- Flat 2, 12/F, Block A, Jade Court, 48-49 Praya Kennedy Town, Hong Kong
Hanbo Liao
The University of Hong Kong, Department of Linguistics, Faculty Member
- Payap University, Linguistics, Alumnusadd
- I'm Dr. LIAO Hanbo (BA Japanese Language XISU, MA Linguistics PYU, PhD Linguistics HKU). My research interest lies in... moreI'm Dr. LIAO Hanbo (BA Japanese Language XISU, MA Linguistics PYU, PhD Linguistics HKU). My research interest lies in Historical and Comparative Linguistics, Phonology, Tonology, Grammar, Areal linguistics and Language Contact, Bilingualism/Multilingualism, and Sociolinguistics, focusing on the Sinitic, Kra-Dai, and Austronesian languages. I have published several research papers in international academic journals, including Language and Linguistics and Folia Linguistica Historica. My Ph.D. study was to explore the formation of the linguistic areal features in the Lingnan region of China in diachronic and typological perspectives at the University of Hong Kong (HKU), supervised by Prof. Stephen Matthews and Dr. Joe Perry. My MA thesis was to conduct a study on the tonal development of Tai languages, based on tone data from 42 Tai language varieties most of which I have personally investigated. I also focus on the bilingual development of Zhuang children.edit
This thesis explores and analyses the many phonological/phonetic and morpho-syntactic features commonly shared by the various languages spoken in Lingnan, China, and explores the diachronic process of their formation over time, as well as... more
This thesis explores and analyses the many phonological/phonetic and morpho-syntactic features commonly shared by the various languages spoken in Lingnan, China, and explores the diachronic process of their formation over time, as well as their areally typological characteristics, in order to reveal the essence of Lingnan as a linguistic area.
It is structured within the context of two research questions. One is how have the linguistic areal features of Lingnan been formed and what are the contributions of these traits to the determination of the nature of Lingnan as a linguistic area? For this issue, our main task is to find areal features that are relatively sufficiently weighted, reflect the direction of development in the terminal centuries, and are most centered in Lingnan, to constitute evidence for such a linguistic area. The other is which type of linguistic area Lingnan is, and what its essence is as a linguistic area.
In terms of methodology, this thesis is mainly based on Lyle Campbell’s series theories of areal linguistics, emphasizing that geographical boundaries should not be set for areal features, but rather that each areal trait itself should be traced and explored, and the weight of each areal trait should be determined from the perspective of typological complexity as far as possible; In addition, the thesis combines a typological approach with a historical and diachronic perspective in order to analyse the process of the formation of Lingnan’s areal linguistic traits and to rationalise the essence of Lingnan as a linguistic area.
Through a systematic analysis of over a dozen sound and morpho-syntactic traits in several representative language varieties of Sinitic and Kam-Tai, two research questions are finally answered as follows. First, the sole syllable structure CVXT shared by the mainstream Lingnan languages is an exclusive feature that is sufficiently weighty, represents a trend that has developed over the last few centuries, and is mainly distributed in this region, while most of the other linguistic traits are either not weighty enough or are distributed far beyond the Lingnan region, representing earlier features that have been diffused across China and Mainland Southeast Asian continent. Second, Lingnan as a linguistic area has a dual nature that reflects different periods of the historical diffusion of linguistic areal features. In terms of most areal traits, it constitutes a TSA (trait-sprawl area) as advocated by Campbell (2017: 28), which is essentially a borderline and overlapping area between the Mainland Southeast Asian linguistic area and the Sinitic linguistic area, reflecting the language changes caused by early language contact. However, if we look at a number of exclusive linguistic areal traits represented by the sole syllable structure CVXT which is a typologically complex feature, it belongs to LASS (linguistic area sensu stricto) advocated by Campbell (2017: 28), that is, it has arguably developed into a separate linguistic area in its own right, reflecting contact-induced changes of intra-Lingnan languages during the terminal centuries.
