Papers by William Callison
Politica Exterior, 2021
Si fue el año de los ajustes de cuentas con el populismo, 2021 podría verse dominado por el debat... more Si fue el año de los ajustes de cuentas con el populismo, 2021 podría verse dominado por el debate sobre los movimientos conspiranoicos, una revuelta transversal a clases, razas y géneros, escorada diagonalmente a la derecha.
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Critical Horizons: A Journal of Philosophy and Social Theory, Aug 8, 2022
Capitalism on Edge aims to redraw the terms of analysis of the so-called democratic capitalism an... more Capitalism on Edge aims to redraw the terms of analysis of the so-called democratic capitalism and sketches a political agenda for emancipating society of its grip. This symposium reflects critically on Azmanova’s book and challenges her arguments on methodological, thematic, and substantive grounds. Azar Dakwar introduces the book’s claims and wonders about the nature of the anti-capitalistic agency Azmanova’s ascribes to the precariat. David Ingram worries about Azmanova’s deposing of “economic democracy” and the impact of which on the prospect of radical change she advocates. William Callison casts doubt over the empirical plausibility of Azmanova’s vision of crisis-free transition out of democratic capitalism. Eilat Maoz interrogates Azmanova’s emancipatory project from the historical standpoint of (de)colonization and global imperialism. In her reply to these criticisms, Azmanova accepts some and parries others, while bringing their points closer to her anti-capitalist vision.
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Journal of the History of Ideas, 2022
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Mutant Neoliberalism: Market Rule and Political Rupture, 2020
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Weekendavisen, 2021
Danish interview with Kåre Holm Thomsen
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Trouw, 2021
Dutch interview with Seije Slager
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ROAR Magazine, 2020
The Eurozone crisis birthed two nationalist tendencies in Germany, one from the right and one fro... more The Eurozone crisis birthed two nationalist tendencies in Germany, one from the right and one from the left. Both began in opposition to the common European currency and grew to reject “open borders” as well as certain kinds of immigration. Both criticized Chancellor Angela Merkel and “the establishment” for abandoning “left behind” German voters for a deracinated cosmopolitan class whom they variously condemned as “postmodern,” “neoliberal,” “moralizing,” and “politically correct.” And both expressed nostalgia for the “golden years” of economic growth in postwar West Germany.
Both will be challenged by the current crisis as the turn to the nation in the time of COVID-19 undercuts their claim on a distinct political brand.
Of the two formations, the one on the right has been far more successful. As of early 2020, the AfD (Alternative for Germany) is the largest opposition party in parliament. Founded by anti-Euro economists in 2013, the AfD has transformed into a political force with disproportionate influence on national discourse, as seen in early 2020 when their cooperation with right-liberal and Christian democratic parties in Thüringen breached the historical “fire wall” of mainstream parties against working with the far right.
The “left gathering movement” called Aufstehen (Stand Up), by contrast, drew national interest and media coverage during its September 2018 launch but suffered from internal controversies and dwindling prospects before being effectively dissolved in the summer of 2019. The founders of this pop-up populist movement include politicians Sahra Wagenknecht and Oskar Lafontaine; dramaturge Bernd Stegemann; and sociologist Wolfgang Streeck, as well as other lifetime politicos, academics, artists and activists. Although most of its program was indistinguishable from Die Linke (The Left) party platform — sensibly as Wagenknecht remained the party’s parliamentary chairperson throughout — Aufstehen’s demand for harder borders and hostility to the European Union arguably constituted its distinguishing features.
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Mouvements: Des idées et des luttes, 2019
Wendy Brown est professeure de sciences politiques à l’Université de Berkeley, en Californie. Pro... more Wendy Brown est professeure de sciences politiques à l’Université de Berkeley, en Californie. Profondément attachée à la notion d’émancipation, elle a pris part aux grands mouvements sociaux des années 1970, avant d’axer son travail sur le masculinisme de l’État. Elle aborde ensuite les thèmes de l’identité, du ressentiment, de la démocratie, du souverainisme et du néolibéralisme, au fil de huit ouvrages qui viennent à la fois répondre à l’actualité et approfondir, parfois réviser, la construction d’une théorie nouvelle du pouvoir moderne. © La Découverte www.cairn.info-181.199.74.222-12/03/2019 https://www.cairn.info/revue-mouvements-2019-1-page-176.htm
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ZEIT ONLINE, 2021
Vor einem Jahr begannen in Deutschland die Querdenker-Proteste. Doch es gibt in vielen Ländern äh... more Vor einem Jahr begannen in Deutschland die Querdenker-Proteste. Doch es gibt in vielen Ländern ähnliche [Querdenken] Bewegungen. Was kennzeichnet ihr Denken? Eine Grundsatzbetrachtung.
