Guyo Doyo is a former philosophy Professor at Bahir Dar and Bule Hora University, respectively. He served as Directorate Director of Public and Foreign Relation, Directorate Director of the Institute of Cultures and Gada Studies at Bule Hora University. he also served as Senior Policy advisor at the office of Oromia Regional Government President, Ethiopia. Doyo does research in African Philosophy, Liberty and Leadership, Customary Laws and Modern Constitution. He Published Books and several Journal Articles. His most recent publication is Post-Colonial Clash of Politics over the Border, Moyale, Ethio-Somale-Kenya. Phone: +251926192125
The Oromoo and their Religion(Waaqefannaa) Universally, like many religious believers, the Oromo ... more The Oromoo and their Religion(Waaqefannaa) Universally, like many religious believers, the Oromo believe in one God and one Truth. In the Page | 1 kernel of the Oromo belief "Dhugaan Ilmee Waaqaati, Waaqinuu Dhugaa, Dhugaanuu Waaquma(Truth is God's offspring, God himself is Truth and the Truth itself if God." It's truly surprising that the Oromo ontological and existential maxim "Dhugaan Ilmee Waaqaa,Waaqinuu Dhugaa and Dhugaanuu Waaqaa" strictly relate to the doctrine of the Trinity which preach the union of 'Three in One' (God, Son and the Holy spirit). The Oromo have also the concept of Ayyanaa which they still believe is from God. Thus, inferentially, if Truth is God's offspring and God itself and Ayyaanaa is from God, we can say these traditions are similar foundationally. Both agree that one is the symbol of the primordial One, the divine without a second, the non-polarized existence. What was said in John 1:1; "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God," was also said by the Oromo though in different expressions. Similarly, the Islamic profession of faith claims that "There is no deity save God," and "deity" (Idol Worship) can be interpreted as anything that diverts humanity from the absolute surrender to Alah (islam) to this one creator, sustainer, and judge. Such mystical thoughts were well known in the ancient Indian tradition, which claims that, the primordial and all-pervasive principle is the One without a second. Likewise, Ancient Chinese religion has expressed similar ideas about one which represents the All, the Perfect, and the Absolute beyond all polarity.
This essay addresses the challenges of Subjectivity in research. Firstly, it illustrates that mos... more This essay addresses the challenges of Subjectivity in research. Firstly, it illustrates that most researchers fail to transcend subjectivities and are trapped into particular values that they favor to the utmost. Others avert findings that they dislike by systematically sticking to what they desire. Secondly, it addresses the extra impact of imposed externalities (standards, methods and methodologies) as what compels the researchers to follow specific paths as an insurmountable fixation at the expense of people in quandaries. The researcher discusses this impact as a threat to academic freedom and an existential concern, in which the right methods are often used to solve the wrong problems and vice versa. The essay focuses on a few considerable cases from the African relation to the Euro-American systems, which often deflect intellectuals from conducting a soul-searching endeavor. Furthermore, the essay discusses how such factors limit the findings of the research via limited tutelage and unethically prioritized subjective quests for instrumental gains. The essay's method is philosophical. It employs hermeneutic analysis of key concepts of subjectivity in research. The essay proposes alternative rethinking to devalue subjective values and extra-subjective challenges.
Coming into effect as of the 21 st of August 1995, the FDRE Constitution marked historical gulf b... more Coming into effect as of the 21 st of August 1995, the FDRE Constitution marked historical gulf between the outgoing regime and the incoming incumbent. The episode heralded new threshold and afresh popular hope for replacing military warfare by democratic welfare. The democratic guarantees (articles 27-29) and popular sovereignty prescribed in the article 8 established source of power and sketched out revolutionary political move. The articles 50 and12 avow mandate and responsibility of the government. Albeit, international credit drilled from the article 10, UDHR, into article 13, FDRE, however, many issues remained debatable and even put interpretative mandate vested in the article 62 into question. This article, therefore, firstly, addresses controversial split of the article 10 into separate sections and thereby identifies barriers bottling up the borderline between human and democratic rights. Secondly, it highlights potential misuse and quotable abuses of Human Rights which precludes rule of the law. Thirdly, it discusses the domestic standoff between the Gadaa system and the constitutional supremacy. The article finds out that the judiciary infallibility and constitutional irreversibility of the article 9 keep Gadaa system at bay (emphasis on morality consideration and Gender treatment). The Qaalluu institution in the Gadaa system indicates that God is neither neutral nor an optional but heavenly councilor and impartial involver. Hence, the Gadaa government blends political imbue of humanity with ethical gist of responsibility while the article 11 of FDRE constitution (secularism), ostensibly advocate "Politics of Human for the Humans without Divine intervention" Finally, this article calls for critical negotiation between the Gadaa system and state Constitution in order to develop holistic creed and political doctrine that has to be learned and acted upon.
