Rulers called ‘Yādavas’ are referred to in numerous inscriptions from Maharashtra as well as in the Vratakhaṇḍa text of the Caturvargacintāmaṇi, composed by an author named Hemādri, a minister at the Yādava court in the 13th century.... more
Rulers called ‘Yādavas’ are referred to in numerous inscriptions from Maharashtra as well as in the Vratakhaṇḍa text of the Caturvargacintāmaṇi, composed by an author named Hemādri, a minister at the Yādava court in the 13th century. Based on the epigraphic material, two lines of the Yādava dynasty can be distinguished: the early one with the capital at Sindīnagara (ca. 850 to 1100) and the later one with the capital at Devagiri (ca. 1100 to 1320). The link between the later and the earlier branch is not entirely clear. However, some manuscripts of the Vratakhaṇḍa of Hemādri as well as one stone inscription of Yādava Kṛṣṇa II. dated 1254 CE provide information on the pedigree of both the Yādava lines. There are disparities between the description by Hemādri and the epigraphic ‘self-representation’ of the Yādava rulers. Compared with the official charters, the information given by Hemādri is far less detailed, often markedly cursory. On the other hand, Hemādri’s text lists more family members than the epigraphs of the Yādavas. A main difference between these two types of sources is also that Hemādri, unlike the authors of the inscriptions, does not mention a single queen. Whereas Hemādri apparently aimed at providing a ‘complete’ list of the members of the dynasty he was serving, the Yādava rulers for their part seem to have instructed their royal chancellery to make a selection of the most important agents in terms of dynastic politics, and to report about matrimonial alliances as well.
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The early medieval Maitraka dynasty of Valabhī ruled in parts of Gujarat, mainly on the Kathiawar peninsula (map on p. 60), from the 5th to the 8th centuries. One quarter of the epigraphic corpus of the Maitraka kings, i.e., 26 of their... more
The early medieval Maitraka dynasty of Valabhī ruled in parts of Gujarat, mainly on the Kathiawar peninsula (map on p. 60), from the 5th to the 8th centuries. One quarter of the epigraphic corpus of the Maitraka kings, i.e., 26 of their extant copper-plate charters, record endowments in favor of Buddhist institutions. Although the majority of vihāras in the Maitraka kingdom were monasteries for monks, it is remarkable that there are several references to economically independent nunneries in the Maitraka capital Valabhī as well. Out of the 16 Buddhist institutions referred to in the Maitraka corpus, only one definitely had a royal founder. All other Buddhist institutions were built by noble ladies, high-ranking officials, learned monks, and merchants, as well as other private individuals. In contrast to the broad range of different kinds of founders of vihāras, the extant endowment records issued for the upkeep of these monasteries were exclusively made by the kings.
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The phenomenon of interreligious patronage on the Indian subcontinent in the pre-modern period is best attested in royal inscriptions recording religious endowments. It is striking that most pre-Islamic Indian rulers patronised priests,... more
The phenomenon of interreligious patronage on the Indian subcontinent in the pre-modern period is best attested in royal inscriptions recording religious endowments. It is striking that most pre-Islamic Indian rulers patronised priests, monks, ascetics, and religious establishments of multiple faiths. The personal religious affiliations of the kings often contrasted remarkably with the patronage patterns followed by them according to the testimony of their epigraphs. The strongest indication for the individual confessions of rulers is given by the religious epithets among their titles. While the ambivalent relationship between the personal beliefs of the kings and their donative practices has been repeatedly described as an expression of Indian religious “tolerance” or of the specific character of Indian religious traditions, this paper emphasises that there were several reasons for the dichotomy. This will be investigated on the basis of the epigraphic material of the Maitraka dynasty, which ruled in Gujarat from the 5th to the 8th centuries. The article also contains an edition and translation of the hitherto unpublished Yodhāvaka Grant of Dharasena iv.
