S. M. Hadi Gerami is Assistant Professor of Islamic and Qurʾānic Studies at the Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies (IHCS) in Tehran. His co-authored volume Opposition to Philosophy in Safavid Iran: Mullā Muḥammad-Ṭāhir Qummī’s Ḥikmat al-ʿĀrifīn (Brill 2017) is about less-known aspects of Safavid intellectual history. He has also published several articles in English, Persian, and Arabic, and a number of books, such among others, as Nakhostīn Monāsebāt-e Fekri-ye Tashayyuʿ: Bāz-khāni-ye mafhūm-e gholoww dar Andīshe-ye jaryānhā-ye moteqaddem-e Emāmī (“The First Shiʿite Doctrinal Interactions Revisiting the Concept of Gholoww in the Thought of Early Shiʿi Social Networks”) and Nakhostīn Andīshe-hā-ye Ḥadīthī Shīʿa (“The Earliest Shiʿi Ideas on Ḥadīth”); for the latter, he was awarded the Farabi International Award on the Iranian and Islamic Studies in 2018. His research expertise lies in Islamic intellectual history, history of Shiʿism, history of ḥadīth as well as tafsīr, medieval Arabic philosophy, anthropology of religion, and method and theory in the study of religion.
Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies, 2024
About the history of tafsīrī ideas in Shiʿi community during the early Islamic centuries, we don'... more About the history of tafsīrī ideas in Shiʿi community during the early Islamic centuries, we don't have much information from Persian-language sources. This is because either there are no works in this field, or if they exist, they mostly consist of fragmented texts about just exegeses and exegetes, not ideas, in early Shiism. This issue is even can be considered in western studies on early Shiism. S. M. Hadi Gerami in his book, Qurʾan, Hermeneutics, and Bāṭin in Early Shiism while addressing this deficiency, attempts to present an example of history of ideas in the field of tafsir by applying historical approach to early Shiʿi narrations. According to the book, the first Shiʿi discourse in tafsir during its early time was the ẓahir/bāṭin discourse, whose supporters were predominantly from the Muffaḍḍal network. In this approach, the identity of the Qurʾan was introduced as a two-level one based on the ẓāhir and the bāṭin. Additionally, in this discourse, the understanding of the Qurʾan was regarded as tied to the "jamʿ al-qurʾān" at both the ẓāhir and the bāṭin levels. Tafsir, of course, in a completely symbolic way, was a desirable practice only for those who possessed the entire Qurʾan at their disposal, that is, the Ahl al-Bayt. However, in this discourse, the examples of bāṭin are confined to the cases linked to Ahl al-Bayt or their opponents, and their extension to other topics is quite limited. The second Shiʿi discourse in tafsir in that era was the tanzīl/tʾawīl discourse. Unlike the previous network, the supporters of this tendency were the majority of the Shiʿa. This network did not have a two-level perspective on the identity of the Qurʾan. Likewise, this network has little inclination to transmit narrations that include the ẓāhir/bāṭin terminology, and in the few reports they have narrated, they have sought to interpret this dichotomy in support of tanzīl/tʾawīl. Consequently, the ẓāhir and the bāṭin in this discourse are situated in the context of general theorising and are not exclusive in the cases connected to Ahl al-Bayt or their adversaries. Likewise, in its approach, the explanation and interpretation of the Qurʾanic text, rather than finding its bāṭin, have been taken into consideration using the tanzīl/tʾawīl terminology. In these reports, firstly, bāṭin is not utilised, and secondly, instead of introducing the bāṭinī symbols of the ẓāhirī phrases of the Qurʾan, the interpretation of the text of the Qurʾan is presented to aid the audience’s understanding. In continuation, during the latter half of the second century and the third century, two interpretive discourse, tanzīl/tʾawīl and ẓāhir/bāṭin, were active and continued to thrive. The discourse of tanzīl/tʾawīl, which had started before the era of Imam al-Bāqir, only persisted and evolved until the end of the second century. The main figures of this tendency revolved around the exegetical circle of Abū Baṣīr and ʿAlī b. Abī Ḥamza al-Baṭāʾinī.
In Opposition to Philosophy in Safavid Iran, Ata Anzali and S. M. Hadi Gerami offer a critical ed... more In Opposition to Philosophy in Safavid Iran, Ata Anzali and S. M. Hadi Gerami offer a critical edition of a hitherto unpublished manuscript that is arguably the most erudite and extensive polemical work against philosophy and philosophical mysticism from the Safavid period. The introduction offers an extensive and in-depth analysis of the status of philosophy in the late Safavid period, placing Mulla Muhammad-Tahir Qummi’s (d. 1689) work in the broader context of the relevant cultural and intellectual developments of his time. The content of Hikmat al-‘arifin itself is divided between a refutation of many traditional philosophical arguments about the nature of God and His attributes and, more importantly for those interested in Safavid intellectual history, attacks on Mulla Sadra and his students for synthesizing fundamental elements Ibn ‘Arabi’s thought into the framework of traditional philosophical discourse.
There are no endeavors so far to study how early Imamī Ḥadith discourses, including ikhtilāf-ul-ḥ... more There are no endeavors so far to study how early Imamī Ḥadith discourses, including ikhtilāf-ul-ḥadīth, kitābat-ul-ḥādīth, isnād etc., have been appeared and developed. In addition to dating these discourses, this study will show how such developments have been in relation to the history of Imāmī thought and also its early regional and intellectual networks.
This study, undertaking an intellectual approach to the early Imāmī history, shows how the Ḥadith discourses have been devolved amongst Imāmī circles and networks. This endeavors by applying social network analysis, history of ideas, and some other attitudes tries to produce an intellectual historical investigation paying a full attention to an insider's religious concerns.
According to this study, from the first half of the first Islamic century, the ikhtilāf-ul-ḥadīth discourse was the main concern of Ali's disciples. In the aftermath of the battle of Karbalā, the way was paved for Sajjād (the fourth Shi'ī Imām) to establish the earliest hadith circle in Medina. In the era of Bāqir (the fifth Imām), the transmission of aḥādith was developed and also the isnād discourse appeared for the first time. During Imām Sādiq's period, the Imāmī or ja‘fārī collective identity has been shaped. It seems that the main cause behind ikhtilāf-ul-ḥadīth during the time of these two Imāms was taqīyyah (prudent dissimulation). Regarding the extent of writing down aḥādith, even though in Sadiqī late period it was widely developed among Imāmīs, it was not so relevant to this extent during the early second Islamic century. In the time of imam Sadiq, the isnād discourse intertwined with Imām's knowledge discourses, as the later made acceptable that Imams can relate prophetic traditions directly.
