].
Several studies have examined the determinants of consumers’ behavioral reactions to data breaches: knowledge of available measures [
142], perception of clear evidence indicating being affected [
80], cognitive biases [
142], peer influence [
21,
65], and media coverage [
24]. Tech-savvy and non-tech-savvy individuals also differ in their needs for guidance related to mitigating actions [
8]. Furthermore, breach notifications to victims are often ambiguous in communicating the risks of a breach and priority among recommended actions [
11,
129,
141]. These issues, coupled with the overwhelming amount of security advice for end users [
99,
101], pose challenges for affected individuals to act on provided advice.
Methodologically, prior work primarily asked participants to recall past experiences with generic breaches [
1,
53] or describe intended reactions in hypothetical scenarios [
46,
59]. By contrast, we apply a novel approach to examine participants’ responses to specific breaches that exposed their information. Our sample covers a multitude of breaches varying in size and types of exposed information rather than one breach as a case study [
44,
81,
126,
142]. Our approach increases ecological validity and mitigates recall bias as participants are confronted with breaches that affected them. Similar reflection studies have yielded insights into users’ attitudes and behaviors in other contexts, such as password creation behaviors [
89,
132] and reactions to online tracking [
135] or advertising inference [
95].
The Intention-Behavior Gap. Much existing security and privacy research has used behavioral intention as a proxy for actual behavior due to difficulties in observing the latter [
72]. However, research in other domains such as personal health has revealed an intention-behavior gap. A meta-analysis of experimental evidence showed that a medium-to-large-sized change in intentions led to only a small-to-medium-sized change in behavior [
134]. Sheeran and Webb [
113] summarized three key challenges that people may encounter as they strive to enact their intentions: (1) fail to get started (e.g., forget to act or miss opportunities to act), (2) fail to keep goal pursuit on track (e.g., get derailed by competing goals), and (3) fail to bring goal pursuit to a successful close (e.g., fall short of the desired outcome). Correspondingly, there are self-regulatory mechanisms that target these challenges to help people realize their intentions, such as forming implementation intentions [
41] and monitoring goal progress [
45].
Among the limited number of studies that examined the intention-behavior gap in security contexts, Crossler et al. [
20] found that the costs of implementation (e.g., in terms of time and inconvenience) could be a strong deterrent to full compliance for employees to follow Bring Your Own Device policies. Similarly, Jenkins et al. [
56] found that high levels of required effort negatively moderated users’ intentions to follow security policies. In the privacy literature, Norberg et al. [
85] were the first to demonstrate the intention-behavior gap by showing that people are more likely to share personal information than they intend to during marketing exchanges; the authors coined the term
privacy paradox to describe this phenomenon. The privacy paradox remains a topic of debate, since some studies found a positive correlation between intention and behavior with large effect sizes [
29,
61], and others found a reversed intention-behavior gap where participants disclosed less information in the behavior condition than in the intention condition [
120]. Research on the underlying mechanisms of the concern-behavior gap [
10] (which might also explain the intention-behavior gap) argues that the gap could occur after an explicit risk-benefit calculation (which could be biased or unbiased), or individuals may engage in little or no risk assessment due to a lack of knowledge [
2] and learned helplessness [
115]. Our work contributes to the literature by studying the existence of the intention-behavior gap (or not) in people’s reactions to data breaches, a context that has not been studied before. Notably, we relied on participants’ self-reported data rather than observing their behaviors. Although this measurement of actual behavior was not perfect, we were able to identify the motivations and hurdles behind the translation from intention to behavior by probing participants to reflect on their experience between the two surveys.
4 Results: Main Survey
4.1 RQ1: Likelihood of Breaches
We conducted a logistic regression on whether an email address had been exposed in data breaches in relation to the email account’s age, frequency of being checked, and purpose of use. Results in Table
2 show that an email address was significantly more likely to be exposed in data breaches as the account’s age in years increased (
\(OR_{age}\) = 1.35,
\(p\)\(\lt\).001), as it was checked daily instead of weekly (
\(OR_{daily}^{weekly}\) = 2.30,
\(p\) = .03), and as it was used for personal correspondence (
\(OR_{yes}^{no}\) = 2.13,
\(p\) = .02). Additionally, the significant intercept indicates that an email address was significantly unlikely to be associated with any breach if the email account was just created, checked weekly, and not used for any correspondence or account creation purposes (
\(OR_{intercept}\) = 0.14,
\(p\) = .002). Essentially, the less frequently used and newer an email address is, the less likely it is to be exposed in a breach.
