This paper addresses the global phenomenon of anti-Soros conspiracy theories, focusing on the Cen... more This paper addresses the global phenomenon of anti-Soros conspiracy theories, focusing on the Central European region between 2017 and 2019. It surveys how these theories have been employed by two populist leaders, Viktor Orbán in Hungary and Róbert Fico in Slovakia. It further discusses these leaders’ motivations for developing conspiracy narratives and the channels through which they spread them. The author argues that the usage and effectiveness of anti-Soros conspiracy narratives in influencing political supporters and the general population has been determined by the type of crisis during which leaders have found themselves and the degree of concentration of power in their hands respectively. The article is distinguished from most of the academic literature on conspiracy theories by focusing on ‘mainstream’ populist leaders, instead of extremist political parties or authoritarian regimes that often use conspiracy theories as well. Limited number of free copies is available via: https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/K52DERGYESTBPSMIHTDK/full?target=10.1080/13569775.2020.1781332
By focusing on the natural gas sector and infrastructural policy in the Visegrad countries this a... more By focusing on the natural gas sector and infrastructural policy in the Visegrad countries this article aims to reassess the EU's role in energy security governance. It argues that the EU can be conceptualised as a catalytic state rather than a regulatory state. It develops the notion of Catalytic Power Europe to highlight the specific type of power that the EU (as a catalytic state) can deploy to achieve its objectives. Catalytic Power Europe differs from existing conceptions of Regulatory and Market Power Europe. It relies on nodality and treasury rather than authority and on mechanism of connectivity and mobilisation rather than enforcement. It highlights the role of the European Commission as a facilitator and coalition builder rather than a regulator and market builder as in the regulatory state perspective. This role is illustrated by analysing the major gas interconnector projects and liquefied natural gas importing terminal that are under development in the V4 and that can affect their energy security. Catalytic Power Europe influences the V4 inter-group dynamics reducing the scope for uncoordinated and unilateral strategies. In this way, it also affects the prospect of EU-Russia energy relations undermining Moscow's divide et impera strategies in the region.
This report outlines major trends that over the course of the next decade will shape the future o... more This report outlines major trends that over the course of the next decade will shape the future of Eastern Partnership (EaP) region, to be understood as six individual countries and as a policy framework of the European Union. The authors of the report have focused particularly on those trends that are common for all or at least for most of the EaP countries. This brief lists directions that are explained in the following sections.
The topic of ‘surviving’ in the academic environment has received only limited space within schol... more The topic of ‘surviving’ in the academic environment has received only limited space within scholarly publications. This comes as a surprise, considering the numerous discussions among academicians on various blogs and websites, in social network groups and at conferences. The increasing pressure on publication outcomes has gradually turned attention to the less glamorous aspects of academic life, including searching for flaws in evaluation systems, reduced time for teaching preparation as well as the increase in mental illnesses and the suicide rate among academics.
This paper aims to analyze the challenges and the political determination of the NATO integration... more This paper aims to analyze the challenges and the political determination of the NATO integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The study focused on the concerns, aspirations, reforms and the political barrier that are result of complex structure of semi-autonomous entities, e.g. the Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Peace Agreement which created these entities was a very welcome achievement by the international community back in the 1995. However, with Bosnia and Herzegovina's ambition to accede to both NATO and the European Union, things have changed and the complex political structure brought the state into political difficulties. The Bosnian political and intellectual elites have continuously pledged their commitment to perform the necessary reforms to acquire the NATO membership. Although NATO membership represents one of its foreign policy priorities, Bosnia and Herzegovina still lags behind other countries in the region and has a long way ahead to fulfill indispensable NATO requirements. Moreover the integration process has entered a new decisive phase in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2010, which demands the involvement of many state and civil society actors, as well as the participation of the public. The society in Bosnia and Herzegovina by the new phase must be introduced with the positive and negative sides of the NATO membership. Many studies and surveys which have been conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina showed a result that the public sector in not well informed about the NATO integration, and often a subject of propaganda.
Quite naturally, the European Union and Europe were the main
topics of the campaign. The party st... more Quite naturally, the European Union and Europe were the main topics of the campaign. The party statements were divided into three groups. Firstly, those that were satisfied with the current situation or required even greater integration. Secondly, groups of parties dissatisfied with the current state of affairs and wanting a reform of the EU, assigning more powers to the national states. ĽSNS, for example, is part of the last group, with a highly negative attitude, but it is questionable what they would like to achieve.
