Does ethnocultural justice require a liberal state? Reflections on the (post) Yugoslav experience... more Does ethnocultural justice require a liberal state? Reflections on the (post) Yugoslav experience In this paper, we start from the argument that the liberal model of ethnocultural justice, based on the idea of multicultural citizenship, which was instituted in the successor countries of the former Yugoslavia twenty years ago, has failed to deliver on its promises: ethnic distance between citizens of different ethnocultural backgrounds has not been reduced, integration is still a problem, and group-differentiated rights often turn into instruments of domination within and between communities. Against this backdrop, we will go beyond the usual immanent critique of this model and point to valuable experiences of public recognition of ethnocultural diversity in socialist Yugoslavia. By doing this, we intend, first, to question the assumption that the liberal-democratic political framework is a necessary precondition for ethnocultural justice, and second, to open up space for reconsidering some potentially positive aspects of the non-juridical approach to multiculturalism that was implemented in actually-existing socialism. We point out three aspects as particularly relevant: a) a „right measure” of juridification, b) localization instead of centralization of minority communities, and c) availability of an encompassing, overarching identity in which all citizens can recognize themselves.
In this piece, we develop a more complex picture of the East-West divisions that have characteriz... more In this piece, we develop a more complex picture of the East-West divisions that have characterized much analysis of the region since the crisis began. By examining how differently positioned actors have responded, the migration flows become a heuristic for other important but less visible processes in post-socialist state formation and Euro-integration. We use the complexity of Serbia's reception as an empirical ground to create a new analytic framework that moves beyond over-simplified dichotomies. Doing this allows us to bring seemingly unrelated kinds of political action into the same frame to reveal an emerging trend in citizen and noncitizen political engagement.
Feminizam, aktivizam, politike: proizvodnja znanja na poluperiferiji. Zbornik radova u čast Marine Blagojević Hughson, 2021
U radu se daje kritički pregled novijih pristupa koji preispituju epistemološke osnove društvene ... more U radu se daje kritički pregled novijih pristupa koji preispituju epistemološke osnove društvene teorije u svetlu nejednakosti u resursima i moći, a kojima je zajednička pretpostavka o prirodi znanja kao lociranog i datiranog proizvoda konkretnih ljudskih aktera. Obuhvaćeni su postkolonijalna i dekolonijalna kritika, studije globalnih akademskih hijerarhija, teorija globalnog Juga, teorija naučnog polja, feminizam i intersekcionalnost. Na kraju se, inspirisano kritičkim pristupom Marine Blagojević Hjuson, tematizuje pozicija poluperiferije u tom kontekstu.
Пандемија, друштво и симболички поредак: јавни дискурси у/о кризи изазваној пандемијом ковида 19, 2021
Апстракт: У раду се анализирају стратегије којима се у јавном дискурсу, у контексту пандемије ков... more Апстракт: У раду се анализирају стратегије којима се у јавном дискурсу, у контексту пандемије ковида 19, председник Републике Србије представља као инстанца која управља целокупним друштвеним одговором на кризу и о свему брине, чиме се поткопава подела власти и аутономија институционалних сфера.
U ovom radu ispitujemo značenjska i vrednosna pomeranja koja se događaju ispod površinskog kontin... more U ovom radu ispitujemo značenjska i vrednosna pomeranja koja se događaju ispod površinskog kontinuiteta nostalgije prema Jugoslaviji u današnjoj Srbiji. Najpre se na nivou zvaničnog diskursa identifikuje tendencija, od sredine 2010-ih, da se SFRJ rehabilituje kao pozitivna politička referenca, ali uz razvodnjavanje njenih suštinskih obeležja – socijalističkog uređenja i višenacionalnog suživota, isticanjem njenog srpskog elementa, naročito kroz aistorijsku etnifikaciju antifašističke tradicije. Potom se taj proces značenjske rekonstrukcije SFRJ prati na nivou mišljenja običnih mladih ljudi, putem anketnog istraživanja studenata Univerziteta u Beogradu. Rezultati pokazuju značajno prisustvo pozitivnih gledanja na Jugoslaviju, ali uz takođe zapaženu prihvaćenost nacionalističkih stavova i etničkog čitanja istorije, što ishodi hibridnim i politički-ideološki neukotvljenim stanovištima. Zaključuje se da su se jugonostalgični sentimenti, iako naizgled i dalje dosta rasprostranjeni, u znatnoj meri odvojili od svojih nekadašnjih levičarskih i antinacionalističkih uporišta i da njihove savremene političke afilijacije, a time i potencijalni delatni efekti, mogu biti veoma neizvesni.