It is structured within the context of two research questions. One is how have the linguistic areal features of Lingnan been formed and what are the contributions of these traits to the determination of the nature of Lingnan as a linguistic area? For this issue, our main task is to find areal features that are relatively sufficiently weighted, reflect the direction of development in the terminal centuries, and are most centered in Lingnan, to constitute evidence for such a linguistic area. The other is which type of linguistic area Lingnan is, and what its essence is as a linguistic area.
In terms of methodology, this thesis is mainly based on Lyle Campbell’s series theories of areal linguistics, emphasizing that geographical boundaries should not be set for areal features, but rather that each areal trait itself should be traced and explored, and the weight of each areal trait should be determined from the perspective of typological complexity as far as possible; In addition, the thesis combines a typological approach with a historical and diachronic perspective in order to analyse the process of the formation of Lingnan’s areal linguistic traits and to rationalise the essence of Lingnan as a linguistic area.
Through a systematic analysis of over a dozen sound and morpho-syntactic traits in several representative language varieties of Sinitic and Kam-Tai, two research questions are finally answered as follows. First, the sole syllable structure CVXT shared by the mainstream Lingnan languages is an exclusive feature that is sufficiently weighty, represents a trend that has developed over the last few centuries, and is mainly distributed in this region, while most of the other linguistic traits are either not weighty enough or are distributed far beyond the Lingnan region, representing earlier features that have been diffused across China and Mainland Southeast Asian continent. Second, Lingnan as a linguistic area has a dual nature that reflects different periods of the historical diffusion of linguistic areal features. In terms of most areal traits, it constitutes a TSA (trait-sprawl area) as advocated by Campbell (2017: 28), which is essentially a borderline and overlapping area between the Mainland Southeast Asian linguistic area and the Sinitic linguistic area, reflecting the language changes caused by early language contact. However, if we look at a number of exclusive linguistic areal traits represented by the sole syllable structure CVXT which is a typologically complex feature, it belongs to LASS (linguistic area sensu stricto) advocated by Campbell (2017: 28), that is, it has arguably developed into a separate linguistic area in its own right, reflecting contact-induced changes of intra-Lingnan languages during the terminal centuries.
Research Interests:
This thesis aims to provide a full scheme of tonal development of Tai, from tonogenesis in proto-Tai to different diachronic hierarchies of tonal splits in different Tai groups and varieties, and further suggests a new viewpoint on Tai... more
This thesis aims to provide a full scheme of tonal development of Tai, from tonogenesis in proto-Tai to different diachronic hierarchies of tonal splits in different Tai groups and varieties, and further suggests a new viewpoint on Tai classification as well as the revised Tai tone box based on tonology. The analysis is based on data of tones from 42 Tai varieties, most of which were collected during my fieldworks in China and Thailand. Data collection and analysis has been accomplished by a revised version of Gedney’s tone box (Gedney 1989[1972], Liao & Shen 2012), which is supposed to contain the basic patterns of tonal split and merger in Tai languages. Any tone split which is not reflected in the tone box is emphasized to discuss.
The discussion of the diachronic processes of tonal development of Tai languages is the main body of this thesis. Tonogenesis is treated as the very first step of the arising of tones in proto-Tai. After tone arose, two groups of proto-initials (voiceless-voiced) conditioned primary tonal splits whereas splits conditioned by other pharyngeal features, such as aspiration and pre-glottalization represent stages of secondary development. Some secondary tonal split patterns result in three-way register splits. However, the bearing capacity of the tone numbers in a language often cause the third register to merge into one of the other two to make two-way register splits always be the mainstream. On the basis of the full tonal development scheme explored, the other two hypotheses are attested as follows.