This paper looks at how political parties in the countries of the Visegrad
Group and Austria posi... more This paper looks at how political parties in the countries of the Visegrad Group and Austria position themselves on five issues that are currently salient regarding the future of European integration. These issues are: the eurozone and its possible future developments; European foreign policy, security and defense; migration; the EU future budget.
The events in Ukraine were an impulse for Slovak foreign policy, media, and non-governmental orga... more The events in Ukraine were an impulse for Slovak foreign policy, media, and non-governmental organisations to focus their attention on the eastern neighbour. There was hope that the crises in Ukraine would intensify cross-border cooperation between both countries, especially after pressure from the non-governmental sector. One of the reasons for focusing more attention on Ukraine was a potential threat for Slovakia in terms of the increasing amount of illegal migration and asylum-seeking as a consequence of the military conflict. Despite the modest growth in immigration, the numbers of migrants remain small. On the other hand, bilateral relations between Slovakia and Ukraine faced obstacles regarding energy security issues and so-called “big reverse flow” of natural gas. Regardless of the declared support for the intensification of mutual relations and cross-border cooperation, just a few things have changed. Because of decreasing media interest in the situation in Ukraine, there is also a threat that future (cross-border) cooperation projects will encounter trouble with securing support and financing. However, the visa-free regime for Ukrainian citizens may be a turning point, boosting regional collaboration and changes in migration patterns.
“Stability first” has become the main motive of the Kazakh policy in the previous two decades. Pr... more “Stability first” has become the main motive of the Kazakh policy in the previous two decades. President Nursultan Nazarbayev can be considered as the most successful leader in the Central Asian region. Kazakhstan has reached a higher level of stability and prosperity than its neighbours, due to the president’s leadership and the country’s natural resources. Nevertheless, Kazakhstan is still facing social and economic inequalities, ethnic clashes, as well as security threats. What’s more, harder measures against opposition and independent journalists suggest that stability of Kazakhstan may not be as unquestionable as it seems. The actual bid to preserve the power status quo should be seen in this context. For instance, the early presidential election in April 2015 has secured the mandate for the president till 2020. The new leader will need to resolve not only problems within the state, but will also need to balance the interests of influential economic and political groups within the Kazakh political scene. The country’s elites as well as a part of the population are afraid of the change of leadership. The article focuses on the future development of the country as well as scenarios of a possible power transfer. To offer a comprehensive analysis, author used his interviews with Kazakhstan’s political scientists who had spoken under the condition of anonymity.
Since 2007, the European Union has developed a strategy
towards Central Asia. Relations with the ... more Since 2007, the European Union has developed a strategy towards Central Asia. Relations with the region have created an opportunity to focus on a wider spectrum of interests across different levels of EU foreign policy. This article examines the “two-level game” between EU member states (from Central Europe) and EU institutions in Brussels regarding economic interests versus values agenda with the focus on Kazakhstan. In this game, the EU’s member states focus on developing trade and economic relations while they let space for the EU’s institutions to discuss sensitive issues, such as democracy promotion and human rights dialogue. This is the case for the Visegrad countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) that prefer a pragmatic approach towards Kazakhstan as the most important country in the Central Asian region.
This paper aims to analyze the challenges and the political determination of the NATO integration... more This paper aims to analyze the challenges and the political determination of the NATO integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The study focused on the concerns, aspirations, reforms and the political barrier that are result of complex structure of semi-autonomous entities, e.g. the Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Peace Agreement which created these entities was a very welcome achievement by the international community back in the 1995. However, with Bosnia and Herzegovina's ambition to accede to both NATO and the European Union, things have changed and the complex political structure brought the state into political difficulties. The Bosnian political and intellectual elites have continuously pledged their commitment to perform the necessary reforms to acquire the NATO membership. Although NATO membership represents one of its foreign policy priorities, Bosnia and Herzegovina still lags behind other countries in the region and has a long way ahead to fulfill indispensable NATO requirements. Moreover the integration process has entered a new decisive phase in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2010, which demands the involvement of many state and civil society actors, as well as the participation of the public. The society in Bosnia and Herzegovina by the new phase must be introduced with the positive and negative sides of the NATO membership. Many studies and surveys which have been conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina showed a result that the public sector in not well informed about the NATO integration, and often a subject of propaganda.