Using a typology of urban symbolism, the identity of Belgrade is reconstructed on the basis of ac... more Using a typology of urban symbolism, the identity of Belgrade is reconstructed on the basis of accounts by a sample of city residents, foreigners and locals, who work in international companies and organizations. The component of behavioral symbolism is found to prevail, referring to the place's atmosphere, mood, spirit, or energy. Next comes material symbolism, particularly in relation to Belgrade's location at the confluence of two rivers, and the Kalemegdan complex overlooking it. All other types of symbolism are much less prominent. Belgrade is described as having a comparatively low global visibility and lacking a readily recognizable landmark. What emerges as a pervasive motif in the different symbolic codes is the attribute of contradiction, and the related qualities of hybridity, liminality, and incompleteness. ili energiju grada. Na drugom mestu je materijalni simbolizam, naročito u vidu geografskog položaja Beograda na ušću dveju reka, uz kompleks Beogradske tvrđave koji se nad njima uzdiže. Svi drugi tipovi simbola su znatno slabije prisutni. Ispitanici smatraju da je Beograd relativno slabo vidljiv u globalnim razmerama i da mu nedostaje opštepoznato obeležje koje bi nepogrešivo simbolizovalo. Uočljivo je da se kroz različite simboličke izražajne jezike provlači motiv protivrečnosti, kao i s njime povezani atributi hibridnosti, liminalnosti i nedovršenosti. KLJUČNE REČI: Beograd, urbani identitet, urbani simbolizam, protivrečnost 1 ispasic@f.bg.ac.rs 2 vera.backovic@f.bg.ac.rs
Prikaz knjige Jeffrey C. Alexander, The Performance of Politics: Obama's Victory and the Democrat... more Prikaz knjige Jeffrey C. Alexander, The Performance of Politics: Obama's Victory and the Democratic Struggle for Power, New York: Oxford University Press, 2010
Рад је посвећен интерпретативним споровима око наслеђа "Друштвене конструкције стварности" Питера... more Рад је посвећен интерпретативним споровима око наслеђа "Друштвене конструкције стварности" Питера Бергера и Томаса Лукмана. С једне стране, књига се уобичајено сматра једним од главних исходишта конструкционизма. С друге, сами Бергер и Лукман су се томе жестоко противили, тврдећи да конструкционизам, као интелектуални покрет, има другачије теоријске изворе и интенције, те да је неприхватљиво идеолошки обојен. У раду се закључује да је њихов став само делимично тачан, јер између њиховог дела и каснијег конструкционизма ипак постоје значајне линије континуитета, које се у завршним одељцима идентификују и кратко анализирају.
Uzimajući kao polazište postupak Andrije Krešića kada je, ranih sedamdesetih godina prošlog veka,... more Uzimajući kao polazište postupak Andrije Krešića kada je, ranih sedamdesetih godina prošlog veka, podržao reizbor dvojice politički nepodobnih asistenata na Filozofskom fakultetu i zbog toga snosio posledice, u ovom radu se razmatra odnos između akademske ustanove i njenog društvenog okruženja u Srbiji tokom proteklih decenija, u svetlu teorija društvene diferencijacije i teorije polja. Ukazuje se na paradoks da danas, kada su formalno-sistemski preduslovi za nezavisnost akademskog polja u mnogo većoj meri obezbeđeni nego u vreme jednopartijskog režima, ima razloga da se govori o opadanju, umesto o porastu autonomije i da se, štaviše, to krunjenje odvija umnogome dobrovoljno i iznutra – činjenjem i nečinjenjem samih dejstvenika u polju.
