Patience Epps, Danny Law & Na’ama Pat-El (éds), Historical Linguistics and Endangered Languages: Exploring Diversity in Language Change, New York / Oxford, Routledge, 2022
Nadia COMOLLI, Julien DUFOUR, Marie-Aimée GERMANOS (éds), LIBELLULES arabes, sémitiques, italiennes berbères : études linguistiques et littéraires offertes à Jérôme Lentin par ses collègues, élèves et amis, Paris, Geuthner., 2021
Frédéric Bauden & Elise Franssen (éds), In the Author’s Hand: Holograph and Authorial Manuscripts in the Islamic Handwritten Tradition, p. 115-208, 2020
This 52-page article is a presentation of the verbal morphology of the basic stems (Ga and Gb mor... more This 52-page article is a presentation of the verbal morphology of the basic stems (Ga and Gb morphological classes) in a dialect of Jibbali/Śħrḗt (Modern South Arabian sub-family, Semitic family) spoken in Eastern Dhofar (Sultanate of Oman). It aims, as far as possible, at an exhaustive description of the existing verbal types and its core is a collection of 44 complete verbal paradigms obtained through elicitation. Focus is given to the system of phonologically-triggered allomorphy that characterizes the Jibbali/Śħrḗt (and Modern South Arabian) verbal morphology, whereby to a given inflectional cell correspond several morphological patterns the choice between which is determined by the characteristics of the root. Surface phonological processes necessary to an apprehension of Jibbali verbal forms are also summarized.
تدرس هذه المقالة مورفولوجيا الفعل المجرد (بصِنفَيه [أ] و[ب]) في اللغة الشحرية كما يُنطق بها في شرق محافظة ظفار، الواقعة في أقصى جنوب سلطنة عمان. وتنتمي اللغة الشحرية، المسماة أيضا بالجِبّالية، إلى عائلة اللغات السامية وتصنّف – تحديدا – في فئة اللغات العربية الجنوبية الشرقية. ويقدّم هذا البحث مقاربة وصفية لكل الأنماط الصرفية الموجودة في اللغة للفعل المجرد، وتُرصد تلك الأنماط فيما يتجاوز 40 جدولا تصريفيا قام بتصريفها المؤلفان، وتُعدّ اللغة الشحرية اللغة الأم لأحدهما. وستولي المقالة اهتماما خاصا بالنظام المورفولوجي الذي تتميز به اللغات العربية الجنوبية الشرقية، والذي تكمن خصوصيته في الآتي:
إذا أخذنا اللغة العربية الفصحى نموذجا للغات السامية بشكل عام، فكل الأفعال فيها التي تنتمي إلى صنف مورفولوجي معيّن (مثلا [كَتَبَ يَكْتُبُ]) لها وزن واحد لكل خليّة تصريفية (مثلا: المتكلم المذكر المفرد في الماضي: فَعَلْتُ)، يكون وزنَه مهما كانت حروف الجذر: دَرَسْتُ، بَلَغْتُ، دَعَوْتُ، دَلَلْتُ، إلخ. أما في اللغة الشحرية، فيقابل كل خلية تصريفية – خلافا لما هو في العربية – عدة أوزان (مثلا: فُعولْك، فيعِلْك، فوعِك، فيعْك...) حسب نوعية حروف الجذر: فُعولْك إذا لم يكن في الجذر أي علة نحو قُدورْك (ومعناها استطعتُ)؛ فيعِلْك إذا كان لامه حرفا حلقيا نحو ديفعك(دَفَعْتُ)؛ فوعِك إذا كان لامه واوا أو ياء نحو قورِك (خبّأتُ)؛ فيعْك إذا كان الجذر مضعفا نحو ديلْك (دللتُ)؛ إلخ.
كما ستُذكر أيضا أهم العمليات الفونولوجية السطحية التي يجب معرفتها عند تحليل مورفولوجيا أي فعل من الأفعال الشحرية.