Membership in the Security Council was one of the greatest achievements for Bosnia and Herzegovin... more Membership in the Security Council was one of the greatest achievements for Bosnia and Herzegovina after gaining the independence. Serving as a non-permanent member for the period of 2010 and 2011, it faced challenges mostly related to its capacity building and decision-making process in foreign policy. During this two-year period, the Council adopted 125 resolutions and two resolutions suffered veto, both regarding Middle East. Bosnia and Herzegovina had an affirmative stand in regards to all resolutions discussed. However, it faced difficulties forming a stand towards questions of Kosovo and Palestine. The attitude and voting behavior of Bosnia and Herzegovina was not influenced by other states nor the relationship between them, but by internal issues. Our article provides analysis, evaluation, and interpretation of particular topics, such as the independence of Kosovo, Iran’s nuclear program, situation in Libya, Palestine and situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina itself discussed in the Security Council in 2010 and 2011, with the explanation of the attitudes of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The aim of the article is to look at two different examples of regimes in Central Asia – Kazakhst... more The aim of the article is to look at two different examples of regimes in Central Asia – Kazakhstan as an “island of stability” and Kyrgyzstan as an “island of instability”. In order to explain (in)stability it is important to focus on three dimensions – institutional; economic; and security performance.
Under certain circumstances, the implementation
of cross-border co-operation elements could
posit... more Under certain circumstances, the implementation of cross-border co-operation elements could positively affect the situation on borders with an intricate history and complicated present as well. The potential of such a method should not be overestimated, but at the same time it is important to understand that it could offer and open new ways leading at least to the moderation of a problem. Cross-border co-operation, in combination with other appropriate tools, could become a truly effective instrument decreasing tension and weakening mutual mistrust on the borders facing various kinds of burdens. Regions on the borders, which were established as a result of recent conflicts between states, nations or ethnic groups, epitomise the most complicated challenge for the effort to develop mutual contacts or co-operation and thus to stabilise the situation on the borders. There is no panacea offering universal methods and solutions; each such region is an original entity, requiring an original approach.
Over the last twenty years Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have successfully developed multivectoral
fo... more Over the last twenty years Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have successfully developed multivectoral foreign policy but both in different ways. The article discusses the nature of these differences as well as the role of presidents in foreign policy as key decision makers. Author focuses on the ways in which political leaders take advantage of foreign decisions to increase its popularity and legitimacy of the regime. The first part of the article concentrates briefly on the concept of legitimacy and foreign policy decision-making process. The following part of the article analyzes two foreign policy decision-making processes. The first one was used during the chairmanship of Kazakhstan in OSCE, and the second one was the change of Uzbekistan foreign policy in 2005. Finally, the article evaluates the success of these strategies.
Kirgizsko, krajina označená v 90-tych rokoch za ostrov demokracie či Švajčiarsko strednej Ázie s... more Kirgizsko, krajina označená v 90-tych rokoch za ostrov demokracie či Švajčiarsko strednej Ázie sa v novom tisícročí zmenila na ostrov nestability. Nestabilita dosiahla svoje vrcholy v rokoch 2005 (Tulipánová revolúcia) a 2010 (revolúcia a etnické nepokoje). Po tom, čo krajina prešla na prezidentsko-parlamentný systém došlo aj k zmene v charaktere nestability, ktorá sa preniesla do politickej roviny. Udalosti v Kirgizsku sa stali témou pre medzinárodné spoločenstvo, nie len kvôli prítomnosti americkej a ruskej základne, ale aj pre potenciál destabilizovať situáciu v susedných krajinách.
This study intends to provide a detailed overview of the diversification options that could, in t... more This study intends to provide a detailed overview of the diversification options that could, in the medium term, boost the number of independent sources of gas supplied to the V4 border. We evaluate the pipeline (PNG) options of Norway and the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), unconventional resources (UNG), and liquefied natural gas (LNG) that will be supplied to the V4 as early as 2015.