In the circle of late Medina, namely after the era of Imam Sadiq until the Imām Jawād, the main way through which the hadith was transferred was individual conversations and also, writing down letters to raise some queries to the Imāms. In the early third century, the circle shaped by the disciples of Hishām bin al-Ḥakam was also working on aḥādīth. The most significant characteristics of this circle were their inclination toward ‘Āmmah (sunnis), critical attitudes to the writing of companions of Imām Ṣādiq, and their interest in textual internal criticism of aḥādit. In the same period, the followers of Hishām bin Sālim al-Jawāliqi has great activities to promote Imāmī ḥādith discourse. In contrary, they emphasized on the importance of writings left behind by disciples of Imam al-Sadiq, and had a tendency toward the professional traditions used by the famous aṣhāb-ul-ḥadīth in that time; they were also more interested in external criticism of aḥādith. The next early Imāmi network which also was at work during the same period was the circle of mufḍḍal bin ‘ūmar al-Ju‘fī and his disciples. They had an inclination to write tafsīrī and non-legal works. Due to its relation with early Shī‘ī extremist (ghulāt), the circle faced some accusations from other Imāmīs. However, it seems that they were accused of being extremist just because of their social relations with ghulāt, not for their real extremist or different thoughts, the fact that made ghulāt to attach their fabricated aḥādith to Mufḍḍāl and his disciples. Anyway, the Imāmī traditionists in the third and fourth centuries succeed to distinguish such fabricated traditions and marginalize them in early Imāmī traditional writings.
This study presents a new concept of earlier Imamiyeh scholars about the concept of exaggeration.... more This study presents a new concept of earlier Imamiyeh scholars about the concept of exaggeration. Based on this concept, the view of earlier Imamiyeh scholars about the concept of exaggeration can be analyzed only on the basis of a component-based pattern. This concept, in contrast to the traditional views, is not that of gradation so that for instance some Imamiyeh schools are considered more moderate and some of them more exaggerative. This study first deals with the major twelve Shiite Imams in the first five centuries A.H. Then, it seeks to identify the components of exaggeration towards revealing the doctrines of these schools of thought. The earlier twelve Shiite Imams’ ideas about these components(delegation, world of pre-existence, knowledge of Imam, inadvertence)are revealed based on their sayings. Finally, this study shows that although the concept of components concerning the concept of exaggeration leads to a more proper and more historical understanding, the pattern of components in terms of exaggeration is not so efficient for analysis of the disputed cases. The reason is that such reports have been made as a result of establishing different schools of thought and inter- school contests.
پس از انقلاب اسلامی ایران، تشیع کانون توجه شرق شناسان شد و آنان به «تحلیل تاریخی عقاید شیعه» پردا... more پس از انقلاب اسلامی ایران، تشیع کانون توجه شرق شناسان شد و آنان به «تحلیل تاریخی عقاید شیعه» پرداختند. رویکرد یادشده باعث شد که برخی معتقدین به تشیع ـ به پیروی از شرق شناسان ـ مدعی تحول تاریخی تفکر شیعی حتی در اصلی ترین مبانی اعتقادی آن شده اند. نمونه ای از این نگاه، در کتاب مکتب در فرایند تکامل؛ نظری بر تطور مبانی فکری تشیع در سه قرن نخستین؛ نگاشته سیدحسین مدرسی طباطبایی انعکاس یافته است.نویسنده در مقاله حاضر، سعی می کند با ارائه گزارشی از تاریخ تطور اندیشه امامیه ـ بدون پرداختن به بحث های هنجاری و کلامی ـ تا حدی غبار از چهره آن بزداید. وی در راستای این هدف، ملاحظاتی درخصوص اندیشه دکتر مدرسی طباطبایی در باب مفوضه ارائه می دهد؛ در ملاحظه اول به تلقی متقدمان امامیه از مفهوم تفویض اشاره کرده است؛ در ملاحظه دوم، افزون تر و عمیق تر به این مسأله می پردازد؛ در ملاحظه سوم، سوء تفاهم تاریخی درباره عقیده مفضل بن عمر جعفی (در خصوص مسأله تفویض) را مورد کنکاش قرار میدهد و در ملاحظه چهارم با ارائه برساخته های مفوضه در سده های نخست هجری، مقاله را به پایان می رساند.
ماجرای کربلا و شهادت امام حسینR و یارانشان یکی از وقایع تاریخی بود که نقش اصلی را در شکلدهی هویت... more ماجرای کربلا و شهادت امام حسینR و یارانشان یکی از وقایع تاریخی بود که نقش اصلی را در شکلدهی هویت جمعی شیعه در سدۀ نخست هجری ایفا کرد. بیتردید پس از این حادثۀ تاریخی، هر امر مربوط به آن بهمثابۀ یادمان و نمادی هویتی گرامی داشته میشد. شاید در این میان یادمانهای زیارتی و مادی(آبجکتیو= Objective) نقشی محوری داشت. در فرایند احیای یاد و جایگاه حضرت حسینR، تربت و خاک مزار ایشان، جایگاهی برجسته یافت و امامان شیعه تلاش کردند آن را ابزاری برای احیای جنبههای جسمانی و روحانی شیعیان مطرح کنند. با اینکه حضرت علی بن الحسینR در انعکاس و برجستهسازی واقعۀ کربلا جایگاهی متمایز داشت، کهنترین گزارشها در خصوص تربت مزار حضرت حسینR مربوط به عصر پس از ایشان بود. گزارشهای متعددی حاکی از شکلگیری گفتمان «تربه الحسین» در نیمۀ اول سدۀ دوم هجری است که در آنها، احادیث صادقینv مهمترین جایگاه را دارد. این گزارشها از نظر محتوا و تعداد، به شکلی است که بر اساس آن، با ظن بسیار قوی میتوان شکلگیری گفتمان «تربه الحسین» را در نیمۀ اول سدۀ دوم هجری تاریخگذاری کرد. علاوه بر آن، جایگاه این گفتمان و مؤلفههای آن...
In Islamic and Shīʿa culture, historical subjects dealing with anthropological aspects have often... more In Islamic and Shīʿa culture, historical subjects dealing with anthropological aspects have often been neglected. The Baqīʿ cemetery, one of the oldest cemeteries in Islam and a pilgrimage site for Shīʿa Muslims assumes considerable importance in anthropological studies. The present study explores the cemetery through the early Hijri centuries/c. 7 th century A.D., adopting the anthropological approach. It is concluded that Baqīʿ has mostly served a socialritualistic function during this time. From a social point of view, the cemetery was used for residence, performing prayers, or forming assemblies. From a ritualistic point of view, it was used for various death rituals of Ḥijaz residents. Some of the anthropological and cultural features of this cemetery were revealed in the second century A.H. Most importantly, the cemetery acquired a legendary status among the Arabs and certain beliefs were formed regarding this divine and impressive state. Additionally, the cemetery grew in importance because of its identity. Concurrently with the stabilization of sect-related and religious identity, signs of sect-related and religious quarrels show up in the death rituals and especially burial rites at Baqīʿ.