QuadRi: Quaderni di RiCOGNIZIONI, "Linguistic Studies in the Arabian Gulf", ed. Simone BETTEGA & Fabio GASPARINI, 2017
http://www.ojs.unito.it/index.php/QuadRi/issue/view/200
This article explores the phonologically-... more http://www.ojs.unito.it/index.php/QuadRi/issue/view/200 This article explores the phonologically-triggered morphological suppletism exhibited by the basic-stem verbal forms of triliteral roots in the Modern South Arabian languages, concentrating on the default patterns and the patterns selected by roots with a guttural consonant in C2 or C3 position. It aims at understanding the diachrony of the system in a comparative perspective. It will be claimed that proto-Modern South Arabian developed word stress according to two constraints: (1) stress favours vowels closer to the last consonant of the word; (2) stress location is sensitive to vowel quality according to a sonority scale *a > *ă > *i, *u (where *ă stands for ‘*a before a guttural’). This historically phonological process gave rise to what is now synchronically a morphological system of allomorphy.
Jibbali and Mehri nouns and adjectives of the form C1V́C2(ə)C3(-) exhibit various vowels in stressed V1 position, whereas it is not always clear whether a phonological /ə/ must be posited in post-tonic V2. This article investigates the patterns underlying such items. It appears that in both languages the presence of a /ə/ in V2 is fundamentally determined by the pattern (some patterns implying /ə/ and others ∅), although the presence of a sonorant as the third root consonant conditions the presence of a /ə/ in actual lexemes whatever the pattern. This together with other phonological processes creates, especially in Mehri, complicated cross-matches between the underlying patterns and the attested realisations. Their identification sheds light on the morphological correspondences between Mehri and Jibbali. It is finally argued that patterns of the C1V́C2C3 type go back to Proto-Semitic patterns in *C1VC2C3, whereas most patterns of the C1V́C2əC3 type go back to *C1ā̆C2ī̆C3.
Of all the poetic genres identifiable as cultural practices in tribal Yemen, the qaṣīda is the closest thing to a fixed text, independent from the moment of enunciation. Furthermore, the stereotyped structure of the qaṣīda involves formulaic borrowings from Classical Arabic (e.g. the religious supplications at the opening and end of the poem), as well as the motif of the messenger meant to deliver the text of the message to its recipient. This has led some to hypothesize that the genre of the qaṣīda with its characteristic structure appeared as an answer to the epistolary needs of literate poets living in an oral environment. Through the analysis of four contemporary Yemeni poems, this article puts the question the other way round and aims to show that it is in the very nature of the qaṣīda to stage the time offset existing between the utterance of the message and its reception, as well as the resulting mediation between those involved in the matter addressed by the poem. Thus, references to writing or to messengers with which poets punctuate their texts may be put down to the demands of the genre, which would also explain why the radio, television and various means of transportation are also mentioned.
« La colombe et les voyelles. Malḥūn et muˁrab dans le ḥumayni yéménite », in Sobhi Boustani & Ma... more « La colombe et les voyelles. Malḥūn et muˁrab dans le ḥumayni yéménite », in Sobhi Boustani & Marie-Aimée GERMANOS (éds), La littérature arabe dialectale. Un patrimoine vivant, Paris, Karthala, 2016, p. 111-190.
Julien DUFOUR, « La Belle aux sonnailles et quatorze autres nouveaux poèmes du faqīh ˁAbd Allāh b... more Julien DUFOUR, « La Belle aux sonnailles et quatorze autres nouveaux poèmes du faqīh ˁAbd Allāh b. Abī Bakr al-Mazzāḥ (Yémen, début du XVe siècle) »
“The Jingling-Jeweled Lassie and fourteen other new poems by the faqīh ˁAbd Allāh b. Abī Bakr al-Mazzāḥ (Yemen, beginning of the 15th century)”
This article is a commented edition of fifteen ḥumaynī poems by ˁAbd Allāh al-Mazzāḥ, based on the manuscript ‘Arabe 7084’ of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. It includes a linguistic, metrical and intertextual analysis of the poems. It addresses the specific questions raised by the editing of such a document, which is but the by-product of an oral practice of learned vernacular sung poetry. The attribution of the poems to al-Mazzāḥ is discussed on internal and external evidence. The influence of these texts on later poets is investigated through a focus on the muˁāraḍah technique. The paper includes a treatment of the problems raised by the poems’ strophic patterns and scansion. The text in Arabic script, reproducing that of the manuscript, is accompanied by a conventional Latin transcription that highlights metrical and linguistic important facts. A final table summarizes the metrical information concerning the poems, according to conventions already used elsewhere by the author in handling this kind of ḥumaynī corpus.