This paper addresses the global phenomenon of anti-Soros conspiracy theories, focusing on the Cen... more This paper addresses the global phenomenon of anti-Soros conspiracy theories, focusing on the Central European region between 2017 and 2019. It surveys how these theories have been employed by two populist leaders, Viktor Orbán in Hungary and Róbert Fico in Slovakia. It further discusses these leaders’ motivations for developing conspiracy narratives and the channels through which they spread them. The author argues that the usage and effectiveness of anti-Soros conspiracy narratives in influencing political supporters and the general population has been determined by the type of crisis during which leaders have found themselves and the degree of concentration of power in their hands respectively. The article is distinguished from most of the academic literature on conspiracy theories by focusing on ‘mainstream’ populist leaders, instead of extremist political parties or authoritarian regimes that often use conspiracy theories as well. Limited number of free copies is available via: https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/K52DERGYESTBPSMIHTDK/full?target=10.1080/13569775.2020.1781332
By focusing on the natural gas sector and infrastructural policy in the Visegrad countries this a... more By focusing on the natural gas sector and infrastructural policy in the Visegrad countries this article aims to reassess the EU's role in energy security governance. It argues that the EU can be conceptualised as a catalytic state rather than a regulatory state. It develops the notion of Catalytic Power Europe to highlight the specific type of power that the EU (as a catalytic state) can deploy to achieve its objectives. Catalytic Power Europe differs from existing conceptions of Regulatory and Market Power Europe. It relies on nodality and treasury rather than authority and on mechanism of connectivity and mobilisation rather than enforcement. It highlights the role of the European Commission as a facilitator and coalition builder rather than a regulator and market builder as in the regulatory state perspective. This role is illustrated by analysing the major gas interconnector projects and liquefied natural gas importing terminal that are under development in the V4 and that can affect their energy security. Catalytic Power Europe influences the V4 inter-group dynamics reducing the scope for uncoordinated and unilateral strategies. In this way, it also affects the prospect of EU-Russia energy relations undermining Moscow's divide et impera strategies in the region.
This report outlines major trends that over the course of the next decade will shape the future o... more This report outlines major trends that over the course of the next decade will shape the future of Eastern Partnership (EaP) region, to be understood as six individual countries and as a policy framework of the European Union. The authors of the report have focused particularly on those trends that are common for all or at least for most of the EaP countries. This brief lists directions that are explained in the following sections.
The topic of ‘surviving’ in the academic environment has received only limited space within schol... more The topic of ‘surviving’ in the academic environment has received only limited space within scholarly publications. This comes as a surprise, considering the numerous discussions among academicians on various blogs and websites, in social network groups and at conferences. The increasing pressure on publication outcomes has gradually turned attention to the less glamorous aspects of academic life, including searching for flaws in evaluation systems, reduced time for teaching preparation as well as the increase in mental illnesses and the suicide rate among academics.
This paper aims to analyze the challenges and the political determination of the NATO integration... more This paper aims to analyze the challenges and the political determination of the NATO integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The study focused on the concerns, aspirations, reforms and the political barrier that are result of complex structure of semi-autonomous entities, e.g. the Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Peace Agreement which created these entities was a very welcome achievement by the international community back in the 1995. However, with Bosnia and Herzegovina's ambition to accede to both NATO and the European Union, things have changed and the complex political structure brought the state into political difficulties. The Bosnian political and intellectual elites have continuously pledged their commitment to perform the necessary reforms to acquire the NATO membership. Although NATO membership represents one of its foreign policy priorities, Bosnia and Herzegovina still lags behind other countries in the region and has a long way ahead to fulfill indispensable NATO requirements. Moreover the integration process has entered a new decisive phase in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2010, which demands the involvement of many state and civil society actors, as well as the participation of the public. The society in Bosnia and Herzegovina by the new phase must be introduced with the positive and negative sides of the NATO membership. Many studies and surveys which have been conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina showed a result that the public sector in not well informed about the NATO integration, and often a subject of propaganda.
Quite naturally, the European Union and Europe were the main
topics of the campaign. The party st... more Quite naturally, the European Union and Europe were the main topics of the campaign. The party statements were divided into three groups. Firstly, those that were satisfied with the current situation or required even greater integration. Secondly, groups of parties dissatisfied with the current state of affairs and wanting a reform of the EU, assigning more powers to the national states. ĽSNS, for example, is part of the last group, with a highly negative attitude, but it is questionable what they would like to achieve.
This paper looks at how political parties in the countries of the Visegrad
Group and Austria posi... more This paper looks at how political parties in the countries of the Visegrad Group and Austria position themselves on five issues that are currently salient regarding the future of European integration. These issues are: the eurozone and its possible future developments; European foreign policy, security and defense; migration; the EU future budget.