قصه یونس و ماهی یکی از داستانهای جذاب اسلامی است که بخشهایی از آن به شکل پراکنده در قرآن آمده ا... more قصه یونس و ماهی یکی از داستانهای جذاب اسلامی است که بخشهایی از آن به شکل پراکنده در قرآن آمده است و اطلاعات افزونتری از آن در متن فرهنگ روایی موجود است. با این حال روند روایی - داستانی این قصه به شکل محدودی بررسی شده است. مقاله پیش رو با استفاده از ظرفیت اصطلاحات روایتشناختی - و نه لزوماً روایتشناسی به معنای مصطلح و حرفهای آن - در ادامه تلاش میکند، یک روند روایی زمانمند برای داستان یونس و ماهی براساس مفهوم پیرفت (سکانس) پیشنهاد دهد. همچنین، علاوه بر تحلیل هر پیرفت، به طور مشخص نشان داده خواهد شد که در هر پیرفت کدامیک از عناصر داستانی شناختهشده در کانون توجه قرار گرفتهاند. در نهایت این مقاله نشان خواهد داد که در پیرفت نخست شخصیتپردازی یونس و همراهانش صورت گرفته است. در پیرفت دوم، نقطه اوج کشمکش یونس میان خدا و خلق برجسته شده است. در پیرفت سوم، نقطه کانونی داستان یعنی صحنهپردازی گفتگوی یونس با خداوند صورت گرفته است. در نهایت در پیرفت چهارم، الگوپردازی و بازنمایی درونمایه داستان در کانون توجه بوده است.
Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies, 2024
About the history of tafsīrī ideas in Shiʿi community during the early Islamic centuries, we don'... more About the history of tafsīrī ideas in Shiʿi community during the early Islamic centuries, we don't have much information from Persian-language sources. This is because either there are no works in this field, or if they exist, they mostly consist of fragmented texts about just exegeses and exegetes, not ideas, in early Shiism. This issue is even can be considered in western studies on early Shiism. S. M. Hadi Gerami in his book, Qurʾan, Hermeneutics, and Bāṭin in Early Shiism while addressing this deficiency, attempts to present an example of history of ideas in the field of tafsir by applying historical approach to early Shiʿi narrations. According to the book, the first Shiʿi discourse in tafsir during its early time was the ẓahir/bāṭin discourse, whose supporters were predominantly from the Muffaḍḍal network. In this approach, the identity of the Qurʾan was introduced as a two-level one based on the ẓāhir and the bāṭin. Additionally, in this discourse, the understanding of the Qurʾan was regarded as tied to the "jamʿ al-qurʾān" at both the ẓāhir and the bāṭin levels. Tafsir, of course, in a completely symbolic way, was a desirable practice only for those who possessed the entire Qurʾan at their disposal, that is, the Ahl al-Bayt. However, in this discourse, the examples of bāṭin are confined to the cases linked to Ahl al-Bayt or their opponents, and their extension to other topics is quite limited. The second Shiʿi discourse in tafsir in that era was the tanzīl/tʾawīl discourse. Unlike the previous network, the supporters of this tendency were the majority of the Shiʿa. This network did not have a two-level perspective on the identity of the Qurʾan. Likewise, this network has little inclination to transmit narrations that include the ẓāhir/bāṭin terminology, and in the few reports they have narrated, they have sought to interpret this dichotomy in support of tanzīl/tʾawīl. Consequently, the ẓāhir and the bāṭin in this discourse are situated in the context of general theorising and are not exclusive in the cases connected to Ahl al-Bayt or their adversaries. Likewise, in its approach, the explanation and interpretation of the Qurʾanic text, rather than finding its bāṭin, have been taken into consideration using the tanzīl/tʾawīl terminology. In these reports, firstly, bāṭin is not utilised, and secondly, instead of introducing the bāṭinī symbols of the ẓāhirī phrases of the Qurʾan, the interpretation of the text of the Qurʾan is presented to aid the audience’s understanding. In continuation, during the latter half of the second century and the third century, two interpretive discourse, tanzīl/tʾawīl and ẓāhir/bāṭin, were active and continued to thrive. The discourse of tanzīl/tʾawīl, which had started before the era of Imam al-Bāqir, only persisted and evolved until the end of the second century. The main figures of this tendency revolved around the exegetical circle of Abū Baṣīr and ʿAlī b. Abī Ḥamza al-Baṭāʾinī.
In Opposition to Philosophy in Safavid Iran, Ata Anzali and S. M. Hadi Gerami offer a critical ed... more In Opposition to Philosophy in Safavid Iran, Ata Anzali and S. M. Hadi Gerami offer a critical edition of a hitherto unpublished manuscript that is arguably the most erudite and extensive polemical work against philosophy and philosophical mysticism from the Safavid period. The introduction offers an extensive and in-depth analysis of the status of philosophy in the late Safavid period, placing Mulla Muhammad-Tahir Qummi’s (d. 1689) work in the broader context of the relevant cultural and intellectual developments of his time. The content of Hikmat al-‘arifin itself is divided between a refutation of many traditional philosophical arguments about the nature of God and His attributes and, more importantly for those interested in Safavid intellectual history, attacks on Mulla Sadra and his students for synthesizing fundamental elements Ibn ‘Arabi’s thought into the framework of traditional philosophical discourse.
There are no endeavors so far to study how early Imamī Ḥadith discourses, including ikhtilāf-ul-ḥ... more There are no endeavors so far to study how early Imamī Ḥadith discourses, including ikhtilāf-ul-ḥadīth, kitābat-ul-ḥādīth, isnād etc., have been appeared and developed. In addition to dating these discourses, this study will show how such developments have been in relation to the history of Imāmī thought and also its early regional and intellectual networks.
This study, undertaking an intellectual approach to the early Imāmī history, shows how the Ḥadith discourses have been devolved amongst Imāmī circles and networks. This endeavors by applying social network analysis, history of ideas, and some other attitudes tries to produce an intellectual historical investigation paying a full attention to an insider's religious concerns.
According to this study, from the first half of the first Islamic century, the ikhtilāf-ul-ḥadīth discourse was the main concern of Ali's disciples. In the aftermath of the battle of Karbalā, the way was paved for Sajjād (the fourth Shi'ī Imām) to establish the earliest hadith circle in Medina. In the era of Bāqir (the fifth Imām), the transmission of aḥādith was developed and also the isnād discourse appeared for the first time. During Imām Sādiq's period, the Imāmī or ja‘fārī collective identity has been shaped. It seems that the main cause behind ikhtilāf-ul-ḥadīth during the time of these two Imāms was taqīyyah (prudent dissimulation). Regarding the extent of writing down aḥādith, even though in Sadiqī late period it was widely developed among Imāmīs, it was not so relevant to this extent during the early second Islamic century. In the time of imam Sadiq, the isnād discourse intertwined with Imām's knowledge discourses, as the later made acceptable that Imams can relate prophetic traditions directly.