Jibbali and Mehri (Modern South Arabian) nouns and adjectives of the form C1V́C2(ə)C3(-) exhibit ... more Jibbali and Mehri (Modern South Arabian) nouns and adjectives of the form C1V́C2(ə)C3(-) exhibit various vowels in stressed V1 position, whereas it is not always clear whether a phonological /ə/ must be posited in post-tonic V2. This article investigates the patterns underlying such items. It appears that in both languages the presence of a /ə/ in V2 is fundamentally determined by the pattern (some patterns implying /ə/ and others ∅), although the presence of a sonorant as the third root consonant conditions the presence of a /ə/ in actual lexemes whatever the pattern. This together with other phonological processes creates, especially in Mehri, complicated cross-matches between the underlying patterns and the attested realisations. Their identification sheds light on the morphological correspondences between Mehri and Jibbali. It is finally argued that patterns of the C1V́C2C3 type go back to Proto-Semitic patterns in *C1VC2C3, whereas most patterns of the C1V́C2əC3 type go back to *C1ā/iC2ī/iC3. A corollary of this is that no segolisation occurred in MSA (outside sonorant-final roots).
Patience Epps, Danny Law & Na’ama Pat-El (éds), Historical Linguistics and Endangered Languages: Exploring Diversity in Language Change, New York / Oxford, Routledge, 2022
Nadia COMOLLI, Julien DUFOUR, Marie-Aimée GERMANOS (éds), LIBELLULES arabes, sémitiques, italiennes berbères : études linguistiques et littéraires offertes à Jérôme Lentin par ses collègues, élèves et amis, Paris, Geuthner., 2021
Frédéric Bauden & Elise Franssen (éds), In the Author’s Hand: Holograph and Authorial Manuscripts in the Islamic Handwritten Tradition, p. 115-208, 2020
This 52-page article is a presentation of the verbal morphology of the basic stems (Ga and Gb mor... more This 52-page article is a presentation of the verbal morphology of the basic stems (Ga and Gb morphological classes) in a dialect of Jibbali/Śħrḗt (Modern South Arabian sub-family, Semitic family) spoken in Eastern Dhofar (Sultanate of Oman). It aims, as far as possible, at an exhaustive description of the existing verbal types and its core is a collection of 44 complete verbal paradigms obtained through elicitation. Focus is given to the system of phonologically-triggered allomorphy that characterizes the Jibbali/Śħrḗt (and Modern South Arabian) verbal morphology, whereby to a given inflectional cell correspond several morphological patterns the choice between which is determined by the characteristics of the root. Surface phonological processes necessary to an apprehension of Jibbali verbal forms are also summarized.