The events in Ukraine were an impulse for Slovak foreign policy, media, and non-governmental orga... more The events in Ukraine were an impulse for Slovak foreign policy, media, and non-governmental organisations to focus their attention on the eastern neighbour. There was hope that the crises in Ukraine would intensify cross-border cooperation between both countries, especially after pressure from the non-governmental sector. One of the reasons for focusing more attention on Ukraine was a potential threat for Slovakia in terms of the increasing amount of illegal migration and asylum-seeking as a consequence of the military conflict. Despite the modest growth in immigration, the numbers of migrants remain small. On the other hand, bilateral relations between Slovakia and Ukraine faced obstacles regarding energy security issues and so-called “big reverse flow” of natural gas. Regardless of the declared support for the intensification of mutual relations and cross-border cooperation, just a few things have changed. Because of decreasing media interest in the situation in Ukraine, there is also a threat that future (cross-border) cooperation projects will encounter trouble with securing support and financing. However, the visa-free regime for Ukrainian citizens may be a turning point, boosting regional collaboration and changes in migration patterns.
“Stability first” has become the main motive of the Kazakh policy in the previous two decades. Pr... more “Stability first” has become the main motive of the Kazakh policy in the previous two decades. President Nursultan Nazarbayev can be considered as the most successful leader in the Central Asian region. Kazakhstan has reached a higher level of stability and prosperity than its neighbours, due to the president’s leadership and the country’s natural resources. Nevertheless, Kazakhstan is still facing social and economic inequalities, ethnic clashes, as well as security threats. What’s more, harder measures against opposition and independent journalists suggest that stability of Kazakhstan may not be as unquestionable as it seems. The actual bid to preserve the power status quo should be seen in this context. For instance, the early presidential election in April 2015 has secured the mandate for the president till 2020. The new leader will need to resolve not only problems within the state, but will also need to balance the interests of influential economic and political groups within the Kazakh political scene. The country’s elites as well as a part of the population are afraid of the change of leadership. The article focuses on the future development of the country as well as scenarios of a possible power transfer. To offer a comprehensive analysis, author used his interviews with Kazakhstan’s political scientists who had spoken under the condition of anonymity.
Since 2007, the European Union has developed a strategy
towards Central Asia. Relations with the ... more Since 2007, the European Union has developed a strategy towards Central Asia. Relations with the region have created an opportunity to focus on a wider spectrum of interests across different levels of EU foreign policy. This article examines the “two-level game” between EU member states (from Central Europe) and EU institutions in Brussels regarding economic interests versus values agenda with the focus on Kazakhstan. In this game, the EU’s member states focus on developing trade and economic relations while they let space for the EU’s institutions to discuss sensitive issues, such as democracy promotion and human rights dialogue. This is the case for the Visegrad countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) that prefer a pragmatic approach towards Kazakhstan as the most important country in the Central Asian region.
This paper aims to analyze the challenges and the political determination of the NATO integration... more This paper aims to analyze the challenges and the political determination of the NATO integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The study focused on the concerns, aspirations, reforms and the political barrier that are result of complex structure of semi-autonomous entities, e.g. the Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Peace Agreement which created these entities was a very welcome achievement by the international community back in the 1995. However, with Bosnia and Herzegovina's ambition to accede to both NATO and the European Union, things have changed and the complex political structure brought the state into political difficulties. The Bosnian political and intellectual elites have continuously pledged their commitment to perform the necessary reforms to acquire the NATO membership. Although NATO membership represents one of its foreign policy priorities, Bosnia and Herzegovina still lags behind other countries in the region and has a long way ahead to fulfill indispensable NATO requirements. Moreover the integration process has entered a new decisive phase in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2010, which demands the involvement of many state and civil society actors, as well as the participation of the public. The society in Bosnia and Herzegovina by the new phase must be introduced with the positive and negative sides of the NATO membership. Many studies and surveys which have been conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina showed a result that the public sector in not well informed about the NATO integration, and often a subject of propaganda.
Membership in the Security Council was one of the greatest achievements for Bosnia and Herzegovin... more Membership in the Security Council was one of the greatest achievements for Bosnia and Herzegovina after gaining the independence. Serving as a non-permanent member for the period of 2010 and 2011, it faced challenges mostly related to its capacity building and decision-making process in foreign policy. During this two-year period, the Council adopted 125 resolutions and two resolutions suffered veto, both regarding Middle East. Bosnia and Herzegovina had an affirmative stand in regards to all resolutions discussed. However, it faced difficulties forming a stand towards questions of Kosovo and Palestine. The attitude and voting behavior of Bosnia and Herzegovina was not influenced by other states nor the relationship between them, but by internal issues. Our article provides analysis, evaluation, and interpretation of particular topics, such as the independence of Kosovo, Iran’s nuclear program, situation in Libya, Palestine and situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina itself discussed in the Security Council in 2010 and 2011, with the explanation of the attitudes of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The aim of the article is to look at two different examples of regimes in Central Asia – Kazakhst... more The aim of the article is to look at two different examples of regimes in Central Asia – Kazakhstan as an “island of stability” and Kyrgyzstan as an “island of instability”. In order to explain (in)stability it is important to focus on three dimensions – institutional; economic; and security performance.