Post-colonial curricula in African Universities continue to dislocate the Africans under the scho... more Post-colonial curricula in African Universities continue to dislocate the Africans under the school coated politics and infected benevolence of education. It remains the bearer of the Euro-American stamp which makes Africans the 'natural' followers of the stamp owners and define themselves in the language written over the stamp. The system teaches Africans to ignore the values of their languages which in turn pushes them to the periphery of knowledge production and true epistemic communication. It continued to teach them to hate themselves and to over-value 'foreign ideas and values' in the schools. TOFFEL and ILETS are remaining legitimate vehicles of the system and above all the litmus test for non English intelligence. African children, among others, continue to stay on the margins of real communication and knowledge production. The worst thing is, however, African intellectuals are contributing to this discriminating politics in schools and this is nothing short of self-denial of one's own access to oneself in the epistemic space. In this paper, I will discuss how imposed languages undermine the Africans from the academic and epistemic points of view.
This research presents the history of conflict among the Moyale border communities by revisiting ... more This research presents the history of conflict among the Moyale border communities by revisiting the roots of the colonial project. The researcher employed qualitative and quantitative methods and analyzed challenges exerted upon the communities, hermeneutically. Thus, the report presents legacies corollary to the establishment of the border and the surviving culture of ethnic distrust between the Boorana Oromoo and Somali people. The researcher approached the history of border conflict from successive phases in order to address states-community confrontation and administrative instability over the border. Taking the current standoff back to the movement of the 1960s, young republic of Somalia state, and the research explores historical causes of the border crisis and subsequent replications in the post-colonial ideologies. The researcher discusses colonial mistakes and the dynamism of states" errors across historical incidents. It addresses political vacuums resulted from states" constant appropriations of border politics and how it mark serialized coercion upon the communities. It makes a conclusive suggestion in that the colonial project of border setting lacked basic attributes that the concept "border" implies. Adopting colonial functionaries and serving stand-in roles, post-colonial states" leadership relapsed in an unsecured collection of combatant border communities. States promote the mission of producing fervent loyalists to its nationalistic motto and territorial sovereignty against communities" demands. Localization of the colonial legacies moved from ideology of state building to politics of ethnic federation without solving prior conflicts. Accordingly, the border communities remain victims of an artificial ethnic polarization through the politics of "us" and "them" (identity contentions) and "ours" and "their" (resource competition). Finally, the research calls for rethinking nature of distractive conflict among the bordering communities so as to effectively construe why the border region remained undeveloped for a long period of time. The states" longstanding deliberate absences from bringing important developmental public institutions such as universities, national factories and other considerable projects but huge military camps, should be reversed
Africa's political chaos reflects subversive experiences of leaders who relegate Liberation to; t... more Africa's political chaos reflects subversive experiences of leaders who relegate Liberation to; territorial power, the status quo and foreign helping hands. The reduction legitimized exchange of Freedom for Permission. This routine practices, Africa's Struggle for leadership, overlooked task of drawing a line between 'Freedom' and 'Permission.' Africa's liberation justified confirmation made in submission. Making Intensive review, the article links this to deep-seated 'Colonial will' against the frozen essence of freedom. Formulating basic questions, it identifies Africa's quest for liberation from politics of liquidation. It discuss this as Euro-centric interest of limiting Africa to 'myth of the given.' The author highlight root of the rift between Africans' quest for independence and the 'myth' from this view point. The hypothesis is; failures of compromising Liberation by Democracy continued reassuring colonial legacies in the Globalization as the symbolic embodiment of all, in its self-evident constitutive model. Unchecked applications of global interventions to border tensions, ethno-identity crisis, terrorized poverty and structured dependence attest to the aftereffects reflected in the Africans' survival by divided nations of perpetual combats. Alternatively, the author proposes Liberation as a rudder for managing new agenda in the proposal for the United States of Africa. Finally, anticipating resistance from collective pessimists, the article propose massive task of mental re-engineering as mandate of the United States of Africa.