تدرس هذه المقالة مورفولوجيا الفعل المجرد (بصِنفَيه [أ] و[ب]) في اللغة الشحرية كما يُنطق بها في شرق محافظة ظفار، الواقعة في أقصى جنوب سلطنة عمان. وتنتمي اللغة الشحرية، المسماة أيضا بالجِبّالية، إلى عائلة اللغات السامية وتصنّف – تحديدا – في فئة اللغات العربية الجنوبية الشرقية. ويقدّم هذا البحث مقاربة وصفية لكل الأنماط الصرفية الموجودة في اللغة للفعل المجرد، وتُرصد تلك الأنماط فيما يتجاوز 40 جدولا تصريفيا قام بتصريفها المؤلفان، وتُعدّ اللغة الشحرية اللغة الأم لأحدهما. وستولي المقالة اهتماما خاصا بالنظام المورفولوجي الذي تتميز به اللغات العربية الجنوبية الشرقية، والذي تكمن خصوصيته في الآتي:
إذا أخذنا اللغة العربية الفصحى نموذجا للغات السامية بشكل عام، فكل الأفعال فيها التي تنتمي إلى صنف مورفولوجي معيّن (مثلا [كَتَبَ يَكْتُبُ]) لها وزن واحد لكل خليّة تصريفية (مثلا: المتكلم المذكر المفرد في الماضي: فَعَلْتُ)، يكون وزنَه مهما كانت حروف الجذر: دَرَسْتُ، بَلَغْتُ، دَعَوْتُ، دَلَلْتُ، إلخ. أما في اللغة الشحرية، فيقابل كل خلية تصريفية – خلافا لما هو في العربية – عدة أوزان (مثلا: فُعولْك، فيعِلْك، فوعِك، فيعْك...) حسب نوعية حروف الجذر: فُعولْك إذا لم يكن في الجذر أي علة نحو قُدورْك (ومعناها استطعتُ)؛ فيعِلْك إذا كان لامه حرفا حلقيا نحو ديفعك(دَفَعْتُ)؛ فوعِك إذا كان لامه واوا أو ياء نحو قورِك (خبّأتُ)؛ فيعْك إذا كان الجذر مضعفا نحو ديلْك (دللتُ)؛ إلخ.
كما ستُذكر أيضا أهم العمليات الفونولوجية السطحية التي يجب معرفتها عند تحليل مورفولوجيا أي فعل من الأفعال الشحرية.
QuadRi: Quaderni di RiCOGNIZIONI, "Linguistic Studies in the Arabian Gulf", ed. Simone BETTEGA & Fabio GASPARINI, 2017
http://www.ojs.unito.it/index.php/QuadRi/issue/view/200
This article explores the phonologically-... more http://www.ojs.unito.it/index.php/QuadRi/issue/view/200 This article explores the phonologically-triggered morphological suppletism exhibited by the basic-stem verbal forms of triliteral roots in the Modern South Arabian languages, concentrating on the default patterns and the patterns selected by roots with a guttural consonant in C2 or C3 position. It aims at understanding the diachrony of the system in a comparative perspective. It will be claimed that proto-Modern South Arabian developed word stress according to two constraints: (1) stress favours vowels closer to the last consonant of the word; (2) stress location is sensitive to vowel quality according to a sonority scale *a > *ă > *i, *u (where *ă stands for ‘*a before a guttural’). This historically phonological process gave rise to what is now synchronically a morphological system of allomorphy.
Jibbali and Mehri nouns and adjectives of the form C1V́C2(ə)C3(-) exhibit various vowels in stressed V1 position, whereas it is not always clear whether a phonological /ə/ must be posited in post-tonic V2. This article investigates the patterns underlying such items. It appears that in both languages the presence of a /ə/ in V2 is fundamentally determined by the pattern (some patterns implying /ə/ and others ∅), although the presence of a sonorant as the third root consonant conditions the presence of a /ə/ in actual lexemes whatever the pattern. This together with other phonological processes creates, especially in Mehri, complicated cross-matches between the underlying patterns and the attested realisations. Their identification sheds light on the morphological correspondences between Mehri and Jibbali. It is finally argued that patterns of the C1V́C2C3 type go back to Proto-Semitic patterns in *C1VC2C3, whereas most patterns of the C1V́C2əC3 type go back to *C1ā̆C2ī̆C3.