In the circle of late Medina, namely after the era of Imam Sadiq until the Imām Jawād, the main way through which the hadith was transferred was individual conversations and also, writing down letters to raise some queries to the Imāms. In the early third century, the circle shaped by the disciples of Hishām bin al-Ḥakam was also working on aḥādīth. The most significant characteristics of this circle were their inclination toward ‘Āmmah (sunnis), critical attitudes to the writing of companions of Imām Ṣādiq, and their interest in textual internal criticism of aḥādit. In the same period, the followers of Hishām bin Sālim al-Jawāliqi has great activities to promote Imāmī ḥādith discourse. In contrary, they emphasized on the importance of writings left behind by disciples of Imam al-Sadiq, and had a tendency toward the professional traditions used by the famous aṣhāb-ul-ḥadīth in that time; they were also more interested in external criticism of aḥādith. The next early Imāmi network which also was at work during the same period was the circle of mufḍḍal bin ‘ūmar al-Ju‘fī and his disciples. They had an inclination to write tafsīrī and non-legal works. Due to its relation with early Shī‘ī extremist (ghulāt), the circle faced some accusations from other Imāmīs. However, it seems that they were accused of being extremist just because of their social relations with ghulāt, not for their real extremist or different thoughts, the fact that made ghulāt to attach their fabricated aḥādith to Mufḍḍāl and his disciples. Anyway, the Imāmī traditionists in the third and fourth centuries succeed to distinguish such fabricated traditions and marginalize them in early Imāmī traditional writings.
This study presents a new concept of earlier Imamiyeh scholars about the concept of exaggeration.... more This study presents a new concept of earlier Imamiyeh scholars about the concept of exaggeration. Based on this concept, the view of earlier Imamiyeh scholars about the concept of exaggeration can be analyzed only on the basis of a component-based pattern. This concept, in contrast to the traditional views, is not that of gradation so that for instance some Imamiyeh schools are considered more moderate and some of them more exaggerative. This study first deals with the major twelve Shiite Imams in the first five centuries A.H. Then, it seeks to identify the components of exaggeration towards revealing the doctrines of these schools of thought. The earlier twelve Shiite Imams’ ideas about these components(delegation, world of pre-existence, knowledge of Imam, inadvertence)are revealed based on their sayings. Finally, this study shows that although the concept of components concerning the concept of exaggeration leads to a more proper and more historical understanding, the pattern of components in terms of exaggeration is not so efficient for analysis of the disputed cases. The reason is that such reports have been made as a result of establishing different schools of thought and inter- school contests.
پس از انقلاب اسلامی ایران، تشیع کانون توجه شرق شناسان شد و آنان به «تحلیل تاریخی عقاید شیعه» پردا... more پس از انقلاب اسلامی ایران، تشیع کانون توجه شرق شناسان شد و آنان به «تحلیل تاریخی عقاید شیعه» پرداختند. رویکرد یادشده باعث شد که برخی معتقدین به تشیع ـ به پیروی از شرق شناسان ـ مدعی تحول تاریخی تفکر شیعی حتی در اصلی ترین مبانی اعتقادی آن شده اند. نمونه ای از این نگاه، در کتاب مکتب در فرایند تکامل؛ نظری بر تطور مبانی فکری تشیع در سه قرن نخستین؛ نگاشته سیدحسین مدرسی طباطبایی انعکاس یافته است.نویسنده در مقاله حاضر، سعی می کند با ارائه گزارشی از تاریخ تطور اندیشه امامیه ـ بدون پرداختن به بحث های هنجاری و کلامی ـ تا حدی غبار از چهره آن بزداید. وی در راستای این هدف، ملاحظاتی درخصوص اندیشه دکتر مدرسی طباطبایی در باب مفوضه ارائه می دهد؛ در ملاحظه اول به تلقی متقدمان امامیه از مفهوم تفویض اشاره کرده است؛ در ملاحظه دوم، افزون تر و عمیق تر به این مسأله می پردازد؛ در ملاحظه سوم، سوء تفاهم تاریخی درباره عقیده مفضل بن عمر جعفی (در خصوص مسأله تفویض) را مورد کنکاش قرار میدهد و در ملاحظه چهارم با ارائه برساخته های مفوضه در سده های نخست هجری، مقاله را به پایان می رساند.
ماجرای کربلا و شهادت امام حسینR و یارانشان یکی از وقایع تاریخی بود که نقش اصلی را در شکلدهی هویت... more ماجرای کربلا و شهادت امام حسینR و یارانشان یکی از وقایع تاریخی بود که نقش اصلی را در شکلدهی هویت جمعی شیعه در سدۀ نخست هجری ایفا کرد. بیتردید پس از این حادثۀ تاریخی، هر امر مربوط به آن بهمثابۀ یادمان و نمادی هویتی گرامی داشته میشد. شاید در این میان یادمانهای زیارتی و مادی(آبجکتیو= Objective) نقشی محوری داشت. در فرایند احیای یاد و جایگاه حضرت حسینR، تربت و خاک مزار ایشان، جایگاهی برجسته یافت و امامان شیعه تلاش کردند آن را ابزاری برای احیای جنبههای جسمانی و روحانی شیعیان مطرح کنند. با اینکه حضرت علی بن الحسینR در انعکاس و برجستهسازی واقعۀ کربلا جایگاهی متمایز داشت، کهنترین گزارشها در خصوص تربت مزار حضرت حسینR مربوط به عصر پس از ایشان بود. گزارشهای متعددی حاکی از شکلگیری گفتمان «تربه الحسین» در نیمۀ اول سدۀ دوم هجری است که در آنها، احادیث صادقینv مهمترین جایگاه را دارد. این گزارشها از نظر محتوا و تعداد، به شکلی است که بر اساس آن، با ظن بسیار قوی میتوان شکلگیری گفتمان «تربه الحسین» را در نیمۀ اول سدۀ دوم هجری تاریخگذاری کرد. علاوه بر آن، جایگاه این گفتمان و مؤلفههای آن...
In Islamic and Shīʿa culture, historical subjects dealing with anthropological aspects have often... more In Islamic and Shīʿa culture, historical subjects dealing with anthropological aspects have often been neglected. The Baqīʿ cemetery, one of the oldest cemeteries in Islam and a pilgrimage site for Shīʿa Muslims assumes considerable importance in anthropological studies. The present study explores the cemetery through the early Hijri centuries/c. 7 th century A.D., adopting the anthropological approach. It is concluded that Baqīʿ has mostly served a socialritualistic function during this time. From a social point of view, the cemetery was used for residence, performing prayers, or forming assemblies. From a ritualistic point of view, it was used for various death rituals of Ḥijaz residents. Some of the anthropological and cultural features of this cemetery were revealed in the second century A.H. Most importantly, the cemetery acquired a legendary status among the Arabs and certain beliefs were formed regarding this divine and impressive state. Additionally, the cemetery grew in importance because of its identity. Concurrently with the stabilization of sect-related and religious identity, signs of sect-related and religious quarrels show up in the death rituals and especially burial rites at Baqīʿ.