We further conducted a quasi-Poisson regression on the number of breaches per email address with the same independent variables as earlier. We chose quasi-Poisson regression because the dependent variable is count data with a skewed distribution [
139]. Results in Table
3 show how the number of breaches increases with an email account’s age: for every 1 year of increase in age, the expected number of breaches increases by a factor of
\(exp(0.08)=1.08\) (
\(p\) < .001). In other words, the number of breaches increases 8% per year of use, compounding yearly (Figure
3). A possible explanation is that the older an email address is, the more it has been used for account registrations, which increases its presence on the Internet as well as risks of exposure when a data breach occurs. The significant intercept in Table
3 confirms this finding: a new and rarely used email address is less likely to be affected by breaches. Furthermore, the number of breaches per email address differed among age groups: compared to young adults (18–34), the number of breaches decreases by a factor of
\(exp(-0.29)=0.75\) (
\(p\) = .045) for middle-aged adults (35–54) and by a factor of
\(exp(-0.35)=0.71\) (
\(p\) = .02) for older adults (55+).
.
RQ1: What factors influence the likelihood that an email address is involved in a data breach?
Our results suggest that an email account’s age, checking frequency, and purpose of use are significantly correlated with the email address’s presence in a breach. Both models capture email age’s influences: for each year of increase, the email address is 1.35\(\times\) more likely to be part of a breach or gains 1.08\(\times\) more breaches than the previous year. Conversely, the significant intercept in both models suggests that a new and rarely used email address is less likely to be involved in a breach. Although these results are somewhat intuitive, they indicate the pervasiveness of data breaches: most email addresses queried in our study had appeared in one or more breaches even though they were only used in ordinary ways.
4.2 RQ2: Perceived Causes and Impacts of Being Affected by Breaches
We asked participants to speculate why or why not their email address was part of a data breach and name any experienced impacts or anticipated future impacts from a specific breach.
Perceived Reasons for Being Affected by Breaches. We analyzed 302 open-ended responses to Q10 in which participants speculated why their email address was exposed in one or more data breaches. The most common speculation, cited in 159 (53%) responses, was that it was due to their own email-related practices. Specifically, 70 (23%) mentioned using the email address to sign up for many different sites (e.g., “it’s on the website of every business I have an online relationship with”). Another 31 (10%) mentioned the email’s age as a relevant factor, saying it had been used for a long time. A total of 23 (8%) expressed that breaches were inevitable, especially for an old or widely used email address (e.g., “there are a lot of companies or organizations that have my email [address] and chances are one of them is going to get hacked”). Furthermore, in 31 (10%) cases, participants mentioned using the email address to sign up for seemingly sketchy websites, sometimes with a clear intention to do so despite knowing that the website might be insecure.
Participants mentioned other insecure behaviors as potential reasons for being affected by a breach in 31 (10%) cases. In 13 responses, participants referred to password-related behaviors, such as using simple passwords, reusing a password across accounts, or not changing passwords frequently. Incautious clicking behavior was mentioned five times (e.g., “because I was not careful with what emails I clicked”). Other participants indicated their exposure to breaches was due to infrequent monitoring of the email account, easily guessed answers for security questions, or forgetting to log out of the email account. Although these are indeed insecure behaviors, password choices do not impact one’s likelihood of being involved in a breach; they impact a breach’s consequences by increasing the possibility of account hijacking due to credential stuffing. Similarly, clicking on untrustworthy links may make the email address appear in spam lists, which will be reported by HIBP if found on the public web. However, this action on its own does not increase one’s vulnerability to breaches.
Participants in only 42 (14%) of all responses accurately attributed the cause of being affected by a breach to external factors unrelated to their behaviors. In 26 (9%) cases, participants blamed lax security measures by the breached site (e.g., “these companies did not try hard enough to keep information private”). Sixteen (5%) blamed bad actors such as hackers and scammers targeting the breached site (e.g., “hackers are devious devils and learn to adapt faster than organizations can protect users”). Another 15 (5%) suspected their email address was sold by the breached site or a third party. Nine participants incorrectly placed blame on their email provider’s security (e.g., “I feel like Hotmail has poor security and cannot block as many spam emails compared to Gmail”).
Perceived Reasons for Not Being Affected by Breaches. Q7 asked participants to speculate why their email address was
not involved in any data breach. Among the 136 provided responses, 78 (57%) mentioned cautious email practices. Specifically, 31 (23%) reported using their email address to sign up for trusted sites only, sometimes with careful examination of the website (e.g.,
“I try as much as possible to scrutinize websites before dropping any of my details”). Eighteen (13%) mentioned that their email address was relatively new or did not get used much, which is supported by our regression results in Section
4.1. Ten mentioned limiting the email to specific purposes, such as correspondence with friends and family members only.
Eight participants described using multiple email accounts for different purposes, such as using one email address for correspondence exclusively and another for account registration on sites to which they do not attach much value (i.e., “low-value” sites). Such behavior would likely reduce the likelihood of breaches involving high-value email addresses. However, low-value email addresses that are commonly used for account registration still face real impacts of breaches such as account hijacking.
Twenty-one (15%) participants cited their security practices as reasons for not being affected. Nine participants mentioned their password practices, such as using strong/unique passwords and changing passwords regularly. Less frequently mentioned were 2FA, anti-virus, firewall, and VPN. None of these behaviors are likely to prevent data breaches despite potentially having other positive security outcomes.