Of all the poetic genres identifiable as cultural practices in tribal Yemen, the qaṣīda is the closest thing to a fixed text, independent from the moment of enunciation. Furthermore, the stereotyped structure of the qaṣīda involves formulaic borrowings from Classical Arabic (e.g. the religious supplications at the opening and end of the poem), as well as the motif of the messenger meant to deliver the text of the message to its recipient. This has led some to hypothesize that the genre of the qaṣīda with its characteristic structure appeared as an answer to the epistolary needs of literate poets living in an oral environment. Through the analysis of four contemporary Yemeni poems, this article puts the question the other way round and aims to show that it is in the very nature of the qaṣīda to stage the time offset existing between the utterance of the message and its reception, as well as the resulting mediation between those involved in the matter addressed by the poem. Thus, references to writing or to messengers with which poets punctuate their texts may be put down to the demands of the genre, which would also explain why the radio, television and various means of transportation are also mentioned.
« La colombe et les voyelles. Malḥūn et muˁrab dans le ḥumayni yéménite », in Sobhi Boustani & Ma... more « La colombe et les voyelles. Malḥūn et muˁrab dans le ḥumayni yéménite », in Sobhi Boustani & Marie-Aimée GERMANOS (éds), La littérature arabe dialectale. Un patrimoine vivant, Paris, Karthala, 2016, p. 111-190.
Julien DUFOUR, « La Belle aux sonnailles et quatorze autres nouveaux poèmes du faqīh ˁAbd Allāh b... more Julien DUFOUR, « La Belle aux sonnailles et quatorze autres nouveaux poèmes du faqīh ˁAbd Allāh b. Abī Bakr al-Mazzāḥ (Yémen, début du XVe siècle) »
“The Jingling-Jeweled Lassie and fourteen other new poems by the faqīh ˁAbd Allāh b. Abī Bakr al-Mazzāḥ (Yemen, beginning of the 15th century)”
This article is a commented edition of fifteen ḥumaynī poems by ˁAbd Allāh al-Mazzāḥ, based on the manuscript ‘Arabe 7084’ of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. It includes a linguistic, metrical and intertextual analysis of the poems. It addresses the specific questions raised by the editing of such a document, which is but the by-product of an oral practice of learned vernacular sung poetry. The attribution of the poems to al-Mazzāḥ is discussed on internal and external evidence. The influence of these texts on later poets is investigated through a focus on the muˁāraḍah technique. The paper includes a treatment of the problems raised by the poems’ strophic patterns and scansion. The text in Arabic script, reproducing that of the manuscript, is accompanied by a conventional Latin transcription that highlights metrical and linguistic important facts. A final table summarizes the metrical information concerning the poems, according to conventions already used elsewhere by the author in handling this kind of ḥumaynī corpus.
Jibbali and Mehri (Modern South Arabian) nouns and adjectives of the form C1V́C2(ə)C3(-) exhibit ... more Jibbali and Mehri (Modern South Arabian) nouns and adjectives of the form C1V́C2(ə)C3(-) exhibit various vowels in stressed V1 position, whereas it is not always clear whether a phonological /ə/ must be posited in post-tonic V2. This article investigates the patterns underlying such items. It appears that in both languages the presence of a /ə/ in V2 is fundamentally determined by the pattern (some patterns implying /ə/ and others ∅), although the presence of a sonorant as the third root consonant conditions the presence of a /ə/ in actual lexemes whatever the pattern. This together with other phonological processes creates, especially in Mehri, complicated cross-matches between the underlying patterns and the attested realisations. Their identification sheds light on the morphological correspondences between Mehri and Jibbali. It is finally argued that patterns of the C1V́C2C3 type go back to Proto-Semitic patterns in *C1VC2C3, whereas most patterns of the C1V́C2əC3 type go back to *C1ā/iC2ī/iC3. A corollary of this is that no segolisation occurred in MSA (outside sonorant-final roots).