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Endowment cultures based on Buddhist, Hindu-Brahmanical, and Jain traditions flourished in pre-Islamic India. The donative practices influenced each other, and the extant records testify to a consensus among the followers of different... more
Endowment cultures based on Buddhist, Hindu-Brahmanical, and Jain traditions flourished in pre-Islamic India. The donative practices influenced each other, and the extant records testify to a consensus among the followers of different religions with regard to the merit drawn from pious grants. Several rulers of the Maitraka dynasty were patrons of a Buddhist endowment culture in sixth to seventh-century Kathiawar. After the eighth century, patronage in favor of Buddhist monasteries apparently declined in Gujarat and Maharashtra. However, this decrease does not seem to have been caused by the first, short-term Muslim inroads into the region in the early eighth century, as the Hindu-Brahmanical endowment culture continued to prosper. On the contrary, there is epigraphic evidence that Muslim nobles, in their capacity as vassals of the indigenous Rāṣṭrakūṭa rulers, made religious grants on the west coast in the tenth century, following the pattern set by the native kings. According to Arab sources, the first mosques were also built on the Konkan coast in the tenth century. With the dissemination of Islamic rule in northern India in the thirteenth century, Muslim rulers seem to have confiscated land and other resources that had been bestowed on monasteries and temples, probably with the aim of increasing state revenues and of patronizing the institution of Islamic endowments (waqf).
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Royal epigraphs recording religious endowments of villages and/or land constitute the main sources for questions related to rule and power in premodern (or rather, pre-Islamic) South Asia. Most of the medieval title deeds were written in... more
Royal epigraphs recording religious endowments of villages and/or land constitute the main sources for questions related to rule and power in premodern (or rather, pre-Islamic) South Asia. Most of the medieval title deeds were written in Sanskrit and engraved on copper plates. Beside the details of a specific endowment, these copper-plate charters contain the titles of the royal donors and their immediate predecessor(s), as well as the panegyric genealogies of their dynasties. The latter reveal a great deal of information about various aspects of the legitimation of Indian kings and about concepts of a ‘good’ ruler. One of the criteria for ‘good’ rule is also manifested in the main objective of copper-plate charters: (the recording of) royal grants in favour of religious donees.
On the basis of epigraphic material from central India issued by the Rastrakuta dynasty (eighth to tenth centuries), as well as by the Silahara and Yadava dynasties (tenth to thirteenth centuries), this article explores the mechanisms of the self-representation of the rulers in their charters. It attempts to show that the genealogical and panegyric descriptions played a very important role in legitimation policies. Each of the dynasties mentioned above used several different versions of the metrical descriptions of their pedigrees in order to explain their claim to the throne in disputes, thus strengthening their own legitimation and weakening that of their rivals.
Furthermore, the copper-plate charters also provide an insight into several aspects of the stabilization policies pursued by the rulers: refined structures of vassalage, systematic matrimonial alliances, and the almost comprehensive settlement of Brahmins in all regions of the kingdoms, which led to their large-scale migration within the subcontinent. Brahmins were preferred recipients of endowments of land as they acted as a supraregional foundation for the legitimation of the rulers; and it was also Brahmins who drafted the dynastic genealogies at the royal courts.
On the basis of epigraphic material from central India issued by the Rastrakuta dynasty (eighth to tenth centuries), as well as by the Silahara and Yadava dynasties (tenth to thirteenth centuries), this article explores the mechanisms of the self-representation of the rulers in their charters. It attempts to show that the genealogical and panegyric descriptions played a very important role in legitimation policies. Each of the dynasties mentioned above used several different versions of the metrical descriptions of their pedigrees in order to explain their claim to the throne in disputes, thus strengthening their own legitimation and weakening that of their rivals.
Furthermore, the copper-plate charters also provide an insight into several aspects of the stabilization policies pursued by the rulers: refined structures of vassalage, systematic matrimonial alliances, and the almost comprehensive settlement of Brahmins in all regions of the kingdoms, which led to their large-scale migration within the subcontinent. Brahmins were preferred recipients of endowments of land as they acted as a supraregional foundation for the legitimation of the rulers; and it was also Brahmins who drafted the dynastic genealogies at the royal courts.