First, based on the analysis of tonal behaviors with supplementary evidence from initial behaviors, vocalic behaviors, and exclusive lexical items, this thesis suggests two levels of Tai division as follows. Primary, it agrees on the two-term system suggested by Haudricourt (1956) to divide proto-Tai first into Dioi or ʔyai vs. Tai proper, by another two-term system, NT-YN (Northern Tai-Yongnan Zhuang) and Southern Tai. Li’s Central Tai and Southwestern Tai (Li 1977) can be divided from each other under the Southern Tai sub-group, in contrast Northern Tai and Yongnan Zhuang differ from one another under the NT-YN sub-group.
Second, based on all the possible conditioning phonation types of initials at time of tonal splits, an integrated tone box is provided. However, a unified Tai tone box have been proved to be cumbersome if a Tai variety’s affiliation has been known. It is because not all Tai varieties obtain all types of secondary tonal splits. For instance, Northern Tai varieties lack of contrastive aspirated sounds, and unaspirated stops in NT never go with glottalized initials to condition secondary tonal splits. Therefore, a tone box designated with the divisions containing the rows of aspirated sounds and unaspirated stops appear to be unnecessary for Northern Tai. For this reason, Tai tone boxes designated with specific pertinence to different Tai periods and different Tai sub-groups are first suggested if the diachronic period of a Tai variety or the affiliation of a modern Tai variety are known. Nevertheless, the integrated Tai tone box is finally suggested to be able to capture the tonal distinctions in any Tai variety.
The discussion of the diachronic processes of tonal development of Tai languages is the main body of this thesis. Tonogenesis is treated as the very first step of the arising of tones in proto-Tai. After tone arose, two groups of proto-initials (voiceless-voiced) conditioned primary tonal splits whereas splits conditioned by other pharyngeal features, such as aspiration and pre-glottalization represent stages of secondary development. Some secondary tonal split patterns result in three-way register splits. However, the bearing capacity of the tone numbers in a language often cause the third register to merge into one of the other two to make two-way register splits always be the mainstream. On the basis of the full tonal development scheme explored, the other two hypotheses are attested as follows.
First, based on the analysis of tonal behaviors with supplementary evidence from initial behaviors, vocalic behaviors, and exclusive lexical items, this thesis suggests two levels of Tai division as follows. Primary, it agrees on the two-term system suggested by Haudricourt (1956) to divide proto-Tai first into Dioi or ʔyai vs. Tai proper, by another two-term system, NT-YN (Northern Tai-Yongnan Zhuang) and Southern Tai. Li’s Central Tai and Southwestern Tai (Li 1977) can be divided from each other under the Southern Tai sub-group, in contrast Northern Tai and Yongnan Zhuang differ from one another under the NT-YN sub-group.
Second, based on all the possible conditioning phonation types of initials at time of tonal splits, an integrated tone box is provided. However, a unified Tai tone box have been proved to be cumbersome if a Tai variety’s affiliation has been known. It is because not all Tai varieties obtain all types of secondary tonal splits. For instance, Northern Tai varieties lack of contrastive aspirated sounds, and unaspirated stops in NT never go with glottalized initials to condition secondary tonal splits. Therefore, a tone box designated with the divisions containing the rows of aspirated sounds and unaspirated stops appear to be unnecessary for Northern Tai. For this reason, Tai tone boxes designated with specific pertinence to different Tai periods and different Tai sub-groups are first suggested if the diachronic period of a Tai variety or the affiliation of a modern Tai variety are known. Nevertheless, the integrated Tai tone box is finally suggested to be able to capture the tonal distinctions in any Tai variety.