Experienced and Anticipated Impacts of Data Breaches. Participants with at least one breach were asked to describe their experienced or potential impacts for a given breach (Q16). Of the 792 responses, more than half assessed the breach’s impact as none (343, 43%) or very little (85, 11%); another 77 (10%) were unsure. Only 19 (4%) breaches were perceived as having a large impact. In 135 (17%) cases, participants described emotional feelings without naming concrete impacts, such as “no impact, just rage.”
In 149 (19%) instances, participants described specific experienced impacts or anticipated future impacts. The most prevalent was an increase in spam emails and text messages. Some participants reported scam phone calls, and others anticipated identity theft as a potential impact (e.g., “I suppose now that someone has all that information about me they could impersonate me, open credit lines in my name, scam my family and friends”). Participants who had experienced adverse events described emotional stress and resulting behavioral changes, such as avoiding phone calls due to frequent scams or frequently checking emails for suspicious activities after account compromises.
Notably, participants with and without experienced impacts differed in assessing the impact’s severity. Most participants who described anticipated impacts but had not experienced them did not foresee real consequences (e.g.,
“the only things that [would] really happen is . . . scammers . . . occasionally attempt to access some of my older accounts that hold no sensitive information”). This finding underlines that participants’ perception of impacts after being affected by breaches largely depends on individual circumstances. Prior work [
142,
143] has similarly shown that people do not adopt secure behaviors until experiencing actual harm.
.
RQ2: What do participants perceive as the causes of being involved in data breaches and related impacts, and to what extent do their perceptions align with reality?
Our results indicate that relatively few participants (42 out of 302, 14%) correctly attributed the cause of their victimhood to external factors such as the breached site and hackers. Instead, most participants referred to their insecure behaviors related to email, passwords, and so forth, in explaining why their email address appeared in a breach. Most participants reported little to no experienced or anticipated impacts. When participants named concrete consequences, they mostly referred to spam and identity theft, although the perceived severity varied substantially.
4.3 RQ3: Awareness of Breaches
Among the 792 breach-specific responses, 590 (74%) reported unawareness of being affected by the breach before our study. Only 143 (18%) reported prior awareness, and the other 8% were unsure. Participants who were previously aware of the breach mostly learned about it from the breached site (45, 31%) or third-party notification services (45, 31%). Less common sources included news media (17, 12%), credit/identity monitoring services (14, 10%), bank or credit card companies (3, 2%), experiencing adverse events (3, 2%), and someone else (3, 2%). In nine instances, participants could not remember how they learned about the breach.
We ran a mixed-effect logistic regression to identify factors that might impact awareness (excluding “unsure” responses), including the same email-related factors from Table
2 as independent variables. Additionally, we included breach age (i.e., the time lapse between a breach’s occurrence and the participant taking our study), hypothesizing that participants are more likely to recall and report awareness of recent breaches.
Results in Table
4 show a significant intercept, indicating that participants were more likely to be unaware of a breach if they have a newer email address and the breach just occurred (
\(OR_{intercept}\) = 0.01,
\(p\) < .001). Participants were also significantly more likely to be aware of a breach as the breach’s age in years increased (
\(OR_{breach\_age}\) = 1.22,
\(p\) < .001). Older participants were less likely to be aware of breaches than young participants (
\(OR_{55+}^{18-34}\) = 0.39,
\(p\) = .049), and men were more likely to be aware of a breach than women in our sample (
\(OR_{men}^{women }\) = 2.09,
\(p\) = .049), although
p-values in both cases are close to 0.05. These findings align with prior work in which adopting protective behaviors differed by age [
62] and gender [
114,
143]. Other demographic variables and email-related factors are not significantly correlated with prior awareness.
RQ3: What factors influence participants’ awareness of data breaches that affected them?
Participants were unaware of 74% of the breaches presented in our study, suggesting that current methods of informing consumers about data breaches might be ineffective. Prior awareness primarily came from interactions with the breached company or third-party notification services. Notably, participants were significantly more likely to be aware of older breaches. A longer time lapse might provide participants with more opportunities to learn about the breach, and once aware, participants’ memory of the breach does not seem to fade away.
4.4 RQ4: Emotional Response and Concerns Toward Breaches
Participants indicated their concern using a 5-point Likert item for each shown breach (Q15) and for each data type leaked in a breach (Q17). We also asked participants to describe their feelings after learning about the breach (Q14, open ended).
Quantitative Ratings of Concern Level. Among 792 breach-specific responses, the median concern level regarding the breach was “somewhat concerned.” Less than half reported either no concern (151, 19%) or being very/extremely concerned (197, 25% combined). Figure
4 shows concern levels for commonly leaked data types. Participants were most concerned about leaks of physical address (52% very/extremely), passwords (47% very/extremely), and phone number (42% very/extremely). Other leaked data types that participants felt less concerned about were employer information (38% not at all), social media profile (42% not at all), job title (46% not at all), and gender (65% not at all).