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Royal names served the legitimation of rule and power in early medieval India. The naming conventions of the West Indian dynasty of the Maitrakas (6th–8th centuries) illustrate their anxiety to homogenise royal names and epithets for the... more
Royal names served the legitimation of rule and power in early medieval India. The naming conventions of the West Indian dynasty of the Maitrakas (6th–8th centuries) illustrate their anxiety to homogenise royal names and epithets for the sake of dynastic continuity, as well as the use of coronation names from the 7th century onwards. Under the central Indian Rastrakutas (8th–10th centuries), it becomes even clearer that royal names and epithets were related to the concept of an ideal Indian ruler. The specific Rastrakuta king names ending in °varsa (»rain[ing]«) allude to their great munificence. Several religiously connoted epithets, which were introduced in the 10th century and might be also regarded as coronation names, show the endeavour to effectively tie this dynasty’s history to the world of the gods.
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From late antiquity onwards, the relationship between imperial rulers and regional elites, particularly the subordinates, was expressed by a specific trans-regional Sanskrit vocabulary. The key-term sāmanta defined a structural phenomenon... more
From late antiquity onwards, the relationship between imperial rulers and regional elites, particularly the subordinates, was expressed by a specific trans-regional Sanskrit vocabulary. The key-term sāmanta defined a structural phenomenon characteristic for the early medieval period in India. Since the 6 th century, this expression was used with a narrower technical connotation, meaning 'subdued regional prince who acknowledges the suzerainty of another king'. It has been mostly translated as 'feudatory' or 'vassal'. The main historical sources for early medieval India are inscriptions: royal stone epigraphs and copper-plate charters. They regularly contain genealogies of rulers and subordinate kings and thus provide highly interesting information on the political activities of imperial rulers and regional elites. Strategic considerations regarding the relationship with the vassals are often also the topic of genealogies. Time and again, the rulers had to decide whom to establish in newly conquered territories: members of their own dynasty, of the previously reigning line, or of the regional elites. The prime object of almost all inscriptions engraved on copper plates and of a large number of stone epigraphs was to record religious endowments. There is plenty of evidence from different parts of medieval India that imperial rulers made endowments after being requested by subordinate princes; vassals, on the other hand, made religious grants with the consent of their overlords. Many rulers responded to the diverse interests of their wider courtly surroundings with specific religious grants.
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There is no doubt that patronage played a very important role in the process of creating, preserving, and transmitting the literary patrimony of Jainism. Although, compared with other Indian religious traditions, only a relatively small... more
There is no doubt that patronage played a very important role in the process of creating, preserving, and transmitting the literary patrimony of Jainism. Although, compared with other Indian religious traditions, only a relatively small percentage of the extant donative epigraphs record grants in favour of Jaina donees, it is highly interesting to investigate this evidence. It is rather difficult to trace inscriptional references to the direct sponsoring of authors or to the patronage of the production of literary works. Most of the donative inscriptions in favour of the Jaina community describe either the erection of a sanctuary or an endowment to maintain such an institution; and even more complex grants hardly ever explicitly mention the copying of religious manuscripts amongst the purposes they were to serve. This holds true for Jaina as well as for Buddhist and Hindu endowments. The replication and distribution of sacred texts was usually financed in specific ways, as can be seen from manuscript colophons.
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The history of the early medieval Maitraka dynasty of Gujarat, which ruled from its capital Valabhī over the Kathiawar peninsula from the 5th to the 8th centuries, was one of the great passions of the late Prof. Dr. H.G. Shastri, and... more
The history of the early medieval Maitraka dynasty of Gujarat, which ruled from its capital Valabhī over the Kathiawar peninsula from the 5th to the 8th centuries, was one of the great passions of the late Prof. Dr. H.G. Shastri, and nobody studying the inscriptions of this royal line can overlook his substantial contributions to that field of research. More than 120 (complete and incomplete) epigraphs of this royal line – all of them in Sanskrit – are known today. Thus, the Maitraka inscriptions constitute one of the densest Indian dynastic corpora.
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This article serves as an introduction to the new journal Endowment Studies (ENDS). Besides laying out the scope and goals of the periodical, it also charts the broader arc of historical scholarship on endowments. More specifically, the... more
This article serves as an introduction to the new journal Endowment Studies (ENDS). Besides laying out the scope and goals of the periodical, it also charts the broader arc of historical scholarship on endowments. More specifically, the development of the research on foundations is summarized in four fields, namely Medieval Studies, Byzantine Studies, Islamic Studies and Indology. Furthermore, a general vocabulary for the core features of foundations is also proposed.