Uploads
تدرس هذه المقالة مورفولوجيا الفعل المجرد (بصِنفَيه [أ] و[ب]) في اللغة الشحرية كما يُنطق بها في شرق محافظة ظفار، الواقعة في أقصى جنوب سلطنة عمان. وتنتمي اللغة الشحرية، المسماة أيضا بالجِبّالية، إلى عائلة اللغات السامية وتصنّف – تحديدا – في فئة اللغات العربية الجنوبية الشرقية. ويقدّم هذا البحث مقاربة وصفية لكل الأنماط الصرفية الموجودة في اللغة للفعل المجرد، وتُرصد تلك الأنماط فيما يتجاوز 40 جدولا تصريفيا قام بتصريفها المؤلفان، وتُعدّ اللغة الشحرية اللغة الأم لأحدهما. وستولي المقالة اهتماما خاصا بالنظام المورفولوجي الذي تتميز به اللغات العربية الجنوبية الشرقية، والذي تكمن خصوصيته في الآتي:
إذا أخذنا اللغة العربية الفصحى نموذجا للغات السامية بشكل عام، فكل الأفعال فيها التي تنتمي إلى صنف مورفولوجي معيّن (مثلا [كَتَبَ يَكْتُبُ]) لها وزن واحد لكل خليّة تصريفية (مثلا: المتكلم المذكر المفرد في الماضي: فَعَلْتُ)، يكون وزنَه مهما كانت حروف الجذر: دَرَسْتُ، بَلَغْتُ، دَعَوْتُ، دَلَلْتُ، إلخ. أما في اللغة الشحرية، فيقابل كل خلية تصريفية – خلافا لما هو في العربية – عدة أوزان (مثلا: فُعولْك، فيعِلْك، فوعِك، فيعْك...) حسب نوعية حروف الجذر: فُعولْك إذا لم يكن في الجذر أي علة نحو قُدورْك (ومعناها استطعتُ)؛ فيعِلْك إذا كان لامه حرفا حلقيا نحو ديفعك(دَفَعْتُ)؛ فوعِك إذا كان لامه واوا أو ياء نحو قورِك (خبّأتُ)؛ فيعْك إذا كان الجذر مضعفا نحو ديلْك (دللتُ)؛ إلخ.
كما ستُذكر أيضا أهم العمليات الفونولوجية السطحية التي يجب معرفتها عند تحليل مورفولوجيا أي فعل من الأفعال الشحرية.
This article explores the phonologically-triggered morphological suppletism exhibited by the basic-stem verbal forms of triliteral roots in the Modern South Arabian languages, concentrating on the default patterns and the patterns selected by roots with a guttural consonant in C2 or C3 position. It aims at understanding the diachrony of the system in a comparative perspective. It will be claimed that proto-Modern South Arabian developed word stress according to two constraints: (1) stress favours vowels closer to the last consonant of the word; (2) stress location is sensitive to vowel quality according to a sonority scale *a > *ă > *i, *u (where *ă stands for ‘*a before a guttural’). This historically phonological process gave rise to what is now synchronically a morphological system of allomorphy.
Jibbali and Mehri nouns and adjectives of the form C1V́C2(ə)C3(-) exhibit various vowels in stressed V1 position, whereas it is not always clear whether a phonological /ə/ must be posited in post-tonic V2. This article investigates the patterns underlying such items. It appears that in both languages the presence of a /ə/ in V2 is fundamentally determined by the pattern (some patterns implying /ə/ and others ∅), although the presence of a sonorant as the third root consonant conditions the presence of a /ə/ in actual lexemes whatever the pattern. This together with other phonological processes creates, especially in Mehri, complicated cross-matches between the underlying patterns and the attested realisations. Their identification sheds light on the morphological correspondences between Mehri and Jibbali. It is finally argued that patterns of the C1V́C2C3 type go back to Proto-Semitic patterns in *C1VC2C3, whereas most patterns of the C1V́C2əC3 type go back to *C1ā̆C2ī̆C3.
LINK TO THE ARTICLE: https://cy.revues.org/2961
Of all the poetic genres identifiable as cultural practices in tribal Yemen, the qaṣīda is the closest thing to a fixed text, independent from the moment of enunciation. Furthermore, the stereotyped structure of the qaṣīda involves formulaic borrowings from Classical Arabic (e.g. the religious supplications at the opening and end of the poem), as well as the motif of the messenger meant to deliver the text of the message to its recipient. This has led some to hypothesize that the genre of the qaṣīda with its characteristic structure appeared as an answer to the epistolary needs of literate poets living in an oral environment.