APSTRAKT: U radu se preispituje metod polustrukturisanih intervjua kroz primer istraživanja grado... more APSTRAKT: U radu se preispituje metod polustrukturisanih intervjua kroz primer istraživanja gradova srednje veličine u Srbiji. Analizom transkripata pokazuje se da je saznajni kvalitet dobijenih podataka varirao u zavisnosti od položaja ispitanika u lokalnoj institucionalnoj strukturi, te su intervjui sa predstavnicima političkih i društvenih ustanova poprimali karakter igranja uloge (performativnost) pre nego pružanja obaveštenja o društvenoj stvarnosti i stavovima ispitanika (informativnost). Taj nalaz se dalje situira u kontekst aktuelnih debata u kvalitativnoj metodologiji, koje osvetljavaju složeno preplitanje različitih dimenzija intervjua (kao izvora podataka i kao interaktivne situacije), ali ipak ne prepoznaju u punoj meri problem performativnosti i ne nude konkretna rešenja. Na kraju se ukazuje na neke moguće neželjene epistemološke i političke implikacije nekritičke primene polustrukturisanog intervjua shvaćenog na prenaglašeno antipozitivistički način, pogotovo ukoliko se zanemare institucionalni i širi društveni okviri u kojima se istraživanje odvija.
Over a million refugees made the dangerous journey from Syria, Afghanistan, and other parts of th... more Over a million refugees made the dangerous journey from Syria, Afghanistan, and other parts of the Middle East across the so-called Balkan Corridor from the summer of 2015 to the corridor's closure in March 2016. Serbia, not an EU country, was never the final destination for the migrants. Refugees were primarily " passing through " in search of basic needs, information, and papers. Still, the Serbian response, like others in the region, became a litmus test. International press and policymakers scrutinized " the response " for evidence of state competence (to control borders) and to behave in properly " European " moral terms (see Dzenovska this forum). Serbia is a useful analytic foothold to examine the dynamics of an " East European Response. " It confounds a clear picture of two Europes and the divisions between them. Others in this forum have shown how the refugee crisis breathed new life into older divisions of east and west, successful and failed states, and mature and struggling democracies (see Krastev this issue). We take these broader discursive patterns as an important part of the picture, but we also ask what this latest crisis reveals about governance, citizenship, and politics in Europe for both refugees and Serbian citizens. Below we develop a more complex picture of the east-west divisions that have characterized much analysis of the region since the crisis began. By examining how differently positioned actors have responded, the migration flows become a heuristic for other important but less visible processes in post socialist state formation and European integration. We use the complexity of Serbia's reception as an empirical ground to create a new analytic framework that moves beyond oversimplified dichotomies. Doing this allows us to bring seemingly unrelated kinds of political action into the same frame to reveal an emerging trend in citizen and noncitizen political engagement. We argue that Serbian citizens and refugees alike are creating new kinds of solidarity politics in the interstices of alternately securitized and absent states.
Starting from an understanding of civil society that combines the descriptive aspect of the conce... more Starting from an understanding of civil society that combines the descriptive aspect of the concept with an analysis of the normative connotations it carries in public discourse, this paper discusses the current condition of civil society in Serbia against the backdrop of its tumultuous recent history. This backdrop is presented in the form of a brief overview of the enclaves
ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to bring together quantitative and qualitative methodologies ... more ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to bring together quantitative and qualitative methodologies in order to examine, within a broadly Bourdieusian theoretical framework, connections between positions in social space and strategies agents deploy in their everyday life. The data are derived from a study of social structure in today’s Serbia, combining survey and interviews with selected respondents. Strategies are conceptualized as a continuum ranging from a more sustained and cumulative, or ‘strategic’, pole to the unsystematic, ephemeral ‘tactical’ pole, as suggested by Michel de Certeau. On the basis of interview data, four types of life strategies are identified (individualist reactive, individualist proactive, collectivist reactive, and collectivist proactive). These strategies are presented through their generic practices and the typical habitus of the agents, along with individual portraits as illustrations. In conclusion, some theoretical implications are derived from data analysis, including departures from Bourdieu’s model.