قصه یونس و ماهی یکی از داستانهای جذاب اسلامی است که بخشهایی از آن به شکل پراکنده در قرآن آمده ا... more قصه یونس و ماهی یکی از داستانهای جذاب اسلامی است که بخشهایی از آن به شکل پراکنده در قرآن آمده است و اطلاعات افزونتری از آن در متن فرهنگ روایی موجود است. با این حال روند روایی - داستانی این قصه به شکل محدودی بررسی شده است. مقاله پیش رو با استفاده از ظرفیت اصطلاحات روایتشناختی - و نه لزوماً روایتشناسی به معنای مصطلح و حرفهای آن - در ادامه تلاش میکند، یک روند روایی زمانمند برای داستان یونس و ماهی براساس مفهوم پیرفت (سکانس) پیشنهاد دهد. همچنین، علاوه بر تحلیل هر پیرفت، به طور مشخص نشان داده خواهد شد که در هر پیرفت کدامیک از عناصر داستانی شناختهشده در کانون توجه قرار گرفتهاند. در نهایت این مقاله نشان خواهد داد که در پیرفت نخست شخصیتپردازی یونس و همراهانش صورت گرفته است. در پیرفت دوم، نقطه اوج کشمکش یونس میان خدا و خلق برجسته شده است. در پیرفت سوم، نقطه کانونی داستان یعنی صحنهپردازی گفتگوی یونس با خداوند صورت گرفته است. در نهایت در پیرفت چهارم، الگوپردازی و بازنمایی درونمایه داستان در کانون توجه بوده است.
زیارت، مقابر، آئینهای تدفین و مرگاندیشی از همان اوان شکلگیری انسانشناسی فرهنگی مورد توجه انسا... more زیارت، مقابر، آئینهای تدفین و مرگاندیشی از همان اوان شکلگیری انسانشناسی فرهنگی مورد توجه انسان-شناسان دین قرار گرفت. انسانشناسان اسلام و به طور خاص مذهب تشیع به این آئینها به ویژه در زمینه زیارت توجه ویژهای کردهاند. با این حال، توجه به ابژههای تاریخی در بستر فرهنگ تشیع و اسلام که از ابعاد انسانشناختی برخوردارند، معمولا مورد غفلت واقع شدهاند. مقبره بقیع به عنوان کهنترین گورستان در تاریخ اسلام و همچنین به عنوان یکی از مراکز زیارتی شیعیان که مقبره چهار تن از امامان شیعه در آن قرار داد، از جهت بررسیهای انسانشناختی بسیار با اهمیت است. در این پژوهش با استفاده از نگرش انسانشناسی تاریخی تلاش شده است تا گورستان بقیع در سدههای نخست هجری مورد مطالعه قرار گیرد. نتایج حاکی از آن است که بقیع در سده نخست هجری عمدتا کارکردی اجتماعی ـ مناسکی داشته است. از لحاظ اجتماعی برای سکونت، اقامه نماز و یا برگزاری تجمعات مردمی از آن استفاده می-شده است. از لحاظ مناسکی نیز در ارتباط با مجموعهای از آداب و آئینهای مربوط به مرگ اهل حجاز بوده است. با گذار به سده دوم هجری بقیع کارکرد اسطورهای در ف...
اثباتگرایی ـ البته نه دقیقا در معنای همان پوزیتیویسم عصر روشنگری و مدرنیته ـ رویکرد غالب در مطال... more اثباتگرایی ـ البته نه دقیقا در معنای همان پوزیتیویسم عصر روشنگری و مدرنیته ـ رویکرد غالب در مطالعات اسلامی آکادمیک ایران است. رویکرد اثباتگرایانه در مطالعات اسلامی ایران با پوزیتیویسم منطقی و فلسفۀ تحلیلی قرابت دارد. البته این شباهت شباهتهای کلی است که مراد از آن، تشابه نحوۀ دستیابی به معرفت از طریق اثبات است و درعینحال، تفاوتهایی نیز در این میان وجود دارند که نباید نادیده گرفته شود. غلبۀ اثباتگرایی بر مطالعات اسلامی در ایران سبب شده است تا ظرفیتهایی که میتوانند براساس رویکردهای تفسیری - تفهمی و تاریخی برخاسته از سنت قارهای فعال شوند، مغفول بمانند؛ ظرفیتهایی مانند منظرگرایی، مطالعه در سطح فرهنگی - اجتماعی و کارکردهای دینی، ارجنهادن تفاوتها و اهمیتدادن به خلاقیت، توجه به دانشهای مبتنی بر نتایج ظنی نظیر تاریخ، مردمشناسی و ... ازجمله این موارد هستند.
The study aims to show how taking history and perspective into consideration could help in unders... more The study aims to show how taking history and perspective into consideration could help in understanding medieval philosophy. To that end, in spite of a philosophical assumption which usually considers that there is no connection between eternity and creation, the paper assumes that Maimonides planned to establish a distinct response which was neither creation nor eternity. Investigating Maimonides' perspective will
be approached in two ways. Firstly, through the distinction between Maimonides, on one hand and theologians and philosophers on the other will be discussed from an intellectual point of view. Al-GhazalI will be compared to Maimonides to show that, despite initial impressions, they differ substantially from each other on this issue. It will also be shown how Maimonides differentiated his discourse from that of the Greek
philosophers. It will firstly be shown here that Maimonides' response to the question of eternity adopts a different position from that of the classical theologians and the ancient philosophers. Secondly, the historicity of Maimonides' discourse, or whether anyone else shared Maimonides' conciliatory approach, will be examined. It will be shown
that Averroes has the highest affinity with Maimonides in this regard. This will result in recognition of the fact that Maimonides' "conciliatory approach" was shared with some other medireval philosophers such as Averroes. Ultimately, it will be explained how Maimonides' complicated concept of eternity can be better understood and justified if one takes
perspective and historical discourse into consideration, showing that he was someone who tried to incorporate "conciliatory discourse" into medieval philosophy.
Abstract:
investigating the currents and internal approaches of Islamic sects could help us t... more Abstract:
investigating the currents and internal approaches of Islamic sects could help us to improve our researches in various branches of Islamic studies. It could useful for resolving many complicated issues as well, particularly in understanding historical statements. it seems one of the most prominent Imamiyya currents in early centuries is the school of Hisham ibn al-Hakam, which attracted less attention in traditional studies while it could be simply traced.