Through the analysis of four contemporary Yemeni poems, this article puts the question the other way round and aims to show that it is in the very nature of the qaṣīda to stage the time offset existing between the utterance of the message and its reception, as well as the resulting mediation between those involved in the matter addressed by the poem. Thus, references to writing or to messengers with which poets punctuate their texts may be put down to the demands of the genre, which would also explain why the radio, television and various means of transportation are also mentioned.
LINK TO THE ARTICLE: https://cy.revues.org/2961
.
“The Jingling-Jeweled Lassie and fourteen other new poems by the faqīh ˁAbd Allāh b. Abī Bakr al-Mazzāḥ (Yemen, beginning of the 15th century)”
This article is a commented edition of fifteen ḥumaynī poems by ˁAbd Allāh al-Mazzāḥ, based on the manuscript ‘Arabe 7084’ of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. It includes a linguistic, metrical and intertextual analysis of the poems. It addresses the specific questions raised by the editing of such a document, which is but the by-product of an oral practice of learned vernacular sung poetry. The attribution of the poems to al-Mazzāḥ is discussed on internal and external evidence. The influence of these texts on later poets is investigated through a focus on the muˁāraḍah technique. The paper includes a treatment of the problems raised by the poems’ strophic patterns and scansion. The text in Arabic script, reproducing that of the manuscript, is accompanied by a conventional Latin transcription that highlights metrical and linguistic important facts. A final table summarizes the metrical information concerning the poems, according to conventions already used elsewhere by the author in handling this kind of ḥumaynī corpus.
تدرس هذه المقالة مورفولوجيا الفعل المجرد (بصِنفَيه [أ] و[ب]) في اللغة الشحرية كما يُنطق بها في شرق محافظة ظفار، الواقعة في أقصى جنوب سلطنة عمان. وتنتمي اللغة الشحرية، المسماة أيضا بالجِبّالية، إلى عائلة اللغات السامية وتصنّف – تحديدا – في فئة اللغات العربية الجنوبية الشرقية. ويقدّم هذا البحث مقاربة وصفية لكل الأنماط الصرفية الموجودة في اللغة للفعل المجرد، وتُرصد تلك الأنماط فيما يتجاوز 40 جدولا تصريفيا قام بتصريفها المؤلفان، وتُعدّ اللغة الشحرية اللغة الأم لأحدهما. وستولي المقالة اهتماما خاصا بالنظام المورفولوجي الذي تتميز به اللغات العربية الجنوبية الشرقية، والذي تكمن خصوصيته في الآتي:
إذا أخذنا اللغة العربية الفصحى نموذجا للغات السامية بشكل عام، فكل الأفعال فيها التي تنتمي إلى صنف مورفولوجي معيّن (مثلا [كَتَبَ يَكْتُبُ]) لها وزن واحد لكل خليّة تصريفية (مثلا: المتكلم المذكر المفرد في الماضي: فَعَلْتُ)، يكون وزنَه مهما كانت حروف الجذر: دَرَسْتُ، بَلَغْتُ، دَعَوْتُ، دَلَلْتُ، إلخ. أما في اللغة الشحرية، فيقابل كل خلية تصريفية – خلافا لما هو في العربية – عدة أوزان (مثلا: فُعولْك، فيعِلْك، فوعِك، فيعْك...) حسب نوعية حروف الجذر: فُعولْك إذا لم يكن في الجذر أي علة نحو قُدورْك (ومعناها استطعتُ)؛ فيعِلْك إذا كان لامه حرفا حلقيا نحو ديفعك(دَفَعْتُ)؛ فوعِك إذا كان لامه واوا أو ياء نحو قورِك (خبّأتُ)؛ فيعْك إذا كان الجذر مضعفا نحو ديلْك (دللتُ)؛ إلخ.