We sought to identify factors that might impact concern level through a mixed-effect linear regression on overall concern Likert responses. We included email address related factors and prior awareness as independent variables, hypothesizing that participants would be more concerned about frequently used email addresses or if they had not been aware of a breach. We also included the number of breached data types and the breach status of data types for which more than 50% of responses were “somewhat concerned” or above in Figure
4, namely password, physical address, phone number, date of birth, IP address, and name.
7 We hypothesized that as the amount or sensitivity of leaked data types increases, the concern level would increase. Additionally, we included the breaches’ age, hypothesizing that participants might be more concerned about more recent breaches since these breaches would likely involve data that is still relevant to them.
The regression results do not reveal any significant factors impacting overall concern except the intercept (
\(b_{intercept}\) = 2.52,
\(SE\) = .31,
\(p\) < .001), indicating that participants likely default to between “slightly concerned” and “somewhat concerned.” The model’s
\(f^2\) =0.03 indicates a small effect size. The absence of significant correlators for concern is likely due to the fact that sensitive data types (e.g., financial information and social security numbers that are known to trigger more concern) are underrepresented in our sample’s breaches (see Figure
2). Even relatively sensitive data types in our sample still had a fair number of “not at all/slightly concerned” responses.
Various Emotions in Qualitative Responses. Figure
5 shows the wide range of emotions reflected in participants’ open-ended responses about their feelings after learning of a breach affecting them. In 237 (30%) cases, participants reported feeling upset (including annoyed, frustrated, mad, and angry), mostly toward the breached site. The negative emotion came from not having been properly informed (e.g.,
“I was very disappointed . . . they hid the fact that there was a data breach from everyone for three months”), the organization’s poor security measures (e.g.,
“don’t run an entirely online business if you can’t do basic security”), or violation of consumers’ trust (e.g.,
“I joined this site to read a story my granddaughter had written and thought it was completely safe”). These emotions align with the “risk as feelings” theory, which highlights that people may experience dread and outrage in comprehending risks [
116].
Mirroring the Likert responses, feeling unconcerned about a breach was common (185, 23%). Many participants believed that the exposed data was not sensitive (e.g., “I had only used the free version of that site, so I had not entered any payment information”). Others were unconcerned because they rarely interacted with nor knew the breached site (e.g., “I don’t even know what this site is, so I don’t think that them having my info . . . is a huge deal”). Some were unconcerned due to confidence in their security habits, including regularly changing passwords (25), avoiding password reuse (10), and enabling 2FA (4). A few participants were unconcerned due to a lack of experienced impacts (e.g., “I’m not especially worried because I haven’t detected any suspicious activity”) or the thought that they were less likely to be affected than others (e.g., “I feel like a drop in the bucket since there were 711 million emails affected”).
Participants in 104 (13%) responses reported feeling unsurprised, whereas 66 (8%) reported feeling surprised. Unsurprised participants explained that they never trusted the breached site or already knew about the breach. Conversely, surprised participants stated that they had never used the breached site’s service or trusted the organization.
In another 75 (9%) of cases, participants expressed confusion due to unfamiliarity with the breached site or not remembering having an account. Other prominent emotions included fatigued (43, 5%), violated (40, 5%), indifferent (33, 4%), scared (29, 4%), unsafe (18, 2%), relieved (18, 2%), or curious about why the breach happened (13, 2%). Those who expressed fatigue stressed that breaches were inevitable (e.g.,
“It’s the internet and things WILL be leaked somehow, either by hackers or by incompetence at the company that is holding your information anyhow”). This attitude is akin to the “digital resignation” phenomenon [
32]: many people’s inaction in the face of privacy infringements is not necessarily because they do not care, but because they are resigned and convinced that surveillance is inescapable. Positive emotions like relief were rare. Participants were relieved when sensitive data like financial information was not involved or that they were now aware of the breach and could take proper action.
.
RQ4: What are participants’ emotional responses to data breaches that affected them?
Although some leaked data types (e.g., password, physical address, and phone number) triggered more concerns, overall participants reported low concern about data breaches: 56% were slight or somewhat concerned, and 19% were not at all concerned. However, participants expressed a rich set of (mostly negative) emotions beyond concerns, such as feeling upset with the breached site and feeling fatigued by the sheer number of data breaches today.
4.5 RQ5: Behavioral Intention to Breaches
Participants were already aware of 143 breaches before our study. For these breaches, we further asked if they had taken any action in response (Q18). From participants’ open-ended responses, the most common action taken was to change passwords (87; 61%). Fifteen specified that they changed the password for the account at the breached site, and 27 mentioned changing the password across multiple accounts that might use the leaked password. Five further mentioned changing their email account’s password; this could be due to a misconception that their email account, not the account with the breached site, was compromised. Participants also described other password-related practices triggered by the breach, such as using unique passwords, using a password manager, and making passwords more complicated.