Under certain circumstances, the implementation
of cross-border co-operation elements could
posit... more Under certain circumstances, the implementation of cross-border co-operation elements could positively affect the situation on borders with an intricate history and complicated present as well. The potential of such a method should not be overestimated, but at the same time it is important to understand that it could offer and open new ways leading at least to the moderation of a problem. Cross-border co-operation, in combination with other appropriate tools, could become a truly effective instrument decreasing tension and weakening mutual mistrust on the borders facing various kinds of burdens. Regions on the borders, which were established as a result of recent conflicts between states, nations or ethnic groups, epitomise the most complicated challenge for the effort to develop mutual contacts or co-operation and thus to stabilise the situation on the borders. There is no panacea offering universal methods and solutions; each such region is an original entity, requiring an original approach.
Over the last twenty years Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have successfully developed multivectoral
fo... more Over the last twenty years Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have successfully developed multivectoral foreign policy but both in different ways. The article discusses the nature of these differences as well as the role of presidents in foreign policy as key decision makers. Author focuses on the ways in which political leaders take advantage of foreign decisions to increase its popularity and legitimacy of the regime. The first part of the article concentrates briefly on the concept of legitimacy and foreign policy decision-making process. The following part of the article analyzes two foreign policy decision-making processes. The first one was used during the chairmanship of Kazakhstan in OSCE, and the second one was the change of Uzbekistan foreign policy in 2005. Finally, the article evaluates the success of these strategies.
Kirgizsko, krajina označená v 90-tych rokoch za ostrov demokracie či Švajčiarsko strednej Ázie s... more Kirgizsko, krajina označená v 90-tych rokoch za ostrov demokracie či Švajčiarsko strednej Ázie sa v novom tisícročí zmenila na ostrov nestability. Nestabilita dosiahla svoje vrcholy v rokoch 2005 (Tulipánová revolúcia) a 2010 (revolúcia a etnické nepokoje). Po tom, čo krajina prešla na prezidentsko-parlamentný systém došlo aj k zmene v charaktere nestability, ktorá sa preniesla do politickej roviny. Udalosti v Kirgizsku sa stali témou pre medzinárodné spoločenstvo, nie len kvôli prítomnosti americkej a ruskej základne, ale aj pre potenciál destabilizovať situáciu v susedných krajinách.
This study intends to provide a detailed overview of the diversification options that could, in t... more This study intends to provide a detailed overview of the diversification options that could, in the medium term, boost the number of independent sources of gas supplied to the V4 border. We evaluate the pipeline (PNG) options of Norway and the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), unconventional resources (UNG), and liquefied natural gas (LNG) that will be supplied to the V4 as early as 2015.
By focusing on the natural gas sector and infrastructural policy in the Visegrad countries this a... more By focusing on the natural gas sector and infrastructural policy in the Visegrad countries this article aims to reassess the EU’s role in energy security governance. It argues that the EU can be conceptualised as a catalytic state rather than a regulatory state. It develops the notion of Catalytic Power Europe to highlight the specific type of power that the EU (as a catalytic state) can deploy to achieve its objectives. Catalytic Power Europe differs from existing conceptions of Regulatory and Market Power Europe. It relies on nodality and treasury rather than authority and on mechanism of connectivity and mobilisation rather than enforcement. It highlights the role of the European Commission as a facilitator and coalition builder rather than a regulator and market builder as in the regulatory state perspective. This role is illustrated by analysing the major gas interconnector projects and liquefied natural gas importing terminal that are under development in the V4 and that can affect their energy security. Catalytic Power Europe influences the V4 inter-group dynamics reducing the scope for uncoordinated and unilateral strategies. In this way, it also affects the prospect of EU-Russia energy relations undermining Moscow’s divide et impera strategies in the region.