Research Interests:
"Ngyam Sley" of Yang Zhuang from Debao County, Guangxi, China is an oral tradition for antiphonal singing, with a composition of music and poetry. For the local folk appreciation circles, ngyam sley’s melody is simply its performing form,... more
"Ngyam Sley" of Yang Zhuang from Debao County, Guangxi, China is an oral tradition for antiphonal singing, with a composition of music and poetry. For the local folk appreciation circles, ngyam sley’s melody is simply its performing form, while its literary connotation is the real core content. However, previous studies have only focused on its melody or musical forms, but have lost sight of its core content. Taking works from the book “Folksong of Debao Song Fair” as illustration, this study aims at providing a thorough analysis of ngyam sley’s literary connotation, including its literary techniques of expression “narrative, analogy (metaphor), and association” (賦比興), song path (歌路) or the full routine of “asking-grabbing-competing-courtship displaying” (求搶鬥情) during the antiphonal singing process in song fairs, and its requirement of poetic compositions, namely phonological rules, poetic forms, dialogue patterns. The result of the analysis has provided a clarification of the local knowledge, discourse relationship and traditional rules involved in the ngyam sley tradition. [广西德保县壮族侬府支系的吟诗是结合音乐与诗句为一体的对唱歌谣。从民间鉴赏习惯来看，吟诗的音乐只是外表，诗句的文学性才是其内涵，但是过去对吟诗的研究却往往只侧重音乐，而忽略了其本质所在的文学性。壮族吟诗在自然对歌的场合中虽然均为“临机自撰”的现场创作，但依然有“歌路”的要求。文章以《德保歌圩山歌》记录的作品为例，探讨吟诗的歌路及相关鉴赏原则与标准，包括对歌“求、抢、斗、情”等程序结构，“赋、比、兴”及暗喻等文学表现手法，还有诗句字数、平仄及押韵的音韵格律要求，务求将吟诗包含的本土知识、话语关系及传统法则梳理清楚。]
Research Interests:
The Tai-speaking Yang Zhuang people in the Debao-Jingxi area of southwestern Guangxi name their antiphonal singing tradition ngyam sley (吟詩), literally ‘poem chanting’, and this happen to have the same name with the traditional Chinese... more
The Tai-speaking Yang Zhuang people in the Debao-Jingxi area of southwestern Guangxi name their antiphonal singing tradition ngyam sley (吟詩), literally ‘poem chanting’, and this happen to have the same name with the traditional Chinese Yinshi (吟詩), which also meaning reciting poems. According to a phonological comparison of the initial consonants, vowels, and tonal categories between Yang Zhuang’s ngyam sley and Chinese Yinshi, this paper firstly determines that ngyam sley is indeed a Middle Chinese loanword from Yinshi. It furthermore demonstrates that the poetic compositions, specifically the prosodic forms, rhyming patterns, and phonological rules, between Yang Zhuang’s ngyam sley and the Chinese lüshi (律詩) are almost identical. It finally concludes that Yang Zhuang’s ngyam sley although originated from Baiyue’s singing tradition south to Yangtze River around 2500 years ago, its poetic form has been strongly influenced by the Chinese lüshi form in the development process, after the Tang dynasty during which lüshi originated and fully bloomed. As a result, ngyam sley has been developing to a scheme of “one single tail rhyme up to the end” adopted from lüshi, although it also preserves Tai-speaking groups’ “foot-waist” internal rhyming system at the same time. [广西西南部德保靖西一带的壮族佒侬支系将对歌传统称为“吟诗”，与中国古代“吟诗”传统在名称上不谋而合。通过语言学的音韵比较可得知，壮语的吟诗一词实际上便是中古汉语的借词“吟诗”；从壮族吟诗和古代汉族律诗之间的诗歌格律的比较研究也可以推断，壮族吟诗传统虽然源自越人源远流长的对歌习俗，但在发展过程中受到了唐宋以降的汉语律诗的强烈影响而格律化，在保留越人诗歌固有的“脚腰韵”的同时，还发展出了兼具汉语律诗尾韵“一韵到底”的特征。]
Research Interests: Etymology, Poetry, Prosody, Traditional Singing, Zhuang People Study, and 15 moreantiphonal singing, lüshi, 律詩, 吟詩, ngyam sley, Yang Zhuang, Debao County, foot-waist rhyme, tail rhyme, 壯族詩歌, 對歌, 壯族, 靖西, 德保, and Jingxi
In comparison, it is proposed that the two singing traditions, namely Moedlaenz of the Zhuang from Dejing Area of Guangxi and Morlam of the Laotian from Northeastern Thailand, both originated from their ritual traditions moed and mo... more