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Critique, reform and liquidation of medieval Indian foundations and endowments.
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Inventions, innovations and imitations in intercultural contact: the Indological perspective on medieval foundations and endowments.
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An elaborate description of Sāgala as an ideal type of city is contained in the Milindapañha, “The Questions of King Milinda”, namely in the introductory story of this Buddhist text. Although being highly stereotyped, the description... more
An elaborate description of Sāgala as an ideal type of city is contained in the Milindapañha, “The Questions of King Milinda”, namely in the introductory story of this Buddhist text. Although being highly stereotyped, the description offers valuable clues regarding the ideals of urban planning in the north of ancient Pakistan. This account, like the more general depictions of city life in the text, reveals the well-planned and cosmopolitan character of towns in the north of Pakistan in the last century BCE and the first centuries CE.
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Religious merit and temporal ambitions in medieval Indian foundations and endowments.
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Charity and education in medieval Indian foundations and endowments.
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Beneficiaries of medieval Indian foundations and endowments.
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Im Sanskrit gibt es eine Vielzahl von Wörtern, die zur Bezeichnung des oder eines Meeres bzw. Ozeans verwendet werden. Einer der am häufigsten anzutreffenden Begriffe ist sāgara, eine von der mythologischen Figur Sagara abgeleitete... more
Im Sanskrit gibt es eine Vielzahl von Wörtern, die zur Bezeichnung des oder eines Meeres bzw. Ozeans verwendet werden. Einer der am häufigsten anzutreffenden Begriffe ist sāgara, eine von der mythologischen Figur Sagara abgeleitete Bildung. Die meisten Termini aber beziehen sich relativ unspezifisch auf den Gewässercharakter, wie sam-udra, wörtlich: »Zusammen[kommen] von Wasser«. Dabei sind Kompositumbildungen, die auf °dhi, »Behälter«, oder °nidhi, »Schatz«, enden, besonders produktiv. Die Sanskrit-Wörter, die für »Wasser« stehen können (wenn auch selten ausschließlich dafür), sind ebenfalls recht zahlreich: ap (bekannt aus der Gebietsbezeichnung Panjab für das »Fünfwasser [land]«), ambu, ambhas, uda, jala, payas, vār, vāri – um nur einige zu nennen. Daher ist die Anzahl der möglichen und tatsächlich benutzten Ableitungen ebenfalls nicht gering: abdhi, ambudhi, ambhodhi, udadhi, jaladhi, payodhi, vāridhi und vārdhi bezeichnen »(ozeanische) Wasserbehälter«, ambunidhi, ambhonidhi, jalanidhi »(ozeanische) Wasserschätze« und vārirāśi (ebensolche) »Wassermassen«.
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Das indische Mittelalter war in besonderem Maße durch Migration gekennzeichnet. Es gibt reichlich Belege für Wanderungsbewegungen nach Indien und innerhalb des Kulturraums sowie - wenn auch in geringerem Umfang-von Indien in andere... more
Das indische Mittelalter war in besonderem Maße durch Migration gekennzeichnet. Es gibt reichlich Belege für Wanderungsbewegungen nach Indien und innerhalb des Kulturraums sowie - wenn auch in geringerem Umfang-von Indien in andere Regionen. Die bekannteste und am besten dokumentierte Form wirtschaftlich, politisch und zugleich religiös motivierter Migration im mittelalterlichen Indien bildeten Wanderungsbewegungen von Brahmanen. Das Mittelalter war durch die brahmanische "Kolonisation" des gesamten Subkontinents geprägt, und königliche Landstiftungen, die dies beförderten, stellten ein pan-indisches Phänomen dar. Nachhaltige Wanderungsbewegungen von Brahmanen auf dem südasiatischen Subkontinent (und darüber hinaus) sind geradezu ein Paradebeispiel für mittelalterliche Migrationen. Wie aus Hunderten Inschriften bekannt ist, verlagerten brahmanische Priester, zumeist einzeln oder in kleinen Gruppen, jedoch in insgesamt großer Zahl, ihren Lebensmittelpunkt in oft weit entfernte Gebiete. Anhand der epigraphischen Daten lassen sich die geographischen Koordinaten sowie die verschiedenen Phasen individueller Ortswechsel nachzeichnen. Die Inschriften und andere Quellen geben auch indirekt Auskunft darüber, welche Ursachen - brahmanische Auswanderung aus wirtschaftlichen Beweggründen und königliche Einladungen aus politisch-legitimatorischen Motiven - zu diesen Migrationen führten, inwiefern die zuwandernden Brahmanen die Mehrheitsgesellschaft mit ihren Rechts-und Sozialvorstellungen prägten und wie die neue Umgebung wiederum auf das traditionelle Brahmanentum zurückwirkte.