The Oromoo and their Religion(Waaqefannaa) Universally, like many religious believers, the Oromo ... more The Oromoo and their Religion(Waaqefannaa) Universally, like many religious believers, the Oromo believe in one God and one Truth. In the Page | 1 kernel of the Oromo belief "Dhugaan Ilmee Waaqaati, Waaqinuu Dhugaa, Dhugaanuu Waaquma(Truth is God's offspring, God himself is Truth and the Truth itself if God." It's truly surprising that the Oromo ontological and existential maxim "Dhugaan Ilmee Waaqaa,Waaqinuu Dhugaa and Dhugaanuu Waaqaa" strictly relate to the doctrine of the Trinity which preach the union of 'Three in One' (God, Son and the Holy spirit). The Oromo have also the concept of Ayyanaa which they still believe is from God. Thus, inferentially, if Truth is God's offspring and God itself and Ayyaanaa is from God, we can say these traditions are similar foundationally. Both agree that one is the symbol of the primordial One, the divine without a second, the non-polarized existence. What was said in John 1:1; "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God," was also said by the Oromo though in different expressions. Similarly, the Islamic profession of faith claims that "There is no deity save God," and "deity" (Idol Worship) can be interpreted as anything that diverts humanity from the absolute surrender to Alah (islam) to this one creator, sustainer, and judge. Such mystical thoughts were well known in the ancient Indian tradition, which claims that, the primordial and all-pervasive principle is the One without a second. Likewise, Ancient Chinese religion has expressed similar ideas about one which represents the All, the Perfect, and the Absolute beyond all polarity.
This essay addresses the challenges of Subjectivity in research. Firstly, it illustrates that mos... more This essay addresses the challenges of Subjectivity in research. Firstly, it illustrates that most researchers fail to transcend subjectivities and are trapped into particular values that they favor to the utmost. Others avert findings that they dislike by systematically sticking to what they desire. Secondly, it addresses the extra impact of imposed externalities (standards, methods and methodologies) as what compels the researchers to follow specific paths as an insurmountable fixation at the expense of people in quandaries. The researcher discusses this impact as a threat to academic freedom and an existential concern, in which the right methods are often used to solve the wrong problems and vice versa. The essay focuses on a few considerable cases from the African relation to the Euro-American systems, which often deflect intellectuals from conducting a soul-searching endeavor. Furthermore, the essay discusses how such factors limit the findings of the research via limited tutelage and unethically prioritized subjective quests for instrumental gains. The essay's method is philosophical. It employs hermeneutic analysis of key concepts of subjectivity in research. The essay proposes alternative rethinking to devalue subjective values and extra-subjective challenges.
Coming into effect as of the 21 st of August 1995, the FDRE Constitution marked historical gulf b... more Coming into effect as of the 21 st of August 1995, the FDRE Constitution marked historical gulf between the outgoing regime and the incoming incumbent. The episode heralded new threshold and afresh popular hope for replacing military warfare by democratic welfare. The democratic guarantees (articles 27-29) and popular sovereignty prescribed in the article 8 established source of power and sketched out revolutionary political move. The articles 50 and12 avow mandate and responsibility of the government. Albeit, international credit drilled from the article 10, UDHR, into article 13, FDRE, however, many issues remained debatable and even put interpretative mandate vested in the article 62 into question. This article, therefore, firstly, addresses controversial split of the article 10 into separate sections and thereby identifies barriers bottling up the borderline between human and democratic rights. Secondly, it highlights potential misuse and quotable abuses of Human Rights which precludes rule of the law. Thirdly, it discusses the domestic standoff between the Gadaa system and the constitutional supremacy. The article finds out that the judiciary infallibility and constitutional irreversibility of the article 9 keep Gadaa system at bay (emphasis on morality consideration and Gender treatment). The Qaalluu institution in the Gadaa system indicates that God is neither neutral nor an optional but heavenly councilor and impartial involver. Hence, the Gadaa government blends political imbue of humanity with ethical gist of responsibility while the article 11 of FDRE constitution (secularism), ostensibly advocate "Politics of Human for the Humans without Divine intervention" Finally, this article calls for critical negotiation between the Gadaa system and state Constitution in order to develop holistic creed and political doctrine that has to be learned and acted upon.