For actions related to participants’ accounts with the breached site, participants in 18 (13%) responses mentioned deleting or deactivating their accounts, and 1 mentioned reviewing accounts on other websites and deleting them as needed. Five mentioned enabling 2FA for the account with the breached site, for other accounts, or for their email account. Four reported checking the breached site’s account to see if it stored any sensitive data or if there had been any suspicious activity. In 31 (22%) cases, participants reported doing nothing in reaction; the percentage was lower than that in Ponemon’s 2014 survey (32%) [
53], but still substantial.
Additionally, we asked all participants with at least one breach to indicate, for each breach, how likely they were to initiate 10 provided actions within the next 30 days or whether they had taken action already. Specifically, we asked about the following actions:
•
Change the password for the affected account: Whether participants changed the password for the account at the service that experienced the specific breach in question.
•
Change reused passwords for other accounts: In extension to the password at the service directly affected by the breach, this action refers to accounts at different services that reuse the same password.
•
Delete account: Whether participants deleted or deactivated the account at the service that experienced the specific breach in question.
•
Enable 2FA: Whether participants enabled 2FA at the service that experienced the specific breach in question.
•
File a complaint: Whether the participant filed a complaint with a consumer protection agency or any other regulatory entity to receive compensation for damages resulting from the breach.
•
Place a credit freeze: Whether the participant placed a credit freeze on their credit reports at the three major credit bureaus (or credit reporting agencies) in the United States—Experian, Equifax, and TransUnion.
•
Review credit reports and/or financial statements: Whether the participant reviewed credit reports and/or bank and credit card statements for fraudulent activities.
•
Take legal action: Whether the participant took legal action against the service affected by the specific breach in question.
•
Sign up for breach notifications: Whether the participant signed up for a breach notification service (e.g., HIBP, Firefox Monitor).
•
Sign up for credit/identity monitoring: Whether the participant signed up for a credit monitoring or identity theft protection service (e.g., LifeLock, Identity Guard, Credit Karma).
We only include 500 breach-specific responses in the following analysis due to a data storage issue, excluding incomplete responses. Figure
6 shows the results. Of the 10 provided actions, changing the password for the breached site’s account or other accounts was the most popular, receiving more than half of likely/already done responses. “Review credit reports and/or financial statements” had the highest percentage of already done (30%). By contrast, most participants selected “not likely” for four actions: “use a credit/identity monitoring service,” “place a credit freeze on my credit reports,” “file a complaint with a consumer protection agency,” and “take legal action against the breached site.” This finding is understandable given that most leaked data types such as email addresses and passwords are considered “non-sensitive records” according to the Identity Theft Resource Center’s definition [
52].
We sought to understand factors that would impact the likelihood of having taken any of the 10 provided actions through a mixed-effect logistic regression. For independent variables, we discarded variables related to email habits since many of the listed actions were unrelated to one’s email account. We kept all other independent variables from the concern regression model, namely prior awareness, the breach’s age, the number of breached data types, and the breach status of six data types with relatively high concern levels. We further included overall concern Likert responses as an independent variable. Results in Table
5 show a significant intercept, indicating that participants were likely to default to inaction with no leaked data and no prior awareness or concern (
\(OR_{intercept}\) = 0.04,
\(p\) = .02). Being aware of a breach significantly increased the likelihood of having taken any of the listed actions (
\(OR_{yes}^{no}\) = 390.48,
\(p\) < .001). This is unsurprising given that participants who were unaware of being affected had little motivation to engage in protective measures. Additionally, more concern was significantly correlated with a higher likelihood of having taken action: for a 1-unit increase of concern on the 5-point Likert item, the odds of having taken action increase by 2.22 (
\(OR_{concern}\) = 2.22,
\(p\) = .005).
RQ5: What factors influence participants’ intention to take action in response to data breaches that affected them?
Participants’ intention to act varies among protective measures: they were more amenable to changing passwords and checking credit reports/financial statements than other actions. The regression results reveal that awareness and concern are significantly correlated with the likelihood of taking action, whereas other factors such as the leaked data types do not impact the outcome. Our findings suggest that to motivate consumers to react to breaches, they must first be aware that the breach occurred and feel concerned enough to invest in mitigation efforts.
6 Discussion
Summary of Empirical and Theoretical Contributions. We discuss how our findings align with or differ from prior work as follows. In our main survey, we examined individuals’ awareness, perception, and responses to specific data breaches that had exposed their email addresses and other information. Compared to RAND’s 2016 survey [
1], in which 44% reported already knowing about a breach before receiving a notification, we found that participants’ prior awareness was much lower in our sample (RQ4), and participants reported a lower level of overall concern than in prior work [
53,
59] (RQ5). This might result from a methodological difference, as our participants reflected on specific breaches affecting them rather than on breaches in general [
1,
53] or on hypothetical scenarios [
59]. Another possible reason is that participants mostly saw breaches with non-sensitive records [
52], which consist of the majority of the leaked data types in the HIBP database. Although the potential consequences of data breaches identified by our participants (e.g., more spam and increased risks of identity theft) are similar to those in prior work [
59,
142], many of our participants considered that these events would have little to no impact on their lives, which might help explain the low overall intention to act among our participants.