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Written sources for medieval Indian foundations and endowments.
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Material sources for medieval Indian foundations and endowments.
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Southern Gujarat and northwestern Maharashtra constituted a highly contested region in the early medieval period, between the 5th and 8th centuries. The majority of the royal grants were in favour of Vedic Brahmins without any specific... more
Southern Gujarat and northwestern Maharashtra constituted a highly contested region in the early medieval period, between the 5th and 8th centuries. The majority of the royal grants were in favour of Vedic Brahmins without any specific Śaiva, Vaiṣṇava, or other sectarian leanings, the rest in favour of Hindu temples. Whereas the Traikūṭakas had been Vaiṣṇavas, Kaṭaccuri Kṛṣṇarāja is described as 'devoted to Paśupati'. Not only among the Kaṭaccuris, but also among the Gurjaras, Sendrakas, and Lāṭa Calukyas, there was a strong tendency to use the religious epithet paramamāheśvara, 'worshipper of Śiva' , homogeneously. Individual Gurjara and Sendraka charters record endowments for the worship of Āśramadeva and Alaṅghyeśvara, and one prince of the Lāṭa Calukyas is said to have worshipped a religious mendicant whose name ended in°śivabhaṭṭāraka. But it was not before the 11th century that the epigraphic evidence for the institutionalization of Śaivism in the region increased remarkably.
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There are many references to endowments for the upkeep of Buddhist institutions in India from the first to the tenth century. During the first centuries CE, it was mainly donations by male and female lay followers belonging to the urban... more
There are many references to endowments for the upkeep of Buddhist institutions in India from the first to the tenth century. During the first centuries CE, it was mainly donations by male and female lay followers belonging to the urban elite as well as by monks and nuns that supported Buddhist monasteries. From the sixth century onwards, monastic complexes in many parts of India were granted villages and allotments of land for their maintenance by contemporary rulers, who very often were not themselves Buddhists.
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Because of the mutually inextricable connections between politics and religion in premodern India, royal donations in support of religious institutions always constituted an important instrument of power. There is almost no early medieval... more
Because of the mutually inextricable connections between politics and religion in premodern India, royal donations in support of religious institutions always constituted an important instrument of power. There is almost no early medieval dynasty that did not issue any copper-plate charters, the classical Indian medium for the recording of royal or official endowments in favour of religious donees since the 4th century A.D. These Sanskrit records, which regularly comprise three parts – 1st the account of the dynastic genealogy in prose or in verses, 2nd the description of the land grant [mostly] in prose, and 3rd stanzas for protecting the donation from confiscation-contain plenty of information about the political – ideology and the religious ideas fostered by Indian rulers and royal dynasties. Thus, many kings not only had their official land grants registered in these title deeds, but also revealed their personal religious affiliations. References to religious ideas and religious leanings occur in various contexts in these copper-plate charters and, therefore, have to be weighted differently, too. The evidence seems to have been determined by universally applicable concepts of political power and religious legitimization, by dynastic traditions, by the character of the particular grantees, and, finally, by the personality of the individual kings.
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This paper is intended to provide an analysis of the epigraphical evidence for Atharvavedic Brahmins in general and for experts of the Paippalādaśākhā in particular. In the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bombay for the years 1959/60,... more
This paper is intended to provide an analysis of the epigraphical evidence for Atharvavedic Brahmins in general and for experts of the Paippalādaśākhā in particular. In the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bombay for the years 1959/60, DISKALKAR listed a number of relevant inscriptions in his article 'Atharvaveda and Epigraphi (sic!)'. I endeavoured to complete his collection through a specific search in various epigraphical journals and dynastic corpora of inscriptions. Due to the extreme scantiness of the sources, however, the attempt to find more material than that gathered by DISKALKAR some forty years ago did not bear rich fruit.