Циљ овога рада јесте да идентификује, кратко представи и прокоментарише неколико питања око којих... more Циљ овога рада јесте да идентификује, кратко представи и прокоментарише неколико питања око којих се, према мишљењу ауторке, воде најживље и најплодоносније дебате у социолошкој теорији данас. Издвојене су четири теме: појам друштва, појам критике, јавни ангажман социолога и епистемолошко-методолошки комплекс (опис-разумевање-објашњење). У раду се ове дебате повезују са, на једној страни, променама у самој друштвеној стварности, а на другој с унутрашњом динамиком саме теорије. Најзад, разматра се у којој мери наведене дискусије отварају сасвим нова питања, а колико је реч о реформулацији старих дилема, одавно присутних у социологији.
Does ethnocultural justice require a liberal state? Reflections on the (post) Yugoslav experience... more Does ethnocultural justice require a liberal state? Reflections on the (post) Yugoslav experience In this paper, we start from the argument that the liberal model of ethnocultural justice, based on the idea of multicultural citizenship, which was instituted in the successor countries of the former Yugoslavia twenty years ago, has failed to deliver on its promises: ethnic distance between citizens of different ethnocultural backgrounds has not been reduced, integration is still a problem, and group-differentiated rights often turn into instruments of domination within and between communities. Against this backdrop, we will go beyond the usual immanent critique of this model and point to valuable experiences of public recognition of ethnocultural diversity in socialist Yugoslavia. By doing this, we intend, first, to question the assumption that the liberal-democratic political framework is a necessary precondition for ethnocultural justice, and second, to open up space for reconsidering some potentially positive aspects of the non-juridical approach to multiculturalism that was implemented in actually-existing socialism. We point out three aspects as particularly relevant: a) a „right measure” of juridification, b) localization instead of centralization of minority communities, and c) availability of an encompassing, overarching identity in which all citizens can recognize themselves.
In this piece, we develop a more complex picture of the East-West divisions that have characteriz... more In this piece, we develop a more complex picture of the East-West divisions that have characterized much analysis of the region since the crisis began. By examining how differently positioned actors have responded, the migration flows become a heuristic for other important but less visible processes in post-socialist state formation and Euro-integration. We use the complexity of Serbia's reception as an empirical ground to create a new analytic framework that moves beyond over-simplified dichotomies. Doing this allows us to bring seemingly unrelated kinds of political action into the same frame to reveal an emerging trend in citizen and noncitizen political engagement.
Feminizam, aktivizam, politike: proizvodnja znanja na poluperiferiji. Zbornik radova u čast Marine Blagojević Hughson, 2021
U radu se daje kritički pregled novijih pristupa koji preispituju epistemološke osnove društvene ... more U radu se daje kritički pregled novijih pristupa koji preispituju epistemološke osnove društvene teorije u svetlu nejednakosti u resursima i moći, a kojima je zajednička pretpostavka o prirodi znanja kao lociranog i datiranog proizvoda konkretnih ljudskih aktera. Obuhvaćeni su postkolonijalna i dekolonijalna kritika, studije globalnih akademskih hijerarhija, teorija globalnog Juga, teorija naučnog polja, feminizam i intersekcionalnost. Na kraju se, inspirisano kritičkim pristupom Marine Blagojević Hjuson, tematizuje pozicija poluperiferije u tom kontekstu.