In comparison, it is proposed that the two singing traditions, namely Moedlaenz of the Zhuang from Dejing Area of Guangxi and Morlam of the Laotian from Northeastern Thailand, both originated from their ritual traditions moed and mo respectively. This paper aims at finding the relations of these two traditions from a cross-cultural perspective, to explore how singing traditions and art performance developed from religions in history. According to the comparison, it is suggested that moed must be the original oral ritual presided over by female specialists in the Tai speaking communities from ancient time, and mo is revealed to be secondary developed ritual forms with written scriptures before the split of Tai groups. Moedlaenz originating from moed and morlam initiating from mo are both later developing singing traditions and art performance after the split of the Zhuang and the Laotian, but their predecessors might have been originated following a common route of “religion ritual – performance – singing tradition” in Tai speaking societies in history. [从广西德靖台地壮族“末伦”（Moedlaenz）与泰国东北部佬族“麽蓝”（Morlam）艺术比较研究，可推测出它们均源于宗教传统。从这两种艺术回归其背后的宗教传统“末”（Moed）和“麽”（Mo/Mor），在跨文化比较的视野中寻找它们之间关联，反观不同宗教形态的历史、从宗教到艺术的历史和族群关系的历史。其中，“末”是台语支各民族女性口承仪式及其执仪者的代称，“麽”的宗教信仰为台语支各民族所共有，它们在台语支人群分化之前就已存在。在德靖台地壮族社会，“麽”是在“末”的基础上分化和发展出来的，“末”是更古老的形态。产生于“末”的“末伦”和以宗教仪式唱诵为最古老形态的“麽蓝”，都是后期形成的艺术形式，但“末伦”“麽蓝”或与此相类似的称谓也许在壮族和佬族分化之前就存在了，是用以指谓台语支各民族共有的口头传统。]
Research Interests:
This paper discusses the diachronic processes of tonal development of Tai languages. Tonogenesis is treated as the very first step of the arising of tones in proto-Tai. After tone arose, two groups of proto-initials (voiceless-voiced)... more
This paper discusses the diachronic processes of tonal development of Tai languages. Tonogenesis is treated as the very first step of the arising of tones in proto-Tai. After tone arose, two groups of proto-initials (voiceless-voiced) conditioned primary tonal splits whereas splits conditioned by other pharyngeal features, such as aspiration and preglottalization represent stages of secondary development. Some secondary tonal split patterns result in three-way register splits. However, the bearing capacity of the tone numbers in a language often cause the third register to merge into one of the other two to make two-way register splits always be the mainstream.
Research Interests: Post-tonal Theory, Tonal theory, Tones, Tai-Kadai Linguistics, Tone systems, and 9 moreDiachronic linguistics, Phonetics and phonology, speech production and perception, tones, Tonogenesis, Tonal Languages, Historical and Comparative Linguistics, Tai-Kadai Linguistic History, Tone and Tonogenesis, Tai languages, and Zhuang languages
The word ‘maternal grandmother’ presents irregular modern forms in Tai languages. It is ta:jB1 in most Northern Tai (NT) varieties, ta:jA1 in most Central Tai (CT) varieties, na:jA2 in most Southwestern Tai (SWT) varieties, and ja:jA2 in... more
The word ‘maternal grandmother’ presents irregular modern forms in Tai languages. It is ta:jB1 in most Northern Tai (NT) varieties, ta:jA1 in most Central Tai (CT) varieties, na:jA2 in most Southwestern Tai (SWT) varieties, and ja:jA2 in Standard Thai. Li (1971) reconstructs the proto-form of this word as *na:jA , positing that the later forms changed by analogy with semantically similar words. This paper discusses two alternative hypotheses *ta:jA and *ta:jB, and argues that the proto-form was *ta:jB. The analysis indicates that the sound changes of this word in Tai languages are caused by the “contamination” in kinship terms with paired semantic contents in CT/SWT, and by dissimilation from the otherwise homophonous word ‘to die’ in SWT. As a result, the proto-form of ‘maternal grandmother’ *ta:jB is preserved in the vast majority of NT and a cluster of CT. In most CT/SWT the original *B tone changed to *A tone, and then in SWT the initial *t- underwent further change to *n- in order to avoid homophony with the taboo word ‘to die’. This issue of homophony arose only in this branch due to the merger of *t- and *tr- (or *p.t-). This proto-form *ta:jB is supported by historical evidence and other non-Tai languages in the Daic family. Other exceptional irregularities in some CT languages are also discussed as they are crucial to the determination of the *ta:jB hypothesis. Analogous examples from several Tai varieties also support the occurrence of aberrant development due to taboo avoidance.