This paper is to investigate status of Hisham's school in early Imamiyya history by analyzing historical statements. Accordingly, This paper is to investigate the evidences of historical existence for the current. After that it is to study the charge of “God’s Corporeality” as the major factor for Social distinction of this school which blackened Hisham’s character and his followers and left them isolated. Besides, this paper is to study some specific views of the current such as limitations of Imam's knowledge and Qiyas as the minor factors for Social distinction of this school.
Keywords:
school of Hisham ibn al-Hakam, Hisham ibn al-Hakam, fazl Ibn shazan, Yunos ibn Abd al-Rahman, propagation, corporeality of God, Imam's knowledge, Qiyas
This paper provides a comprehensive account of Mirza Mahdi Isfahani’s (d. 1946) school of thought... more This paper provides a comprehensive account of Mirza Mahdi Isfahani’s (d. 1946) school of thought, which was characterised by an independent interpretive approach to the Qur’an, and it examines how such a school evolved. Mirza Mahdi Isfahani was the founder of the Shi‘i Maktab-i tafkik (the ‘School of Distinction), an independent theological school based in Mashhad.
He believed that the Islamic creed ought to be independent from philosophy and mysticism, hence the word tafkik (‘distinction’) attached to his school of thought. In his reading of Islamic dogmatic systems, he emphasised that hadiths and Qur’anic verses were the most reliable primary sources for the justification of Islamic thought.
The emergence of the Maktab-i tafkik has had a major impact on contemporary Twelver Shi‘i thinkers, particularly in the seminaries of Khorasan. After Isfahani’s death, a number of his disciples, including scholars such as Mirza Jawad Aqa Tihrani (d. 1989), Ayatullah Hasan Ali Murwarid (d. 1425/2004), Ayatullah Shaykh Mahmud Halabi (d. 1998) and Ayatullah Muhammad Baqir Maliki Miyanaji (d. 1419/1998), continued to propagate their master’s teachings.
Ayatullah Maliki Miyanaji’s tafsir, Manahij al-Bayan, is the most significant commentary of the Qur’an to have been produced by the Maktab-i tafkik. This paper also investigates whether Maliki Miyanaji attempted to establish an independent school of interpretation based upon his mentor’s teachings.
The paper aims to recognize that Maimonides represents, in medieval philosophy, a conciliatory ap... more The paper aims to recognize that Maimonides represents, in medieval philosophy, a conciliatory approach, which adopted also by some other famous scholars like Averroes. Over the first section of the paper, the question of creation, as the best intellectual distinction between Maimonides, on one side, and theologians and philosophers, on the other side, will be discussed. Al-Ghazzali will taken, in comparison to Maimonides, to show, how, in spite of the initial impression, they are far from each other in the question, which will be clear just after contextualization of both scholars within their state of minds and historical situations.
Maimonides’ response to the question of eternity, in comparison to al-Ghazzali, puts him in a different position from both of classical theologians and Ancient philosophers, which could be better understood with recognition of his endeavours to establish a conciliatory philosophical trend during the Middle Ages.
In the second section, it will be examined the historicity of Maimonides’ approach, or to investigate whether there was someone had such conciliatory approach in common with Maimonides or not. It will be shown that Averroes has the highest affinity with Maimonides in this regard.
The Akhbārīs form a group within the twelver Shiite Muslims which emerged as an independent schoo... more The Akhbārīs form a group within the twelver Shiite Muslims which emerged as an independent school of jurisprudence in the last centuries. Despite the fact that the school is often mentioned in contradistinction with the Uṣūlīs, it also has a set of theological and doctrinal elements.
The current usage of the word Akhbārī first appears in the 11th century hijri calendar, in the writings of Mulà Muhammad Amin Istarābādī (1033 AH), who is considered the founder of the Akhbārī School. A survey of the usage of the term in old Shiite and Sunni sources reveals that until the middle of the six century the term Akhbārī had a meaning different from its current contemporary connotations.
In this paper, I trace back the developments and usage of the term Akhbārī. I argue that the term was used in an ambiguous way, which is prior to 11th century the term is used with at least three different meanings. To demonstrate my hypothesis I will investigate the term as it is used in primary Islamic resources as well as texts related to Akhbārism.
"شهر سامراء پس از اقامت آية الله ميرزا محمدحسن حسيني شيرازي و برپايي حوزه¬ي فقهي او، به¬تدريج از ... more "شهر سامراء پس از اقامت آية الله ميرزا محمدحسن حسيني شيرازي و برپايي حوزه¬ي فقهي او، به¬تدريج از شهري سني¬نشين به پايتخت معنوي جهان تشيع تبديل شد. حوزه¬ي علميه¬ي سامراء که در وجود علمي و معنوي ميرزاي شيرازي نمود مي¬يافت، از جهاتي چند در تاريخ معاصر شيعه اثرگذار بوده است. اين مقاله بر آن است تا سه مورد از آن¬ آثار را بررسي کند. نخست، بسط و گسترش انديشه¬ي مهدويت؛ دوم، جلوگيري ميرزاي شيرازي از اجراي قرارداد رژي (انحصار خريد و فروش توتون و تنباکو)؛ سوم، مخالفت جدي ميرزاي شيرازي با انديشه¬ي اتّحاد اسلام سيد جمال¬الدين افغاني (اسدآبادي).
كليدواژه: حوزه علميه سامرا، ميرزاي شيرازي، انديشهي مهدويّت، قرارداد رژي، سيدجمالالدين
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S. M. Hadi Gerami in his book, Qurʾan, Hermeneutics, and Bāṭin in Early Shiism while addressing this deficiency, attempts to present an example of history of ideas in the field of tafsir by applying historical approach to early Shiʿi narrations.
According to the book, the first Shiʿi discourse in tafsir during its early time was the ẓahir/bāṭin discourse, whose supporters were predominantly from the Muffaḍḍal network. In this approach, the identity of the Qurʾan was introduced as a two-level one based on the ẓāhir and the bāṭin. Additionally, in this discourse, the understanding of the Qurʾan was regarded as tied to the "jamʿ al-qurʾān" at both the ẓāhir and the bāṭin levels. Tafsir, of course, in a completely symbolic way, was a desirable practice only for those who possessed the entire Qurʾan at their disposal, that is, the Ahl al-Bayt. However, in this discourse, the examples of bāṭin are confined to the cases linked to Ahl al-Bayt or their opponents, and their extension to other topics is quite limited.
The second Shiʿi discourse in tafsir in that era was the tanzīl/tʾawīl discourse. Unlike the previous network, the supporters of this tendency were the majority of the Shiʿa. This network did not have a two-level perspective on the identity of the Qurʾan. Likewise, this network has little inclination to transmit narrations that include the ẓāhir/bāṭin terminology, and in the few reports they have narrated, they have sought to interpret this dichotomy in support of tanzīl/tʾawīl. Consequently, the ẓāhir and the bāṭin in this discourse are situated in the context of general theorising and are not exclusive in the cases connected to Ahl al-Bayt or their adversaries. Likewise, in its approach, the explanation and interpretation of the Qurʾanic text, rather than finding its bāṭin, have been taken into consideration using the tanzīl/tʾawīl terminology. In these reports, firstly, bāṭin is not utilised, and secondly, instead of introducing the bāṭinī symbols of the ẓāhirī phrases of the Qurʾan, the interpretation of the text of the Qurʾan is presented to aid the audience’s understanding.