Пандемија, друштво и симболички поредак: јавни дискурси у/о кризи изазваној пандемијом ковида 19, 2021
Апстракт: У раду се анализирају стратегије којима се у јавном дискурсу, у контексту пандемије ков... more Апстракт: У раду се анализирају стратегије којима се у јавном дискурсу, у контексту пандемије ковида 19, председник Републике Србије представља као инстанца која управља целокупним друштвеним одговором на кризу и о свему брине, чиме се поткопава подела власти и аутономија институционалних сфера.
U ovom radu ispitujemo značenjska i vrednosna pomeranja koja se događaju ispod površinskog kontin... more U ovom radu ispitujemo značenjska i vrednosna pomeranja koja se događaju ispod površinskog kontinuiteta nostalgije prema Jugoslaviji u današnjoj Srbiji. Najpre se na nivou zvaničnog diskursa identifikuje tendencija, od sredine 2010-ih, da se SFRJ rehabilituje kao pozitivna politička referenca, ali uz razvodnjavanje njenih suštinskih obeležja – socijalističkog uređenja i višenacionalnog suživota, isticanjem njenog srpskog elementa, naročito kroz aistorijsku etnifikaciju antifašističke tradicije. Potom se taj proces značenjske rekonstrukcije SFRJ prati na nivou mišljenja običnih mladih ljudi, putem anketnog istraživanja studenata Univerziteta u Beogradu. Rezultati pokazuju značajno prisustvo pozitivnih gledanja na Jugoslaviju, ali uz takođe zapaženu prihvaćenost nacionalističkih stavova i etničkog čitanja istorije, što ishodi hibridnim i politički-ideološki neukotvljenim stanovištima. Zaključuje se da su se jugonostalgični sentimenti, iako naizgled i dalje dosta rasprostranjeni, u znatnoj meri odvojili od svojih nekadašnjih levičarskih i antinacionalističkih uporišta i da njihove savremene političke afilijacije, a time i potencijalni delatni efekti, mogu biti veoma neizvesni.
Using a typology of urban symbolism, the identity of Belgrade is reconstructed on the basis of ac... more Using a typology of urban symbolism, the identity of Belgrade is reconstructed on the basis of accounts by a sample of city residents, foreigners and locals, who work in international companies and organizations. The component of behavioral symbolism is found to prevail, referring to the place's atmosphere, mood, spirit, or energy. Next comes material symbolism, particularly in relation to Belgrade's location at the confluence of two rivers, and the Kalemegdan complex overlooking it. All other types of symbolism are much less prominent. Belgrade is described as having a comparatively low global visibility and lacking a readily recognizable landmark. What emerges as a pervasive motif in the different symbolic codes is the attribute of contradiction, and the related qualities of hybridity, liminality, and incompleteness. ili energiju grada. Na drugom mestu je materijalni simbolizam, naročito u vidu geografskog položaja Beograda na ušću dveju reka, uz kompleks Beogradske tvrđave koji se nad njima uzdiže. Svi drugi tipovi simbola su znatno slabije prisutni. Ispitanici smatraju da je Beograd relativno slabo vidljiv u globalnim razmerama i da mu nedostaje opštepoznato obeležje koje bi nepogrešivo simbolizovalo. Uočljivo je da se kroz različite simboličke izražajne jezike provlači motiv protivrečnosti, kao i s njime povezani atributi hibridnosti, liminalnosti i nedovršenosti. KLJUČNE REČI: Beograd, urbani identitet, urbani simbolizam, protivrečnost 1 ispasic@f.bg.ac.rs 2 vera.backovic@f.bg.ac.rs
Prikaz knjige Jeffrey C. Alexander, The Performance of Politics: Obama's Victory and the Democrat... more Prikaz knjige Jeffrey C. Alexander, The Performance of Politics: Obama's Victory and the Democratic Struggle for Power, New York: Oxford University Press, 2010
Рад је посвећен интерпретативним споровима око наслеђа "Друштвене конструкције стварности" Питера... more Рад је посвећен интерпретативним споровима око наслеђа "Друштвене конструкције стварности" Питера Бергера и Томаса Лукмана. С једне стране, књига се уобичајено сматра једним од главних исходишта конструкционизма. С друге, сами Бергер и Лукман су се томе жестоко противили, тврдећи да конструкционизам, као интелектуални покрет, има другачије теоријске изворе и интенције, те да је неприхватљиво идеолошки обојен. У раду се закључује да је њихов став само делимично тачан, јер између њиховог дела и каснијег конструкционизма ипак постоје значајне линије континуитета, које се у завршним одељцима идентификују и кратко анализирају.