Research Interests:
This paper provides an overview of the sound system of three main varieties of Yang Zhuang (Debao Urban, Debao Ma'ai, and Jingxi Urban) of the Central Taic language, and a description of a phonetic spelling system which aims to uniformly... more
This paper provides an overview of the sound system of three main varieties of Yang Zhuang (Debao Urban, Debao Ma'ai, and Jingxi Urban) of the Central Taic language, and a description of a phonetic spelling system which aims to uniformly cover all the varieties of Yang Zhuang. The phonetic spelling system is actually a preliminary orthography based on the comparative Yang Zhuang varieties.
Research Interests:
From the perspective of areal linguistics, this paper examines the similarities in tonal behavior between Sinitic and Kam-Tai, the two most populous language groups in Lingnan. By relying on some frameworks for investigating tone systems,... more
From the perspective of areal linguistics, this paper examines the similarities in tonal behavior between Sinitic and Kam-Tai, the two most populous language groups in Lingnan. By relying on some frameworks for investigating tone systems, i.e., tone-box theories, which largely involve the evolution of tones, the following duplicating patterns and paths of diffusion of areal features are identified. (1) The secondary tonal split conditioned by vowel length on checked syllables, as well as the secondary tonal split of the upper-register tones conditioned by the laryngeal features of initial consonants, both originated in Kam-Tai languages and have diffused into some neighboring Sinitic languages. (2) The pattern of the secondary tonal split of the lower-register tones conditioned by laryngeal features of the initial consonants originated in northern authoritative Sinitic languages and spread widely among different subgroups of Sinitic languages; its diffusion into the Kam-Tai language...
Research Interests:
From the perspective of areal linguistics, this paper examines the similarities in tonal behavior between Sinitic and Kam-Tai, the two most populous language groups in Lingnan. By relying on some frameworks for investigating tone systems,... more
From the perspective of areal linguistics, this paper examines the similarities in tonal behavior between Sinitic and Kam-Tai, the two most populous language groups in Lingnan. By relying on some frameworks for investigating tone systems, i.e., tone-box theories, which largely involve the evolution of tones, the following duplicating patterns and paths of diffusion of areal features are identified. (1) The secondary tonal split conditioned by vowel length on checked syllables, as well as the secondary tonal split of the upper-register tones conditioned by the laryngeal features of initial consonants, both originated in Kam-Tai languages and have diffused into some neighboring Sinitic languages. (2) The pattern of the secondary tonal split of the lower-register tones conditioned by laryngeal features of the initial consonants originated in northern authoritative Sinitic languages and spread widely among different subgroups of Sinitic languages; its diffusion into the Kam-Tai languages is limited to the lexical category of loanwords. (3) The upper-register tones associated with sonorant initials found in Lingnan Sinitic languages are suggested to be of a Kam-Tai origin trait. Further, their underlying areal typological rules are also summarized, concentrating on different upper limits for the possible secondary tonal split in the Sinitic and Kam-Tai languages, which were determined by the historically distinct laryngeal features of the initial consonants of the two language groups.