The list and the table given in the appendices I and III are certainly far from being complete. But even from this limited number of references, it is apparent that the information available mainly comes from the so-called copper-plate grants, that is to say, from the 'classical' Indian medium for the recording of royal endowments in favour of religious donees. Hence, most of the evidence refers to Atharvavedic Brahmins as recipients of donations of villages and land. Atharvavedins only very rarely occur in other epigraphical contexts, for instance, as scribes of such inscriptions.
The list and the table given in the appendices I and III are certainly far from being complete. But even from this limited number of references, it is apparent that the information available mainly comes from the so-called copper-plate grants, that is to say, from the 'classical' Indian medium for the recording of royal endowments in favour of religious donees. Hence, most of the evidence refers to Atharvavedic Brahmins as recipients of donations of villages and land. Atharvavedins only very rarely occur in other epigraphical contexts, for instance, as scribes of such inscriptions.
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Some recent Indological studies have pointed to the necessity of analysing two categories of sources for the reconstruction of India’s ancient and medieval history – literary texts and epigraphical records (e.g., Schopen 1991). This paper... more
Some recent Indological studies have pointed to the necessity of analysing two categories of sources for the reconstruction of India’s ancient and medieval history – literary texts and epigraphical records (e.g., Schopen 1991). This paper on the tulāpuruṣa ceremony seeks to demonstrate how bodies of information derived from the two categories of sources complement each other and help to present a fuller description of the history of the ritual.
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Die politische Welt des alten Indien war zumeist durch Vielstaatlichkeit oder genauer: durch Vielzentrigkeit gekennzeichnet; überregionale Großreiche stellten die Ausnahme dar, wiesen zudem stets eine eher lockere, dezentrale Struktur auf... more
Die politische Welt des alten Indien war zumeist durch Vielstaatlichkeit oder genauer: durch Vielzentrigkeit gekennzeichnet; überregionale Großreiche stellten die Ausnahme dar, wiesen zudem stets eine eher lockere, dezentrale Struktur auf und bestanden immer nur für wenige Generationen. Bestimmte allgemeine Merkmale der altindischen Hochzivilisation, die zumindest für die entwickelteren Gebiete Südasiens charakteristisch waren, bildeten sich nicht – oder nicht in erster Linie – durch Einwirkung des Staates, sondern auf Grund kultureller Faktoren (wie die Aktivitäten von Brahmanen und sonstigen religiösen Gruppen) und – vielleicht in geringerem Maße – durch wirtschaftliche Kontakte und Beziehungen heraus. Im frühen Mittelalter entstanden dann vor allem auf regionaler Ebene stabilere politische Einheiten, in deren Rahmen sich die Indien bis heute prägenden Regionalkulturen zu formieren begannen. Unter diesen Bedingungen erscheint es zwar nicht naturnotwendig, überrascht aber auch nicht, daß sich ein "gesamtindisches", wenigstens für große Teile des Subkontinents verbindliches System der Zeitrechnung nicht entwickelte. Typisch für das alte und mittelalterliche Indien war statt dessen – und dies manchmal sogar in kleineren geographischen Bereichen – das Nebeneinander verschiedener dynastischer oder auch nicht dynastiegebundener Ären, bzw. z.T. wurde die Datierung einfach nach den Regierungsjahren des gerade amtierenden Herrschers vorgenommen. Dies bedeutet auch, daß die Verbreitung von Zeitrechnungen, die Frage, welche Ära in einem konkreten Gebiet Verwendung fand und welche nicht, von ganz verschiedenen – machtpolitischen, administrativ-praktischen, kulturellen – Faktoren abhängig gewesen sein dürfte.
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In the following paper I want to compare the formulas determining the purposes of donations to Buddhist monasteries in inscriptions dating from the 5th to the 9th century AD. with certain passages from the reports of the Chinese pilgrims.... more
In the following paper I want to compare the formulas determining the purposes of donations to Buddhist monasteries in inscriptions dating from the 5th to the 9th century AD. with certain passages from the reports of the Chinese pilgrims. Altogether 34 inscriptions have been analyzed: 25 from West India (belonging to the dynasties of the Maitrakas and Rastrakutas), four from East India (belonging to the Guptas, Ratas, Palas etc.), two from Sanchi, one from Bagh, and, additionally, two from the Dekhan (belonging to the Visnukundins).