In continuation, during the latter half of the second century and the third century, two interpretive discourse, tanzīl/tʾawīl and ẓāhir/bāṭin, were active and continued to thrive. The discourse of tanzīl/tʾawīl, which had started before the era of Imam al-Bāqir, only persisted and evolved until the end of the second century. The main figures of this tendency revolved around the exegetical circle of Abū Baṣīr and ʿAlī b. Abī Ḥamza al-Baṭāʾinī.
The content of Hikmat al-‘arifin itself is divided between a refutation of many traditional philosophical arguments about the nature of God and His attributes and, more importantly for those interested in Safavid intellectual history, attacks on Mulla Sadra and his students for synthesizing fundamental elements Ibn ‘Arabi’s thought into the framework of traditional philosophical discourse.
This study, undertaking an intellectual approach to the early Imāmī history, shows how the Ḥadith discourses have been devolved amongst Imāmī circles and networks. This endeavors by applying social network analysis, history of ideas, and some other attitudes tries to produce an intellectual historical investigation paying a full attention to an insider's religious concerns.
According to this study, from the first half of the first Islamic century, the ikhtilāf-ul-ḥadīth discourse was the main concern of Ali's disciples. In the aftermath of the battle of Karbalā, the way was paved for Sajjād (the fourth Shi'ī Imām) to establish the earliest hadith circle in Medina. In the era of Bāqir (the fifth Imām), the transmission of aḥādith was developed and also the isnād discourse appeared for the first time. During Imām Sādiq's period, the Imāmī or ja‘fārī collective identity has been shaped. It seems that the main cause behind ikhtilāf-ul-ḥadīth during the time of these two Imāms was taqīyyah (prudent dissimulation). Regarding the extent of writing down aḥādith, even though in Sadiqī late period it was widely developed among Imāmīs, it was not so relevant to this extent during the early second Islamic century. In the time of imam Sadiq, the isnād discourse intertwined with Imām's knowledge discourses, as the later made acceptable that Imams can relate prophetic traditions directly.
In the circle of late Medina, namely after the era of Imam Sadiq until the Imām Jawād, the main way through which the hadith was transferred was individual conversations and also, writing down letters to raise some queries to the Imāms. In the early third century, the circle shaped by the disciples of Hishām bin al-Ḥakam was also working on aḥādīth. The most significant characteristics of this circle were their inclination toward ‘Āmmah (sunnis), critical attitudes to the writing of companions of Imām Ṣādiq, and their interest in textual internal criticism of aḥādit. In the same period, the followers of Hishām bin Sālim al-Jawāliqi has great activities to promote Imāmī ḥādith discourse. In contrary, they emphasized on the importance of writings left behind by disciples of Imam al-Sadiq, and had a tendency toward the professional traditions used by the famous aṣhāb-ul-ḥadīth in that time; they were also more interested in external criticism of aḥādith. The next early Imāmi network which also was at work during the same period was the circle of mufḍḍal bin ‘ūmar al-Ju‘fī and his disciples. They had an inclination to write tafsīrī and non-legal works. Due to its relation with early Shī‘ī extremist (ghulāt), the circle faced some accusations from other Imāmīs. However, it seems that they were accused of being extremist just because of their social relations with ghulāt, not for their real extremist or different thoughts, the fact that made ghulāt to attach their fabricated aḥādith to Mufḍḍāl and his disciples. Anyway, the Imāmī traditionists in the third and fourth centuries succeed to distinguish such fabricated traditions and marginalize them in early Imāmī traditional writings.
S. M. Hadi Gerami in his book, Qurʾan, Hermeneutics, and Bāṭin in Early Shiism while addressing this deficiency, attempts to present an example of history of ideas in the field of tafsir by applying historical approach to early Shiʿi narrations.
According to the book, the first Shiʿi discourse in tafsir during its early time was the ẓahir/bāṭin discourse, whose supporters were predominantly from the Muffaḍḍal network. In this approach, the identity of the Qurʾan was introduced as a two-level one based on the ẓāhir and the bāṭin. Additionally, in this discourse, the understanding of the Qurʾan was regarded as tied to the "jamʿ al-qurʾān" at both the ẓāhir and the bāṭin levels. Tafsir, of course, in a completely symbolic way, was a desirable practice only for those who possessed the entire Qurʾan at their disposal, that is, the Ahl al-Bayt. However, in this discourse, the examples of bāṭin are confined to the cases linked to Ahl al-Bayt or their opponents, and their extension to other topics is quite limited.
The second Shiʿi discourse in tafsir in that era was the tanzīl/tʾawīl discourse. Unlike the previous network, the supporters of this tendency were the majority of the Shiʿa. This network did not have a two-level perspective on the identity of the Qurʾan. Likewise, this network has little inclination to transmit narrations that include the ẓāhir/bāṭin terminology, and in the few reports they have narrated, they have sought to interpret this dichotomy in support of tanzīl/tʾawīl. Consequently, the ẓāhir and the bāṭin in this discourse are situated in the context of general theorising and are not exclusive in the cases connected to Ahl al-Bayt or their adversaries. Likewise, in its approach, the explanation and interpretation of the Qurʾanic text, rather than finding its bāṭin, have been taken into consideration using the tanzīl/tʾawīl terminology. In these reports, firstly, bāṭin is not utilised, and secondly, instead of introducing the bāṭinī symbols of the ẓāhirī phrases of the Qurʾan, the interpretation of the text of the Qurʾan is presented to aid the audience’s understanding.
In continuation, during the latter half of the second century and the third century, two interpretive discourse, tanzīl/tʾawīl and ẓāhir/bāṭin, were active and continued to thrive. The discourse of tanzīl/tʾawīl, which had started before the era of Imam al-Bāqir, only persisted and evolved until the end of the second century. The main figures of this tendency revolved around the exegetical circle of Abū Baṣīr and ʿAlī b. Abī Ḥamza al-Baṭāʾinī.
The content of Hikmat al-‘arifin itself is divided between a refutation of many traditional philosophical arguments about the nature of God and His attributes and, more importantly for those interested in Safavid intellectual history, attacks on Mulla Sadra and his students for synthesizing fundamental elements Ibn ‘Arabi’s thought into the framework of traditional philosophical discourse.
This study, undertaking an intellectual approach to the early Imāmī history, shows how the Ḥadith discourses have been devolved amongst Imāmī circles and networks. This endeavors by applying social network analysis, history of ideas, and some other attitudes tries to produce an intellectual historical investigation paying a full attention to an insider's religious concerns.