Uzimajući kao polazište postupak Andrije Krešića kada je, ranih sedamdesetih godina prošlog veka,... more Uzimajući kao polazište postupak Andrije Krešića kada je, ranih sedamdesetih godina prošlog veka, podržao reizbor dvojice politički nepodobnih asistenata na Filozofskom fakultetu i zbog toga snosio posledice, u ovom radu se razmatra odnos između akademske ustanove i njenog društvenog okruženja u Srbiji tokom proteklih decenija, u svetlu teorija društvene diferencijacije i teorije polja. Ukazuje se na paradoks da danas, kada su formalno-sistemski preduslovi za nezavisnost akademskog polja u mnogo većoj meri obezbeđeni nego u vreme jednopartijskog režima, ima razloga da se govori o opadanju, umesto o porastu autonomije i da se, štaviše, to krunjenje odvija umnogome dobrovoljno i iznutra – činjenjem i nečinjenjem samih dejstvenika u polju.
APSTRAKT: U radu se preispituje metod polustrukturisanih intervjua kroz primer istraživanja grado... more APSTRAKT: U radu se preispituje metod polustrukturisanih intervjua kroz primer istraživanja gradova srednje veličine u Srbiji. Analizom transkripata pokazuje se da je saznajni kvalitet dobijenih podataka varirao u zavisnosti od položaja ispitanika u lokalnoj institucionalnoj strukturi, te su intervjui sa predstavnicima političkih i društvenih ustanova poprimali karakter igranja uloge (performativnost) pre nego pružanja obaveštenja o društvenoj stvarnosti i stavovima ispitanika (informativnost). Taj nalaz se dalje situira u kontekst aktuelnih debata u kvalitativnoj metodologiji, koje osvetljavaju složeno preplitanje različitih dimenzija intervjua (kao izvora podataka i kao interaktivne situacije), ali ipak ne prepoznaju u punoj meri problem performativnosti i ne nude konkretna rešenja. Na kraju se ukazuje na neke moguće neželjene epistemološke i političke implikacije nekritičke primene polustrukturisanog intervjua shvaćenog na prenaglašeno antipozitivistički način, pogotovo ukoliko se zanemare institucionalni i širi društveni okviri u kojima se istraživanje odvija.
Over a million refugees made the dangerous journey from Syria, Afghanistan, and other parts of th... more Over a million refugees made the dangerous journey from Syria, Afghanistan, and other parts of the Middle East across the so-called Balkan Corridor from the summer of 2015 to the corridor's closure in March 2016. Serbia, not an EU country, was never the final destination for the migrants. Refugees were primarily " passing through " in search of basic needs, information, and papers. Still, the Serbian response, like others in the region, became a litmus test. International press and policymakers scrutinized " the response " for evidence of state competence (to control borders) and to behave in properly " European " moral terms (see Dzenovska this forum). Serbia is a useful analytic foothold to examine the dynamics of an " East European Response. " It confounds a clear picture of two Europes and the divisions between them. Others in this forum have shown how the refugee crisis breathed new life into older divisions of east and west, successful and failed states, and mature and struggling democracies (see Krastev this issue). We take these broader discursive patterns as an important part of the picture, but we also ask what this latest crisis reveals about governance, citizenship, and politics in Europe for both refugees and Serbian citizens. Below we develop a more complex picture of the east-west divisions that have characterized much analysis of the region since the crisis began. By examining how differently positioned actors have responded, the migration flows become a heuristic for other important but less visible processes in post socialist state formation and European integration. We use the complexity of Serbia's reception as an empirical ground to create a new analytic framework that moves beyond oversimplified dichotomies. Doing this allows us to bring seemingly unrelated kinds of political action into the same frame to reveal an emerging trend in citizen and noncitizen political engagement. We argue that Serbian citizens and refugees alike are creating new kinds of solidarity politics in the interstices of alternately securitized and absent states.