Research Interests:
When applied to Tai varieties beyond Southwestern Tai, Gedney’s tone box framework and its revised versions have several shortcomings, the most notable of which is the lack of consideration of diachronic issues that give rise to more... more
When applied to Tai varieties beyond Southwestern Tai, Gedney’s tone box framework and its revised versions have several shortcomings, the most notable of which is the lack of consideration of diachronic issues that give rise to more complicated tonal correspondences. This paper proposes a more widely applicable Tai tone box chart with one additional tier based on the more probable tone-conditioning phonetic nature of onsets found in non-Southwestern Tai varieties. This Tai tone box chart has been designed to be paired with an ancillary chart to explain the essential diachronic processes of different Tai varieties. It thus provides insights into the revision of Proto-Tai phonological reconstructions based on tonology and support for the early-stage Southern-Northern Tai division and the Southwestern-Central Tai versus Yongnan Zhuang-Saek-Northern Zhuang divisions.
Research Interests: Tonal theory, Linguistics, Tones, Tai-Kadai Linguistics, Comparative and historical sociology, and 15 moreLanguage Change, Thai Language, Tonology, Kra-Dai languages, Tai-Kadai Linguistic History, Chart, Phonological Reconstruction, Zhuang language, Linguistic subgrouping, Saek language, Tai languages, Proto-Tai, Tonal split, Debao County, and Austro-Tai
从广西德靖台地壮族'末伦'(Moedlaenz)与泰国东北部佬族'么蓝'(Morlam)艺术比较研究,可推测出它们均源于宗教传统。从这两种艺术回归其背后的宗教传统'末'(Moed)和'么'(Mo/Mor),在跨文化比较的视野中寻找它们之间关联,反观不同宗教形态的历史、从宗教到艺术的历史和族群关系的历史。其中,'末'是台语支各民族女性口承仪式及其执仪者的代称,'么'的宗教信仰为台语支... more
从广西德靖台地壮族'末伦'(Moedlaenz)与泰国东北部佬族'么蓝'(Morlam)艺术比较研究,可推测出它们均源于宗教传统。从这两种艺术回归其背后的宗教传统'末'(Moed)和'么'(Mo/Mor),在跨文化比较的视野中寻找它们之间关联,反观不同宗教形态的历史、从宗教到艺术的历史和族群关系的历史。其中,'末'是台语支各民族女性口承仪式及其执仪者的代称,'么'的宗教信仰为台语支各民族所共有,它们在台语支人群分化之前就已存在。在德靖台地壮族社会,'么'是在'末'的基础上分化和发展出来的,'末'是更古老的形态。产生于'末'的'末伦'和以宗教仪式唱诵为最古老形态的'么蓝',都是后期形成的艺术形式,但'末伦''么蓝'或与此相类似的称谓也许在壮族和佬族分化之前就存在了,是用以指谓台语支各民族共有的口头传统
Abstract This paper discusses the diachronic processes of tonal development of Tai languages. Tonogenesis is treated as the very first step of the arising of tones in proto-Tai. After tone arose, two groups of proto-initials... more
Abstract This paper discusses the diachronic processes of tonal development of Tai languages. Tonogenesis is treated as the very first step of the arising of tones in proto-Tai. After tone arose, two groups of proto-initials (voiceless-voiced) conditioned primary tonal splits whereas splits conditioned by other pharyngeal features, such as aspiration and preglottalization represent stages of secondary development. Some secondary tonal split patterns result in three-way register splits. However, the bearing capacity of the tone numbers in a language often cause the third register to merge into one of the other two to make two-way register splits always be the mainstream./ บทคดยอ งานวจยน มงอภปรายกระบวนการเชงมตเวลาของพฒนาการวรรณยกตในกลมภาษาตระกลไท โดยการศกษากำเนดวรรณยกตถอเปนขนแรกทนำไปสการเกดขนของวรรณยกตภาษาไทดงเดม เมอมวรรณยกตเกดขน เสยงพยญชนะตนดงเดม 2 กลม (พยญชนะเสยงไมกอง – พยญชนะเสยงกอง) ถอเปนเงอนไขปฐมภมทมผลตอการแยกเสยงวรรณยกต โดยขนตอมาการแยกเสยงวรรณยกตเปนผลมาจากลกษณของเสยงในชองคอ เชน การพนลมและการนำดวยการกกเสนเสยงซงเปนเงอนไขขนทตยภมทมอทธพลตอกระบวนการดงกลาว รปแบบการแยกเสยงวรรณยกตในขนทตยภมบางรปแบบสงผลใหเกดการแยกเสยงวรรณยกตออกเปน 3 ทาง อยางไรกด ความสามารถในการรองรบวรรณยกตในภาษาหนงๆ มผลทำใหเกดการรวมเสยงวรรณยกตทสามกบหนงในสองของวรรณยกตทเหลอจงทำใหการแยก