According to this study, from the first half of the first Islamic century, the ikhtilāf-ul-ḥadīth discourse was the main concern of Ali's disciples. In the aftermath of the battle of Karbalā, the way was paved for Sajjād (the fourth Shi'ī Imām) to establish the earliest hadith circle in Medina. In the era of Bāqir (the fifth Imām), the transmission of aḥādith was developed and also the isnād discourse appeared for the first time. During Imām Sādiq's period, the Imāmī or ja‘fārī collective identity has been shaped. It seems that the main cause behind ikhtilāf-ul-ḥadīth during the time of these two Imāms was taqīyyah (prudent dissimulation). Regarding the extent of writing down aḥādith, even though in Sadiqī late period it was widely developed among Imāmīs, it was not so relevant to this extent during the early second Islamic century. In the time of imam Sadiq, the isnād discourse intertwined with Imām's knowledge discourses, as the later made acceptable that Imams can relate prophetic traditions directly.
In the circle of late Medina, namely after the era of Imam Sadiq until the Imām Jawād, the main way through which the hadith was transferred was individual conversations and also, writing down letters to raise some queries to the Imāms. In the early third century, the circle shaped by the disciples of Hishām bin al-Ḥakam was also working on aḥādīth. The most significant characteristics of this circle were their inclination toward ‘Āmmah (sunnis), critical attitudes to the writing of companions of Imām Ṣādiq, and their interest in textual internal criticism of aḥādit. In the same period, the followers of Hishām bin Sālim al-Jawāliqi has great activities to promote Imāmī ḥādith discourse. In contrary, they emphasized on the importance of writings left behind by disciples of Imam al-Sadiq, and had a tendency toward the professional traditions used by the famous aṣhāb-ul-ḥadīth in that time; they were also more interested in external criticism of aḥādith. The next early Imāmi network which also was at work during the same period was the circle of mufḍḍal bin ‘ūmar al-Ju‘fī and his disciples. They had an inclination to write tafsīrī and non-legal works. Due to its relation with early Shī‘ī extremist (ghulāt), the circle faced some accusations from other Imāmīs. However, it seems that they were accused of being extremist just because of their social relations with ghulāt, not for their real extremist or different thoughts, the fact that made ghulāt to attach their fabricated aḥādith to Mufḍḍāl and his disciples. Anyway, the Imāmī traditionists in the third and fourth centuries succeed to distinguish such fabricated traditions and marginalize them in early Imāmī traditional writings.
be approached in two ways. Firstly, through the distinction between Maimonides, on one hand and theologians and philosophers on the other will be discussed from an intellectual point of view. Al-GhazalI will be compared to Maimonides to show that, despite initial impressions, they differ substantially from each other on this issue. It will also be shown how Maimonides differentiated his discourse from that of the Greek
philosophers. It will firstly be shown here that Maimonides' response to the question of eternity adopts a different position from that of the classical theologians and the ancient philosophers. Secondly, the historicity of Maimonides' discourse, or whether anyone else shared Maimonides' conciliatory approach, will be examined. It will be shown
that Averroes has the highest affinity with Maimonides in this regard. This will result in recognition of the fact that Maimonides' "conciliatory approach" was shared with some other medireval philosophers such as Averroes. Ultimately, it will be explained how Maimonides' complicated concept of eternity can be better understood and justified if one takes
perspective and historical discourse into consideration, showing that he was someone who tried to incorporate "conciliatory discourse" into medieval philosophy.
investigating the currents and internal approaches of Islamic sects could help us to improve our researches in various branches of Islamic studies. It could useful for resolving many complicated issues as well, particularly in understanding historical statements. it seems one of the most prominent Imamiyya currents in early centuries is the school of Hisham ibn al-Hakam, which attracted less attention in traditional studies while it could be simply traced.
This paper is to investigate status of Hisham's school in early Imamiyya history by analyzing historical statements. Accordingly, This paper is to investigate the evidences of historical existence for the current. After that it is to study the charge of “God’s Corporeality” as the major factor for Social distinction of this school which blackened Hisham’s character and his followers and left them isolated. Besides, this paper is to study some specific views of the current such as limitations of Imam's knowledge and Qiyas as the minor factors for Social distinction of this school.
Keywords:
school of Hisham ibn al-Hakam, Hisham ibn al-Hakam, fazl Ibn shazan, Yunos ibn Abd al-Rahman, propagation, corporeality of God, Imam's knowledge, Qiyas
He believed that the Islamic creed ought to be independent from philosophy and mysticism, hence the word tafkik (‘distinction’) attached to his school of thought. In his reading of Islamic dogmatic systems, he emphasised that hadiths and Qur’anic verses were the most reliable primary sources for the justification of Islamic thought.
The emergence of the Maktab-i tafkik has had a major impact on contemporary Twelver Shi‘i thinkers, particularly in the seminaries of Khorasan. After Isfahani’s death, a number of his disciples, including scholars such as Mirza Jawad Aqa Tihrani (d. 1989), Ayatullah Hasan Ali Murwarid (d. 1425/2004), Ayatullah Shaykh Mahmud Halabi (d. 1998) and Ayatullah Muhammad Baqir Maliki Miyanaji (d. 1419/1998), continued to propagate their master’s teachings.
Ayatullah Maliki Miyanaji’s tafsir, Manahij al-Bayan, is the most significant commentary of the Qur’an to have been produced by the Maktab-i tafkik. This paper also investigates whether Maliki Miyanaji attempted to establish an independent school of interpretation based upon his mentor’s teachings.
Maimonides’ response to the question of eternity, in comparison to al-Ghazzali, puts him in a different position from both of classical theologians and Ancient philosophers, which could be better understood with recognition of his endeavours to establish a conciliatory philosophical trend during the Middle Ages.
In the second section, it will be examined the historicity of Maimonides’ approach, or to investigate whether there was someone had such conciliatory approach in common with Maimonides or not. It will be shown that Averroes has the highest affinity with Maimonides in this regard.
The current usage of the word Akhbārī first appears in the 11th century hijri calendar, in the writings of Mulà Muhammad Amin Istarābādī (1033 AH), who is considered the founder of the Akhbārī School. A survey of the usage of the term in old Shiite and Sunni sources reveals that until the middle of the six century the term Akhbārī had a meaning different from its current contemporary connotations.
In this paper, I trace back the developments and usage of the term Akhbārī. I argue that the term was used in an ambiguous way, which is prior to 11th century the term is used with at least three different meanings. To demonstrate my hypothesis I will investigate the term as it is used in primary Islamic resources as well as texts related to Akhbārism.
كليدواژه: حوزه علميه سامرا، ميرزاي شيرازي، انديشهي مهدويّت، قرارداد رژي، سيدجمالالدين
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