Im Laufe des vergangenen Jahres hat sich weltweit spontaner Widerstand gebildet gegen staatliche Bemühungen, das Coronavirus durch Lockdowns, Social-Distancing-Vorgaben, Maskenpflicht und Impfungen unter Kontrolle zu bekommen. Diese Bewegungen, die von wütenden Freiberuflern und Selbstständigen angeführt werden, sind eher ein "Aufstand des Mittelstands" denn ein "Aufstand der Massen" à la José Ortega y Gasset.
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Ordoliberalism, Law and the Rule of Economics, edited by Hien and Joerges, 2017
This chapter examines German ordoliberalism and its relation to American neo-liberalism, highligh... more This chapter examines German ordoliberalism and its relation to American neo-liberalism, highlighting transAtlantic (mis)perceptions of the German framework from the postwar period to the present. It begins with a comparative analysis of the early Freiburg and Chicago Schools and then traces the American evolution towards a more monopoly-friendly and monetarist-oriented framework entailing market and financial deregulation. The second part of the chapter explores the shadow of this transAtlantic divide in Wolfgang Schäuble and Timothy Geithner's conflicting approaches to the European sovereign debt crisis. Geithner's own narrative of the EU's 'crisis management' not only (unwittingly) demonstrates their distinct political rationalities with respect to financial markets, balanced budgets, and central banks; it also reveals the relative unintelligibility of the ordoliberal framework, which appeared to Geithner as a stubborn commitment to 'Old Testament justice ' and a refusal to govern according to the (speculative) logic of the market. The chapter concludes with the importance of ordoliberalism for understanding the German approach to monetary and fiscal policy as well as the EU' s 'economic constitution', rooted in principles of market stability, growth, competitiveness, and austerity. Given the recent fault lines produced by German-led Europe, the theoretical and institutional logics of ordoliberalism may become increasingly intelligible targets of democratic contestation and transformation.
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William Callison, "Subjectivity," A Companion to Critical and Cultural Theory, edited by Imre Szeman, Sarah Blacker, Justin Sully. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, 2017
This chapter examines approaches to subjectivity and subject-constitution that emerge out of Marx... more This chapter examines approaches to subjectivity and subject-constitution that emerge out of Marxist and post-Marxist lineages of critique. It begins with Karl Marx and others, including Louis Althusser and the Frankfurt School, who formulate and modify the tradition of ideology critique. Gesturing towards the limitations of this tradition, the chapter turns to two other influential approaches to the production of subjectivity under capitalism: psychoanalysis and Michel Foucault's analytics of governmentality and political rationality. The chapter concludes by discussing and building upon recent scholars who draw from these approaches to the subject under neoliberalism. This allows for a different understanding of power within and beyond “the economic,” and it illuminates the reconfiguration of the neoliberal subject as homo economicus, human capital, and the entrepreneur of the self. A central task for critique is thus to study and theorize the processes of economization that shape contemporary practices of the self.
Keywords: subjectivity; subjectivation; power; neoliberalism; capitalism; Marx; Foucault; psychoanalysis; political rationality; governmentality; homo economicus
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Attracting international investors while repelling undesirable migrants: since the Great Recessio... more Attracting international investors while repelling undesirable migrants: since the Great Recession of 2009, these two preoccupations have dominated the European agenda. Given the havoc wrought by austerity programs and the ongoing ordeal of asylum seekers, what possibilities does the near future hold, for the European Union and for the left's ability to challenge its current priorities?