Post-colonial curricula in African Universities continue to dislocate the Africans under the scho... more Post-colonial curricula in African Universities continue to dislocate the Africans under the school coated politics and infected benevolence of education. It remains the bearer of the Euro-American stamp which makes Africans the 'natural' followers of the stamp owners and define themselves in the language written over the stamp. The system teaches Africans to ignore the values of their languages which in turn pushes them to the periphery of knowledge production and true epistemic communication. It continued to teach them to hate themselves and to over-value 'foreign ideas and values' in the schools. TOFFEL and ILETS are remaining legitimate vehicles of the system and above all the litmus test for non English intelligence. African children, among others, continue to stay on the margins of real communication and knowledge production. The worst thing is, however, African intellectuals are contributing to this discriminating politics in schools and this is nothing short of self-denial of one's own access to oneself in the epistemic space. In this paper, I will discuss how imposed languages undermine the Africans from the academic and epistemic points of view.
This research presents the history of conflict among the Moyale border communities by revisiting ... more This research presents the history of conflict among the Moyale border communities by revisiting the roots of the colonial project. The researcher employed qualitative and quantitative methods and analyzed challenges exerted upon the communities, hermeneutically. Thus, the report presents legacies corollary to the establishment of the border and the surviving culture of ethnic distrust between the Boorana Oromoo and Somali people. The researcher approached the history of border conflict from successive phases in order to address states-community confrontation and administrative instability over the border. Taking the current standoff back to the movement of the 1960s, young republic of Somalia state, and the research explores historical causes of the border crisis and subsequent replications in the post-colonial ideologies. The researcher discusses colonial mistakes and the dynamism of states" errors across historical incidents. It addresses political vacuums resulted from states" constant appropriations of border politics and how it mark serialized coercion upon the communities. It makes a conclusive suggestion in that the colonial project of border setting lacked basic attributes that the concept "border" implies. Adopting colonial functionaries and serving stand-in roles, post-colonial states" leadership relapsed in an unsecured collection of combatant border communities. States promote the mission of producing fervent loyalists to its nationalistic motto and territorial sovereignty against communities" demands. Localization of the colonial legacies moved from ideology of state building to politics of ethnic federation without solving prior conflicts. Accordingly, the border communities remain victims of an artificial ethnic polarization through the politics of "us" and "them" (identity contentions) and "ours" and "their" (resource competition). Finally, the research calls for rethinking nature of distractive conflict among the bordering communities so as to effectively construe why the border region remained undeveloped for a long period of time. The states" longstanding deliberate absences from bringing important developmental public institutions such as universities, national factories and other considerable projects but huge military camps, should be reversed
Africa's political chaos reflects subversive experiences of leaders who relegate Liberation to; t... more Africa's political chaos reflects subversive experiences of leaders who relegate Liberation to; territorial power, the status quo and foreign helping hands. The reduction legitimized exchange of Freedom for Permission. This routine practices, Africa's Struggle for leadership, overlooked task of drawing a line between 'Freedom' and 'Permission.' Africa's liberation justified confirmation made in submission. Making Intensive review, the article links this to deep-seated 'Colonial will' against the frozen essence of freedom. Formulating basic questions, it identifies Africa's quest for liberation from politics of liquidation. It discuss this as Euro-centric interest of limiting Africa to 'myth of the given.' The author highlight root of the rift between Africans' quest for independence and the 'myth' from this view point. The hypothesis is; failures of compromising Liberation by Democracy continued reassuring colonial legacies in the Globalization as the symbolic embodiment of all, in its self-evident constitutive model. Unchecked applications of global interventions to border tensions, ethno-identity crisis, terrorized poverty and structured dependence attest to the aftereffects reflected in the Africans' survival by divided nations of perpetual combats. Alternatively, the author proposes Liberation as a rudder for managing new agenda in the proposal for the United States of Africa. Finally, anticipating resistance from collective pessimists, the article propose massive task of mental re-engineering as mandate of the United States of Africa.
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