We then followed up with eligible participants 6 months later, finding that for most actions, participants’ intention to act translated rarely to action (see Figure
7). This finding adds to prior literature on the intention-behavior gap in other security contexts (e.g., compliance with organizational security policies [
20,
56]). We further contribute novel insights into the reasons behind this gap in the context of reacting to data breaches, as our participants mentioned a lack of concern, perceived costs outweighing benefits, and impediments related to their finance or account with the breached site as major hurdles in their attempts to translate the intention into action.
Our findings also connect with established theories about behavioral change in psychology literature, most notably the
Protection Motivation Theory (PMT) [
105]. PMT describes that individuals respond to a threat by considering the threat itself (threat appraisal, including threat severity and threat vulnerability), as well as their ability to respond to that threat (coping appraisal, including response efficacy, self-efficacy, and response cost). Most of the PMT components have been found to have reliable effects on individuals’ behavioral intention in the information security context [
76], and they are indeed well reflected in our results. For instance, participants’ qualitative responses about apathy or a lack of concern could be interpreted as low threat perception when they believed they would not be personally targeted (low threat vulnerability) or no harm would occur as a result of the breach (low threat severity).
However, we also found situations in which PMT fails to explain participants’ inaction—for example, even if the threat and coping appraisals would lead someone to form the intention to delete their account, some websites may not offer account deletion as an option, making the respective action unfeasible. Going beyond such external factors introduced by usability issues with account settings and controls, PMT also does not include awareness, whereas our main survey findings highlight that low awareness of breaches is a key barrier to taking action. To this end, our findings are more closely related to recent work on the SPAF (“security and privacy acceptance framework”) developed by Das et al. [
23], in which the authors identified awareness, motivation, and ability as three major barriers to users’ acceptance of expert recommendations. Descriptively, our findings validate that awareness, motivation, and ability all play an important role in individuals’ adoption of self-protective behaviors after data breaches. Future work could look to quantify the relationship (e.g., via structural equation modeling) and identify factors not covered by SPAF.
Bridge the Intention-Behavior Gap. We found that the presence and magnitude of an intention-behavior gap largely depend on the specific action. Out of the 10 actions we examined, only “reviewing credit reports” and “reviewing financial statements” received a greater than 50% follow-through rate for the intention to act. Although our regression results should be interpreted with caution (since we had a small sample size for the follow-up survey despite our best efforts to recruit participants back, cf. Section
3.2.2), even by looking at the descriptive statistics, it is safe to conclude that intention did not serve as a reliable predictor for action in the context of people’s reactions after data breaches. Our findings align with prior work on the intention-behavior gap in other contexts [
113,
134]. We encourage future security research to continue examining the intention-behavior gap and measure people’s actual behavior when possible, ideally by combining self-reported and real-world measurement data to yield complementary insights [
100].
Knowing this gap exists, how can we help people transform their intentions into actual behavior? Prior work has highlighted various self-regulatory challenges people may face in realizing their intentions [
42,
113] (e.g., forgetting to act and experiencing disruptions) that interventions can target accordingly. Recent security research has also contributed promising examples. For example, Frik et al. [
38] showed how reminders and commitment nudges (i.e., pre-committing to a time of installation) helped their participants follow through with the intention to install security updates and enable 2FA. Story et al. [
119] showed how implementation nudges (i.e., helping participants form concrete and contextually activated plans) worked to increase the adoption of secure mobile payments. In our study, several participants indeed mentioned that they did not follow through with their intention because they forgot, not because they did not want to or could not do so in their condition, and our follow-up survey served as a reminder for them. We imagine that similar nudges could be implemented to help these participants realize their intentions when they are already highly motivated—such as periodic reminders to change their password, or a template they can fill out to detail their plans to place a credit freeze (e.g., the next time they pay their credit card bills). However, decreasing the effort [
47] for remediating actions might also encourage more people to follow through on their intentions, for example, by providing automation tools for the remediation [
75].
Consider the Effort Budget and Situations of Individuals. Our research joins related work [
51,
53,
142] in painting a bleak picture of consumers’ limited action after data breaches. However, our analyses of participants’ open-ended responses provide rich insights into the impediments to action, suggesting a certain extent of cost-benefit analyses in participants’ decision making and that inaction should not be viewed as a purely negative outcome. In particular, a fair number of participants in the follow-up survey mentioned account-related impediments that mostly apply to actions related to their account with the breached site, such as changing the breached password and deleting the account. Some of them did not recognize the breached site, some did not believe they had an account with the breached site (which is likely to be the case when the site is a business-to-business company or data broker), and others struggled to recover their account. Even for participants who were in a position to take account-related protective measures, some argued that the cost of taking action accumulated and it was unrealistic for them to react to every single breach.