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William Callison, "Sovereign Anxieties and Neoliberal Transformations: An Introduction," Qui Parle: Critical Humanities and Social Sciences, Volume 23.1, Fall/Winter, 2014
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Translations by William Callison
Qui Parle. Critical Humanities And Social Sciences Vol. 23, No. 2 (Spring/Summer 2015), pp. 115-133
Spinoza and the Political Imaginary Martin Saar, Translated by William Callison and Anne Gräfe Q... more Spinoza and the Political Imaginary Martin Saar, Translated by William Callison and Anne Gräfe Qui Parle Vol. 23, No. 2 (Spring/Summer 2015), pp. 115-133
Copyright 2015 Qui Parle
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Papers by William Callison
Both will be challenged by the current crisis as the turn to the nation in the time of COVID-19 undercuts their claim on a distinct political brand.
Of the two formations, the one on the right has been far more successful. As of early 2020, the AfD (Alternative for Germany) is the largest opposition party in parliament. Founded by anti-Euro economists in 2013, the AfD has transformed into a political force with disproportionate influence on national discourse, as seen in early 2020 when their cooperation with right-liberal and Christian democratic parties in Thüringen breached the historical “fire wall” of mainstream parties against working with the far right.
The “left gathering movement” called Aufstehen (Stand Up), by contrast, drew national interest and media coverage during its September 2018 launch but suffered from internal controversies and dwindling prospects before being effectively dissolved in the summer of 2019. The founders of this pop-up populist movement include politicians Sahra Wagenknecht and Oskar Lafontaine; dramaturge Bernd Stegemann; and sociologist Wolfgang Streeck, as well as other lifetime politicos, academics, artists and activists. Although most of its program was indistinguishable from Die Linke (The Left) party platform — sensibly as Wagenknecht remained the party’s parliamentary chairperson throughout — Aufstehen’s demand for harder borders and hostility to the European Union arguably constituted its distinguishing features.
Im Laufe des vergangenen Jahres hat sich weltweit spontaner Widerstand gebildet gegen staatliche Bemühungen, das Coronavirus durch Lockdowns, Social-Distancing-Vorgaben, Maskenpflicht und Impfungen unter Kontrolle zu bekommen. Diese Bewegungen, die von wütenden Freiberuflern und Selbstständigen angeführt werden, sind eher ein "Aufstand des Mittelstands" denn ein "Aufstand der Massen" à la José Ortega y Gasset.
Keywords: subjectivity; subjectivation; power; neoliberalism; capitalism; Marx; Foucault; psychoanalysis; political rationality; governmentality; homo economicus
Translations by William Callison
Copyright 2015 Qui Parle
Both will be challenged by the current crisis as the turn to the nation in the time of COVID-19 undercuts their claim on a distinct political brand.
Of the two formations, the one on the right has been far more successful. As of early 2020, the AfD (Alternative for Germany) is the largest opposition party in parliament. Founded by anti-Euro economists in 2013, the AfD has transformed into a political force with disproportionate influence on national discourse, as seen in early 2020 when their cooperation with right-liberal and Christian democratic parties in Thüringen breached the historical “fire wall” of mainstream parties against working with the far right.
The “left gathering movement” called Aufstehen (Stand Up), by contrast, drew national interest and media coverage during its September 2018 launch but suffered from internal controversies and dwindling prospects before being effectively dissolved in the summer of 2019. The founders of this pop-up populist movement include politicians Sahra Wagenknecht and Oskar Lafontaine; dramaturge Bernd Stegemann; and sociologist Wolfgang Streeck, as well as other lifetime politicos, academics, artists and activists. Although most of its program was indistinguishable from Die Linke (The Left) party platform — sensibly as Wagenknecht remained the party’s parliamentary chairperson throughout — Aufstehen’s demand for harder borders and hostility to the European Union arguably constituted its distinguishing features.
Im Laufe des vergangenen Jahres hat sich weltweit spontaner Widerstand gebildet gegen staatliche Bemühungen, das Coronavirus durch Lockdowns, Social-Distancing-Vorgaben, Maskenpflicht und Impfungen unter Kontrolle zu bekommen. Diese Bewegungen, die von wütenden Freiberuflern und Selbstständigen angeführt werden, sind eher ein "Aufstand des Mittelstands" denn ein "Aufstand der Massen" à la José Ortega y Gasset.
Keywords: subjectivity; subjectivation; power; neoliberalism; capitalism; Marx; Foucault; psychoanalysis; political rationality; governmentality; homo economicus
Copyright 2015 Qui Parle