Starting from an understanding of civil society that combines the descriptive aspect of the conce... more Starting from an understanding of civil society that combines the descriptive aspect of the concept with an analysis of the normative connotations it carries in public discourse, this paper discusses the current condition of civil society in Serbia against the backdrop of its tumultuous recent history. This backdrop is presented in the form of a brief overview of the enclaves
ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to bring together quantitative and qualitative methodologies ... more ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to bring together quantitative and qualitative methodologies in order to examine, within a broadly Bourdieusian theoretical framework, connections between positions in social space and strategies agents deploy in their everyday life. The data are derived from a study of social structure in today’s Serbia, combining survey and interviews with selected respondents. Strategies are conceptualized as a continuum ranging from a more sustained and cumulative, or ‘strategic’, pole to the unsystematic, ephemeral ‘tactical’ pole, as suggested by Michel de Certeau. On the basis of interview data, four types of life strategies are identified (individualist reactive, individualist proactive, collectivist reactive, and collectivist proactive). These strategies are presented through their generic practices and the typical habitus of the agents, along with individual portraits as illustrations. In conclusion, some theoretical implications are derived from data analysis, including departures from Bourdieu’s model.
Циљ овога рада јесте да идентификује, кратко представи и прокоментарише неколико питања око којих... more Циљ овога рада јесте да идентификује, кратко представи и прокоментарише неколико питања око којих се, према мишљењу ауторке, воде најживље и најплодоносније дебате у социолошкој теорији данас. Издвојене су четири теме: појам друштва, појам критике, јавни ангажман социолога и епистемолошко-методолошки комплекс (опис-разумевање-објашњење). У раду се ове дебате повезују са, на једној страни, променама у самој друштвеној стварности, а на другој с унутрашњом динамиком саме теорије. Најзад, разматра се у којој мери наведене дискусије отварају сасвим нова питања, а колико је реч о реформулацији старих дилема, одавно присутних у социологији.
Unlike the standard view that Clifford Geertz and Pierre Bourdieu embody contrary social scientif... more Unlike the standard view that Clifford Geertz and Pierre Bourdieu embody contrary social scientific paradigms, it is argued that they share a whole set of similarities in terms of theory, research practice, and scholarly ethics. After briefly presenting the details of their encounter in the early 1970s, the authors identify the following points of their implicit and unintended convergence: 1) blurring of interdisciplinary boundaries, 2) work in North Africa, 3) relation to important predecessors, 4) commitment to fieldwork and rejection of 'grand theory', 5) postpositivism and anti-postmodernism, and 6) reflexivity. At the same time, irreducible differences between the two are noted, marking the outer limits of this kind of comparative analysis. Finally, it is argued that Geertz and Bourdieu missed the opportunity to enter a genuine dialogue and learn from each other lessons that may have helped them improve their respective scholarly projects. KEY WORDS Clifford Geertz, Pierre Bourdieu, anthropology, fieldwork, practice, reflexivity APSTRAKT Za razliku od uobičajenog mišljenja da Kliford Gerc i Pjer Burdije oličavaju suprotstavljene paradigme u društvenoj nauci, ovde se pokušava pokazati da njih povezuje niz sličnosti na planu teorije, istraživačke prakse i etike naučnog rada. Posle kratkog prikaza stvarnog susreta ove dvojice naučnika ranih 1970ih godina, u tekstu se identifikuju sledeće tačke njihovog implicitnog i nenameravanog približavanja: 1) zamagljivanje međudisciplinarnih granica, 2) rad u Severnoj Africi, 3) odnos prema značajnim prethodnicima, 4) posvećenost terenskom radu i odbojnost prema " velikoj teoriji " , 5) postpozitivizam i anti-postmodernizam i 6) refleksivnost. Pri tom se ne zaboravlja ni na nesvodljive razlike među njima, zbog kojih ova vrsta uporedne analize ima svoje granice. Napokon, tvrdi se da su Gerc i Burdije propustili priliku da uđu u istinski dijalog i jedan od drugog nauče lekcije kojima su mogli dodatno ojačati vlastite naučne projekte. KLJUČNE REČI Kliford Gerc, Pjer Burdije, antropologija, terenski rad, praksa, refleksivnost ———— 1 ispasic@f.bg.ac.rs 2 ggorun@open.telekom.rs