EEMC has collected more than 11 thousand electoral materials including posters, Tv commercials, s... more EEMC has collected more than 11 thousand electoral materials including posters, Tv commercials, social posts and printed announcements, produced by 418 political parties or candidates and 193 of their official Facebook accounts, in the 28 Nations called to vote. It is undoubtedly the largest archive of the 2019 European elections and documents several trends in the evolution and trends of the European electoral campaigns. These include the main issues of the electoral battle, the uses of different instruments of communication and the fast diffusion of the new ones, the languages and the words of the political parties, the general sentiments and moods toward the European institutions and their representatives and, finally, the political cultures and traditions present in Europe.
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considering the numerous discussions among academicians on various blogs and websites, in social network groups and at conferences.
The increasing pressure on publication outcomes has gradually turned attention to the less glamorous aspects of academic life, including searching for flaws in evaluation systems, reduced time for teaching preparation as well as the increase in mental illnesses and the suicide rate among academics.
topics of the campaign. The party statements were divided into
three groups. Firstly, those that were satisfied with the current
situation or required even greater integration. Secondly, groups of
parties dissatisfied with the current state of affairs and wanting
a reform of the EU, assigning more powers to the national states.
ĽSNS, for example, is part of the last group, with a highly negative
attitude, but it is questionable what they would like to achieve.
Group and Austria position themselves on five issues that are currently salient regarding the future of European integration. These issues are: the eurozone and its possible future developments; European foreign policy, security and defense; migration; the EU future budget.
resources. Nevertheless, Kazakhstan is still facing social and economic inequalities, ethnic clashes, as well as security threats. What’s more, harder measures against opposition and independent journalists suggest that stability of Kazakhstan may not be as unquestionable
as it seems.
The actual bid to preserve the power status quo should be seen in this context. For instance, the early presidential election in April 2015 has secured the mandate for the president till 2020. The new leader will need to resolve not only problems within the state, but will also need to balance the interests of influential economic and political groups
within the Kazakh political scene. The country’s elites as well as a part of the population are afraid of the change of leadership. The article focuses on the future development of the country as well as scenarios of a possible power transfer. To offer a comprehensive analysis, author used his interviews with Kazakhstan’s political scientists who had spoken under the condition of anonymity.
towards Central Asia. Relations with the region have created
an opportunity to focus on a wider spectrum of interests across
different levels of EU foreign policy. This article examines the
“two-level game” between EU member states (from Central
Europe) and EU institutions in Brussels regarding economic
interests versus values agenda with the focus on Kazakhstan.
In this game, the EU’s member states focus on developing
trade and economic relations while they let space for the EU’s
institutions to discuss sensitive issues, such as democracy
promotion and human rights dialogue. This is the case for the
Visegrad countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and
Slovakia) that prefer a pragmatic approach towards Kazakhstan
as the most important country in the Central Asian region.
period of 2010 and 2011, it faced challenges mostly related to its capacity building and decision-making process in foreign policy. During this two-year period, the Council adopted 125 resolutions and two resolutions suffered veto, both regarding Middle East. Bosnia and
Herzegovina had an affirmative stand in regards to all resolutions discussed. However, it faced difficulties forming a stand towards questions of Kosovo and Palestine. The attitude and voting behavior of Bosnia and Herzegovina was not influenced by other states nor the
relationship between them, but by internal issues. Our article provides analysis, evaluation, and interpretation of particular topics, such as the independence of Kosovo, Iran’s nuclear program, situation in Libya, Palestine and situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina itself discussed
in the Security Council in 2010 and 2011, with the explanation of the attitudes of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
of cross-border co-operation elements could
positively affect the situation on borders with an
intricate history and complicated present as well.
The potential of such a method should
not be overestimated, but at the same
time it is important to understand that it
could offer and open new ways leading
at least to the moderation of a problem.
Cross-border co-operation, in combination
with other appropriate tools,
could become a truly effective instrument
decreasing tension and weakening
mutual mistrust on the borders facing
various kinds of burdens. Regions on
the borders, which were established as a result of
recent conflicts between states, nations or ethnic
groups, epitomise the most complicated challenge
for the effort to develop mutual contacts or co-operation
and thus to stabilise the situation on the
borders. There is no panacea offering universal
methods and solutions; each such region is an original
entity, requiring an original approach.
foreign policy but both in different ways. The article discusses the nature of these differences as well as
the role of presidents in foreign policy as key decision makers. Author focuses on the ways in which
political leaders take advantage of foreign decisions to increase its popularity and legitimacy of the
regime. The first part of the article concentrates briefly on the concept of legitimacy and foreign policy
decision-making process. The following part of the article analyzes two foreign policy decision-making
processes. The first one was used during the chairmanship of Kazakhstan in OSCE, and the second one
was the change of Uzbekistan foreign policy in 2005. Finally, the article evaluates the success of these
strategies.
considering the numerous discussions among academicians on various blogs and websites, in social network groups and at conferences.