These findings suggest that we need to develop a more nuanced view of consumers’ inaction in the face of data breaches, or even in the face of security and privacy threats in general. For example, a direction for future work could be empirically tracking and measuring the impact of being affected by breaches, ideally in a longitudinal setting. Most consumers may care more about concrete forms of harm such as monetary loss rather than psychological harm (especially if they are not experiencing anxiety or other emotional distress as a result) or the likelihood of future harm that is mostly used in courts for breach-related lawsuits [
117]. For consumers who are not experiencing negative events, like identity theft, as a result of being affected by the breach, their inaction could be well justified considering their limited compliance budget [
47] and competing needs in daily lives. In fact, in a recent measurement study, Breen et al. [
13] report that the six cybercrimes they studied—representing almost 30% of cybercrime in the United States—are rare, with none having an estimated annual prevalence rate higher than 3.5% among the U.S. population (scaled up from the participants in their representative sample). Considering the cost of taking action and the prevalence of cybercrime, it is a big ask for consumers to adopt every possible protective measure for every breach. Therefore, theories such as the privacy calculus [
28] might be appropriate to model individuals’ behavior in the response to data breaches. Their application should be considered in future studies.
Relatedly, another direction for future work could be developing and evaluating mechanisms of providing affected consumers with advice on actions personalized to their situations. For example, the action “change the password for the affected account” would not make sense and should not be recommended if passwords were not among the types of breached data. Another way of further reducing consumers’ burden and fatigue is to recommend the action only to users who still have an active account with the breached site based on automated detection. Similar efforts have appeared in commercial breach notification products. For example, BreachIQ
8 claims to provide “customized action plans based on an individual’s unique breach history and risk exposure—providing their own dynamic Identity Safety Score.” Such personalized advice might help consumers better prioritize actions to take—an improvement compared to existing letter-based breach notifications [
141]. However, more research is needed to understand whether personalized rather than one-size-fits-all advice indeed improves the security outcomes for affected consumers as well as any potential biases in the personalization algorithms.
Address Misconceptions. Despite the rational aspects of inaction, participants’ open-ended responses in both the main and follow-up surveys still reflect misconceptions that need to be addressed. In some cases, misconceptions become hurdles for considering, not to mention adopting, protective measures (e.g., one participant commented that they could not afford to pay for a breach notification service, whereas in reality most of these services are free). Clarifying these misconceptions in consumer-facing messages could be a way forward to encourage the adoption of protective measures.
Misconceptions also exist in participants’ perceptions regarding the causes and consequences of data breaches. Specifically, most participants blamed their own email habits or security practices for data breaches, and such misconceptions exacerbate a power asymmetry—rather than demanding that organizations improve security measures or that regulators hold them accountable, participants blamed themselves. As our participants mentioned, actions like filing a lawsuit or filing a complaint with regulatory entities might indeed be perceived as time intensive (irrespective of the actual time needed) and therefore perceived as beyond reach for an average consumer. However, affected individuals can join forces via collective action to demand redress and fight against the power chasm between data harvesting institutions and individual users [
22,
138]. Recent work has suggested a design space for online platforms to help affected consumers coordinate and connect them with expert stewards who can translate the demands into concrete requests for recourse [
138]. In assessing a breach’s impact, participants’ responses further reflect an interesting pattern: those who had not experienced concrete adverse impacts mostly did not take the breach seriously, whereas those who had experienced an adverse event (which they believed to have resulted from the breach) reported emotional distress and resulting behavioral changes. This finding aligns with prior work on the role of present bias [
68]—discounting future risks in favor of immediate gratification—in people’s security behaviors [
37,
38]. Consequently, nudging interventions can seek to help consumers better visualize the concrete harms of data breaches and use high-risk situations (e.g., right after accidentally clicking on a phishing link) as valuable education opportunities to communicate advice.
When developing and implementing nudges that address misconceptions and encourage consumers’ reactions, ethics are an important aspect to consider [
102]. Our findings show the key role of concern in individuals’ processes of forming intentions and taking action after breaches. As such, it might be tempting to focus on how we could trigger consumers to be more concerned when designing respective nudges. Yet, following this approach requires great care and caution. Prior work has shown that fear appeals alone could be mildly effective at most, especially when they are not used in combination with messages about coping strategies [
127]. Recent work on trauma-informed computing [
17] further suggests that many established approaches to induce fear in security warnings (e.g., using words like “danger” or “threat”) could trigger panic or hypervigilance for trauma survivors, especially when considering that experiencing data breaches (and associated consequences like identity theft) itself could be traumatic. We need more research to tackle this tension between informing consumers of risks and actions after breaches versus accounting for the possible effects of trauma on their reactions.