Research Interests: Psychology, Mathematics, Post-tonal Theory, Tonal theory, Linguistics, and 11 moreTones, Tai-Kadai Linguistics, Tone systems, Diachronic linguistics, Tonogenesis, Tonal Languages, Historical and Comparative Linguistics, Tai-Kadai Linguistic History, Tone and Tonogenesis, Tai languages, and Zhuang languages
Research Interests:
The word ‘maternal grandmother’ presents irregular modern forms in Tai languages. It is ta:jB1 in most Northern Tai (NT) varieties, ta:jA1 in most Central Tai (CT) varieties, na:jA2 in most Southwestern Tai (SWT) varieties, and ja:jA2 in... more
The word ‘maternal grandmother’ presents irregular modern forms in Tai languages. It is ta:jB1 in most Northern Tai (NT) varieties, ta:jA1 in most Central Tai (CT) varieties, na:jA2 in most Southwestern Tai (SWT) varieties, and ja:jA2 in Standard Thai. Li (1971) reconstructs the proto-form of this word as *na:jA , positing that the later forms changed by analogy with semantically similar words. This paper discusses two alternative hypotheses *ta:jA and *ta:jB, and argues that the proto-form was *ta:jB. The analysis indicates that the sound changes of this word in Tai languages are caused by the “contamination” in kinship terms with paired semantic contents in CT/SWT, and by dissimilation from the otherwise homophonous word ‘to die’ in SWT. As a result, the proto-form of ‘maternal grandmother’ *ta:jB is preserved in the vast majority of NT and a cluster of CT. In most CT/SWT the original *B tone changed to *A tone, and then in SWT the initial *t- underwent further change to *n- in or...
Research Interests: Philosophy, Historical Linguistics, Phonology, Comparative Linguistics, Linguistics, and 10 moreAnthropology of Kinship, Tai-Kadai Linguistics, Taboo language, Diachronic linguistics, Historical Phonology, Taboo Words, Kra-Dai languages, Tai-Kadai Linguistic History, Language Linguistics, and Tai languages
When applied to Tai varieties beyond Southwestern Tai, Gedney’s tone box framework and its revised versions have several shortcomings, the most notable of which is the lack of consideration of diachronic issues that give rise to more... more
When applied to Tai varieties beyond Southwestern Tai, Gedney’s tone box framework and its revised versions have several shortcomings, the most notable of which is the lack of consideration of diachronic issues that give rise to more complicated tonal correspondences. This paper proposes a more widely applicable Tai tone box chart with one additional tier based on the more probable tone-conditioning phonetic nature of onsets found in non-Southwestern Tai varieties. This Tai tone box chart has been designed to be paired with an ancillary chart to explain the essential diachronic processes of different Tai varieties. It thus provides insights into the revision of Proto-Tai phonological reconstructions based on tonology and support for the early-stage Southern–Northern Tai division and the Southwestern–Central Tai vs. Yongnan Zhuang–Saek–Northern Zhuang divisions.