The increasing pressure on publication outcomes has gradually turned attention to the less glamorous aspects of academic life, including searching for flaws in evaluation systems, reduced time for teaching preparation as well as the increase in mental illnesses and the suicide rate among academics.
topics of the campaign. The party statements were divided into
three groups. Firstly, those that were satisfied with the current
situation or required even greater integration. Secondly, groups of
parties dissatisfied with the current state of affairs and wanting
a reform of the EU, assigning more powers to the national states.
ĽSNS, for example, is part of the last group, with a highly negative
attitude, but it is questionable what they would like to achieve.
Group and Austria position themselves on five issues that are currently salient regarding the future of European integration. These issues are: the eurozone and its possible future developments; European foreign policy, security and defense; migration; the EU future budget.
resources. Nevertheless, Kazakhstan is still facing social and economic inequalities, ethnic clashes, as well as security threats. What’s more, harder measures against opposition and independent journalists suggest that stability of Kazakhstan may not be as unquestionable
as it seems.
The actual bid to preserve the power status quo should be seen in this context. For instance, the early presidential election in April 2015 has secured the mandate for the president till 2020. The new leader will need to resolve not only problems within the state, but will also need to balance the interests of influential economic and political groups
within the Kazakh political scene. The country’s elites as well as a part of the population are afraid of the change of leadership. The article focuses on the future development of the country as well as scenarios of a possible power transfer. To offer a comprehensive analysis, author used his interviews with Kazakhstan’s political scientists who had spoken under the condition of anonymity.
towards Central Asia. Relations with the region have created
an opportunity to focus on a wider spectrum of interests across
different levels of EU foreign policy. This article examines the
“two-level game” between EU member states (from Central
Europe) and EU institutions in Brussels regarding economic
interests versus values agenda with the focus on Kazakhstan.
In this game, the EU’s member states focus on developing
trade and economic relations while they let space for the EU’s
institutions to discuss sensitive issues, such as democracy
promotion and human rights dialogue. This is the case for the
Visegrad countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and
Slovakia) that prefer a pragmatic approach towards Kazakhstan
as the most important country in the Central Asian region.
period of 2010 and 2011, it faced challenges mostly related to its capacity building and decision-making process in foreign policy. During this two-year period, the Council adopted 125 resolutions and two resolutions suffered veto, both regarding Middle East. Bosnia and
Herzegovina had an affirmative stand in regards to all resolutions discussed. However, it faced difficulties forming a stand towards questions of Kosovo and Palestine. The attitude and voting behavior of Bosnia and Herzegovina was not influenced by other states nor the
relationship between them, but by internal issues. Our article provides analysis, evaluation, and interpretation of particular topics, such as the independence of Kosovo, Iran’s nuclear program, situation in Libya, Palestine and situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina itself discussed
in the Security Council in 2010 and 2011, with the explanation of the attitudes of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
of cross-border co-operation elements could
positively affect the situation on borders with an
intricate history and complicated present as well.
The potential of such a method should
not be overestimated, but at the same
time it is important to understand that it
could offer and open new ways leading
at least to the moderation of a problem.
Cross-border co-operation, in combination
with other appropriate tools,
could become a truly effective instrument
decreasing tension and weakening
mutual mistrust on the borders facing
various kinds of burdens. Regions on
the borders, which were established as a result of
recent conflicts between states, nations or ethnic
groups, epitomise the most complicated challenge
for the effort to develop mutual contacts or co-operation
and thus to stabilise the situation on the
borders. There is no panacea offering universal
methods and solutions; each such region is an original
entity, requiring an original approach.
foreign policy but both in different ways. The article discusses the nature of these differences as well as
the role of presidents in foreign policy as key decision makers. Author focuses on the ways in which
political leaders take advantage of foreign decisions to increase its popularity and legitimacy of the
regime. The first part of the article concentrates briefly on the concept of legitimacy and foreign policy
decision-making process. The following part of the article analyzes two foreign policy decision-making
processes. The first one was used during the chairmanship of Kazakhstan in OSCE, and the second one
was the change of Uzbekistan foreign policy in 2005. Finally, the article evaluates the success of these
strategies.