Develop Better Tools to Help Consumers React to Breaches. Although consumers may not be able to prevent breaches from happening, they can take action to mitigate the aftermath of a breach. Our findings show that some straightforward actions such as changing passwords had relatively high adoption rates and intention to adopt; participants also followed through on their intentions for these actions. Yet, the majority of actions we examined were much less popular, indicating the need to offer more usable and useful protective measures to affected individuals. Decreasing the effort required to perform these actions could directly influence the response cost, one of the factors postulated to influence behavior as part of PMT, as discussed previously.
One of our key findings is that extensive use of an email account significantly increased the email address’s likelihood of being involved in a breach. Yet, simply asking users to reduce their usage or abandon their email accounts is not a viable solution, as it also diminishes the email account’s utility. Instead, drawing from some participants’ descriptions of creating dedicated email accounts for registration on low-value sites, we see the promise of more automated tools to offer unique email aliases for account registration. Such features could further be integrated into other technologies with broader adoption, such as browsers or password managers, to create a more streamlined experience through features like auto-filling. Recent respective efforts include “Sign in with Apple”
9 and Firefox Relay:
10 both support the generation of a unique, random email address during account registration, which is forwarded to a user’s actual inbox. However, both products are currently limited to their respective ecosystems. The effectiveness, awareness, and adoption of such tools, as well as how individuals manage multiple email aliases in general, are open questions for future research.
Set Stricter Legal Requirements for Notifying and Protecting Consumers. Our study reflects the sad reality that many individuals are unaware that they are affected by breaches, at least for breaches exposing email addresses. Current breach notification requirements, mechanisms, and tools fail to reach data breach victims, despite awareness being a crucial trigger for taking action according to regression results of our main survey. Although prior work highlights the role of media in shaping consumers’ attitudes toward breaches [
1,
24], our participants mostly learned about the breach from the affected business or third-party services.
Regarding when to send breach notifications, one may argue that regulators need to mandate companies to send more breach notifications to better raise consumers’ awareness of breaches. For instance, notifications should be required for
all breaches rather than breaches that “result in a high risk to data subjects,” as in the
General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), especially when court cases are already struggling to assess risks and harms caused by data breaches [
117]. Furthermore, breached businesses could be mandated to notify consumers in multiple channels instead of the most convenient one and obtain confirmation from victims that the notification was received. That being said, we should also consider the additional burden and stress passed on to consumers from having a slew of notifications sent to them irrespective of the severity of the breach and consumers’ own preferences. Future research is needed to understand to what extent stricter legal requirements about when to notify consumers of breaches impact consumers’ awareness as well as fatigue, similar to recent work that measures the effect of privacy laws (e.g., GDPR and the California Consumer Privacy Act) on privacy policies and opt-outs for the sale of personal information [
27,
74,
87,
128].
Regarding how to send breach notifications, there are opportunities for incorporating recent research and innovations in notification mechanisms into legal requirements. Prior research on SSL/TLS warnings [
4,
35,
36] shows that in-browser warnings effectively raise threat awareness and encourage safer practices. Similarly, data breach notifications could explore approaches beyond letters and emails, such as in situ methods whereby visiting affected sites leads to a notification [
26], as recently pursued by some browsers and password managers that warn users if saved passwords appeared in credential dumps [
69,
93]. Notifications should also consider non-adherence, as our participants reported low follow-through rates for their intentions and expressed emotions like fatigue and resignation. Drawing from warning design literature on mitigating fatigue in email-based notifications [
9,
67], one could build systems that highlight unread breach notifications in email clients, similar to Gmail’s reminders to reply to emails [
14]. The contents of such emails could also be automatically parsed and reformatted to guide attention to important details.
To summarize, our findings about participants’ lack of awareness and self-protection indicates that breached businesses should play a more active role in protecting affected individuals. Notifications should continue to exist as they give consumers the right to know, but notifying consumers should not absolve breached businesses from further responsibility—they should further ensure that consumers have viable remediation solutions and assist in the recovery process, such as offering support in identity restoration. We need to rethink the current approach of defaulting to offering credit and identity monitoring services as compensation, which are known to provide limited preventative protection [
64], and our participants reported little interest in these services due to low perceived effectiveness and associated financial cost. Instead, breached businesses could offer affected consumers email alias generators, password managers, or other more promising mitigation tools by partnering with respective service providers. Regulators should also set and frequently revisit requirements for the types of services breached businesses must offer as compensation.
Importantly, breached businesses have financial incentives for transparent post-breach communications and active mitigation. Prior work shows that data breach notifications provide a venue for impression management and repairing damaged trust [
55]. Moreover, breached businesses that provide affected individuals with compensation face a lower likelihood of lawsuits [
107]. Regulators should also create meaningful incentives for organizations to act accordingly. For instance, the GDPR’s threat of substantial fines has resulted in a heightened effort by organizations worldwide to overhaul their privacy and security programs.