Méthod(e)s: African Review of Social Sciences Methodology, 2017
Review of: Knowledge Production at the Semiperiphery: A Gender Perspective, by Marina Blagojević,... more Review of: Knowledge Production at the Semiperiphery: A Gender Perspective, by Marina Blagojević, Belgrade: Institute of Criminological and Sociological Research, 2009
Prikaz knjige Eric Gordy, Guilt, Responsibility and Denial: The Past at
Stake in Post-Milošević S... more Prikaz knjige Eric Gordy, Guilt, Responsibility and Denial: The Past at Stake in Post-Milošević Serbia. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.
Prikaz knjige Luc Boltanski, Mysteries and Conspiracies:
Detective Stories, Spy Novels and the Ma... more Prikaz knjige Luc Boltanski, Mysteries and Conspiracies: Detective Stories, Spy Novels and the Making of Modern Societies, translated by Catherine Porter, Cambridge: Polity, 2014
Uploads
Papers by Ivana Spasic
In this paper, we start from the argument that the liberal model of ethnocultural justice, based on the idea of multicultural citizenship, which was instituted in the successor countries of the former Yugoslavia twenty years ago, has failed to deliver on its promises: ethnic distance between citizens of different ethnocultural backgrounds has not been reduced, integration is still a problem, and group-differentiated rights often turn into instruments of domination within and between communities. Against this backdrop, we will go beyond the usual immanent critique of this model and point to valuable experiences of public recognition of ethnocultural diversity in socialist Yugoslavia. By doing this, we intend, first, to question the assumption that the liberal-democratic political framework is a necessary precondition for ethnocultural justice, and second, to open up space for reconsidering some potentially positive aspects of the non-juridical approach to multiculturalism that was implemented in actually-existing socialism. We point out three aspects as particularly relevant: a) a „right measure” of juridification, b) localization instead of centralization of minority communities, and c) availability of an encompassing, overarching identity in which all citizens can recognize themselves.
In this paper, we start from the argument that the liberal model of ethnocultural justice, based on the idea of multicultural citizenship, which was instituted in the successor countries of the former Yugoslavia twenty years ago, has failed to deliver on its promises: ethnic distance between citizens of different ethnocultural backgrounds has not been reduced, integration is still a problem, and group-differentiated rights often turn into instruments of domination within and between communities. Against this backdrop, we will go beyond the usual immanent critique of this model and point to valuable experiences of public recognition of ethnocultural diversity in socialist Yugoslavia. By doing this, we intend, first, to question the assumption that the liberal-democratic political framework is a necessary precondition for ethnocultural justice, and second, to open up space for reconsidering some potentially positive aspects of the non-juridical approach to multiculturalism that was implemented in actually-existing socialism. We point out three aspects as particularly relevant: a) a „right measure” of juridification, b) localization instead of centralization of minority communities, and c) availability of an encompassing, overarching identity in which all citizens can recognize themselves.
Stake in Post-Milošević Serbia. Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2013.
Detective Stories, Spy Novels and the Making of Modern Societies,
translated by Catherine Porter, Cambridge: Polity, 2014