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Die untersuchte Quelle ist ein früher buddhistischer Prosatext der nichtkanonischen Pali-Literatur. Das Werk Milindapañha, "Die Fragen des Menandros", ist in Form eines Gespräches zwischen dem historischen indogriechischen König Menandros... more
Die untersuchte Quelle ist ein früher buddhistischer Prosatext der nichtkanonischen Pali-Literatur. Das Werk Milindapañha, "Die Fragen des Menandros", ist in Form eines Gespräches zwischen dem historischen indogriechischen König Menandros (Milinda) und dem buddhistischen Mönch Nagasena abgefaßt. Dabei ist Nagasena bemüht, Grundgedanken der buddhistischen Lehre anhand von Beispielen aus dem altindischen Leben zu vermitteln. Die Quelle ist nicht sicher datierbar, so daß das zeitliche Umfeld ihrer Entstehung lediglich eingrenzbar ist. Der Text kann erst nach der Mitte des 2. Jh. v. u. Z. verfaßt worden sein, da Menandros zu dieser Zeit herrschte. Er muß aber bereits vor dem 5. Jh. u. Z. vorgelegen haben, da der buddhistische Kommentator Buddhaghosa aus seinen jüngeren Teilen zitiert, allerdings nicht im Wortlaut der heute vorliegenden Überlieferungen.
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This is the analysis of some 250 inscriptions from the time of the early medieval royal dynasties of the Rāṣṭrakūṭas, Śilāhāras, and Yādavas, who reigned in central India from the 8th to the 13th centuries. The information derived from... more
This is the analysis of some 250 inscriptions from the time of the early medieval royal dynasties of the Rāṣṭrakūṭas, Śilāhāras, and Yādavas, who reigned in central India from the 8th to the 13th centuries. The information derived from copper-plate charters and stone inscriptions primarily consists of genealogies of the ruling kings as well as of data regarding their religious foundations and endowments and the donations of other members of society. It is shown how genealogical accounts were modified to legitimize individual claims to power, and that the 10th and 11th centuries were a period of religious change, which witnessed a shift in patronage patterns and a closer link between Vedic Brahmanism and Hindu temple worship.
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This volume investigates the representation of public personages in inscribed texts from South Asia, focussing on political ideology and patronage policy. The majority of pre-modern epigraphs from the subcontinent are official documents... more
This volume investigates the representation of public personages in inscribed texts from South Asia, focussing on political ideology and patronage policy. The majority of pre-modern epigraphs from the subcontinent are official documents of specific kinds, namely public inscriptions on stone and donative charters on copper plates. These texts often contain panegyric passages describing the kings and their dynasties, the donors, and their families, as well as religious figures and their lineages. Eulogies of the rulers and their ancestors are in most cases not factual "self-portrayals," yet they project an image of authenticity and authority. The sources also contain "presentation of others," particularly of subordinates, overlords and adversaries.
Most of the papers are based on talks presented at the 34th Deutscher Orientalistentag held in Berlin in September 2022, during the panel entitled "Self-Representation and Presentation of Others in Epigraphical Writing" organised by the Berlin team of the European Research Council project "The Domestication of 'Hindu' Asceticism and the Religious Making of South and Southeast Asia (DHARMA)." The contributors have paid particular attention to rivalries within and between dynasties as well as to comparing the self-representation of rulers with their depiction in the records of their adversaries. They also examine the presentation of religious figures and the relationship between overlords and their subordinates.
Most of the papers are based on talks presented at the 34th Deutscher Orientalistentag held in Berlin in September 2022, during the panel entitled "Self-Representation and Presentation of Others in Epigraphical Writing" organised by the Berlin team of the European Research Council project "The Domestication of 'Hindu' Asceticism and the Religious Making of South and Southeast Asia (DHARMA)." The contributors have paid particular attention to rivalries within and between dynasties as well as to comparing the self-representation of rulers with their depiction in the records of their adversaries. They also examine the presentation of religious figures and the relationship between overlords and their subordinates.