كما ستُذكر أيضا أهم العمليات الفونولوجية السطحية التي يجب معرفتها عند تحليل مورفولوجيا أي فعل من الأفعال الشحرية.
This article explores the phonologically-triggered morphological suppletism exhibited by the basic-stem verbal forms of triliteral roots in the Modern South Arabian languages, concentrating on the default patterns and the patterns selected by roots with a guttural consonant in C2 or C3 position. It aims at understanding the diachrony of the system in a comparative perspective. It will be claimed that proto-Modern South Arabian developed word stress according to two constraints: (1) stress favours vowels closer to the last consonant of the word; (2) stress location is sensitive to vowel quality according to a sonority scale *a > *ă > *i, *u (where *ă stands for ‘*a before a guttural’). This historically phonological process gave rise to what is now synchronically a morphological system of allomorphy.
Jibbali and Mehri nouns and adjectives of the form C1V́C2(ə)C3(-) exhibit various vowels in stressed V1 position, whereas it is not always clear whether a phonological /ə/ must be posited in post-tonic V2. This article investigates the patterns underlying such items. It appears that in both languages the presence of a /ə/ in V2 is fundamentally determined by the pattern (some patterns implying /ə/ and others ∅), although the presence of a sonorant as the third root consonant conditions the presence of a /ə/ in actual lexemes whatever the pattern. This together with other phonological processes creates, especially in Mehri, complicated cross-matches between the underlying patterns and the attested realisations. Their identification sheds light on the morphological correspondences between Mehri and Jibbali. It is finally argued that patterns of the C1V́C2C3 type go back to Proto-Semitic patterns in *C1VC2C3, whereas most patterns of the C1V́C2əC3 type go back to *C1ā̆C2ī̆C3.
LINK TO THE ARTICLE: https://cy.revues.org/2961
Of all the poetic genres identifiable as cultural practices in tribal Yemen, the qaṣīda is the closest thing to a fixed text, independent from the moment of enunciation. Furthermore, the stereotyped structure of the qaṣīda involves formulaic borrowings from Classical Arabic (e.g. the religious supplications at the opening and end of the poem), as well as the motif of the messenger meant to deliver the text of the message to its recipient. This has led some to hypothesize that the genre of the qaṣīda with its characteristic structure appeared as an answer to the epistolary needs of literate poets living in an oral environment.
Through the analysis of four contemporary Yemeni poems, this article puts the question the other way round and aims to show that it is in the very nature of the qaṣīda to stage the time offset existing between the utterance of the message and its reception, as well as the resulting mediation between those involved in the matter addressed by the poem. Thus, references to writing or to messengers with which poets punctuate their texts may be put down to the demands of the genre, which would also explain why the radio, television and various means of transportation are also mentioned.
LINK TO THE ARTICLE: https://cy.revues.org/2961
.
“The Jingling-Jeweled Lassie and fourteen other new poems by the faqīh ˁAbd Allāh b. Abī Bakr al-Mazzāḥ (Yemen, beginning of the 15th century)”
This article is a commented edition of fifteen ḥumaynī poems by ˁAbd Allāh al-Mazzāḥ, based on the manuscript ‘Arabe 7084’ of the Bibliothèque nationale de France. It includes a linguistic, metrical and intertextual analysis of the poems. It addresses the specific questions raised by the editing of such a document, which is but the by-product of an oral practice of learned vernacular sung poetry. The attribution of the poems to al-Mazzāḥ is discussed on internal and external evidence. The influence of these texts on later poets is investigated through a focus on the muˁāraḍah technique. The paper includes a treatment of the problems raised by the poems’ strophic patterns and scansion. The text in Arabic script, reproducing that of the manuscript, is accompanied by a conventional Latin transcription that highlights metrical and linguistic important facts. A final table summarizes the metrical information concerning the poems, according to conventions already used elsewhere by the author in handling this kind of ḥumaynī corpus.