The emergence of the nation and the promotion of national ideology played a key role in the redef... more The emergence of the nation and the promotion of national ideology played a key role in the redefinition of Balkan identities. The new era of modernity offered new standards for defining otherness as a condition for the construction of group boundaries. In order to homogenize the future national entities, there was a need to create common criteria for belonging, which, regardless of whether they were based on the territory or on linguistic-cultural peculiarities, had to create a unique consciousness of belonging, or exclusion, which is largely based on what is called ‘shared collective memory’. Thus, as early as the 19th century, the proto-national intelligentsia would establish ethnic boundaries based on the myth of the origin and permanence of differences. This will prove to be an eternal task of social engineering, which will largely fall on the backs of the planners embodied within the framework of Balkan historiographies.
"The nation as an entity is the culmination of a long past of challenges, sacrifices and dedication. Of all the cults, the ancestor cult is the most legitimate, because the ancestors made us what we are now. The heroic past, great people, fame, etc., are the social foundation on which the national idea is built." For Renan, shared suffering is more important than shared joy. It is the former that preserves the collective memory for a longer time throughout history. Hence, the collective memory of the national community is solidified by highlighting historical moments of suffering and sacrifice in the name of the group.
The sacrifice of Gotse Delchev, an apostle of the Macedonian revolutionary movement, and Pavlos Melas, a colossus of the Greek "Macedonian struggle", was the foundation for the creation of the heroic past and the projected Macedonian, Bulgarian or Greek vision of their activity and character. The contemporary historiographies of the three states build parallel visions of national discourse located in the last decades of the existence of the Ottoman Empire. The selective interpretation of the national mythographies will serve today's generations to elevate the individual self-sacrifice of their heroes and place it as the basis of three identities - Macedonian, Macedonian-Bulgarian and Greek-Macedonian.
However, the constructivist approach of the modern nation, which is built from the top down, through the exploitation of state institutions and mechanisms of “legitimate” coercion, cannot be literally mirrored in the two national heroes. If for Delchev, self-sacrifice is preserved through the activity of Macedonian organizations and living testimonies of the Ilinden tradition, which elevate him to a national level as an epic hero, with Melas and his enthronement in the system of Greek national heroism, the state, and only the state, has a key role. The latter is related to the differences of the cultural and ethnical struggle he led with the situation on the ground, which was dominated by the Macedonian Slavic element, and of course the local and regional dimension of the Melas myth, which cannot be equally significant throughout Greece and is limited only to Greek Macedonia.
Fate may not have made Melas and Delchev face each other directly, but the visions of their heroic endeavors helped build the current image of the two (three) nations, the repressed past, the identities of this past, which slowly become strangely foreign, yet realistic, derived from the selective interpretation of memory and history of Macedonia.
Politics of the Greek state for assimilation of Macedonian ethnic community in the Greek Macedoni... more Politics of the Greek state for assimilation of Macedonian ethnic community in the Greek Macedonia continues and after the finish on one decade military clashes in Greece (1940-1949)
Macedonia & Its Questions: Origins, Margins, Ruptures & Continuity, 2020
The Name Dispute between Greece and Macedonia: Macedonian Identity via the Prism of Greek Policy ... more The Name Dispute between Greece and Macedonia: Macedonian Identity via the Prism of Greek Policy in Relation to the Macedonian Language in Ottoman Macedonia
A systemic national historical narrative of the Greek “Macedonian Struggle” was created in Greek ... more A systemic national historical narrative of the Greek “Macedonian Struggle” was created in Greek society, which in different periods of time was appropriately used for the benefit of the national interests of the Greek nation-state. The ultimate goal of this process was to create a perception and memory among Greek citizens of the linear development of Greek national history from the period of the War of Independence to modernity. Hence the Macedonian struggle was framed in Greek national continuity; it is presented in the form of an armed reaction of the patriarchist elements in Ottoman Macedonia, supported by the Greek state and the nationalist elements from the Kingdom of Greece and the island of Crete.
БАЛКАНСКАТА ИСТОРИОГРАФИЈА И СОВРЕМЕНИТЕ ПРЕДИЗВИЦИ, 2021
The Greek victims of the Greek uprising for independence as well as those of the Balkans Wars wer... more The Greek victims of the Greek uprising for independence as well as those of the Balkans Wars were glorified after both victories - the former with the establishment of an independent state, and the latter with the territorial expansion of the already established Greek Kingdom. In the case of Greek "Macedonian Struggle" the process of glorification of Greek national heroes was accompanied by the victimization of given victims who "heroically" fought and gave their lives as "martyrs" for the ideals of the Greek nation.
In the first part of this paper we are keeping the attention at the process of forming the... more In the first part of this paper we are keeping the attention at the process of forming the Greek nation-state, with focus on the self-identification on the population of the greek state, with the dilemma and the transformations in the period when the Greek national name was constitutionalised. Then, in short version, we will focused on the politics of the Greek state regarding the Ottoman Macedonia, and then we are going to put an accent about the thesis which is the goal of research of this paper. We will make a chronologicall view of the naming of the Macedonians from the view of the Greek state and the Greek institutions for propaganda in Ottoman Macedonia. We will make and effort to analise the process of the transformation of the naming, which is in compat with the Greek national interests and the changing of the politics for this question after the forming of the Egzarhy (1870) and the Bulgarian state (1878). Keywords: Naming of the Macedonians, Ottom...
This year is 110 anniversary of the terrorist attack on the village of Zagoricani in the Kostur a... more This year is 110 anniversary of the terrorist attack on the village of Zagoricani in the Kostur area. The attack was prepared and executed by paramilitary formations of the Greek “Macedonian committee”, which was under direct control of official Athens. The target was Macedonian Exarhate population, its sympathy toward Macedonian Revolutionary Organization, but also and its participation in Ilinden uprising. By the level of killed civilian population and material damage, the after-effect from this attack was catastrophic, and this caused further demographical, economical and psychological consequences to the population.
The concept of national development of Greece and their foreign politics in the end of nineteen a... more The concept of national development of Greece and their foreign politics in the end of nineteen and first half of twentieth century, cannot be explained without understanding the essence of the Megali Idea. In general, the Idea represented national program which is the core of Greek foreign politics, and also the constitution of the Greek nationalism. The greek national program was build on the actions in ottoman Macedonia, the politics of other Balkan nation-states and the interests of Great powers on the East Mediteranian in general. The Megali Idea is the main final goal of the Greek nationalism with tendency of territorial expansion of the state. The means and the methods used in realization were in relations with the circumstances in ottoman Macedonia, the national factors in Greece and Greek propaganda institutions inside the Ottoman Empire.
The contemporary 'Macedonian Question', predominantly associated with a well- known 'difference o... more The contemporary 'Macedonian Question', predominantly associated with a well- known 'difference over the name' of the Republic of Macedonia, in point of fact, over the years, have had evolved into a rather multidimensional dispute between Macedonia and Greece, encompassing an array of 'contentious' political, semantic, cultural, ethnic and historical issues. Therefore, each time the
negotiation process over the 'name dispute' between two countries is being intensified or moved forward to its core, along with public disclosure or a leak of the official proposal(s) for resolving the dispute, or in the time of concluding so called Agreement from Prespa, a fluctuating sensitivity accompanied with a level of mobilization inevitably occurs among the citizens, part of a civil sector as well the (semi)independent institutions - defined by themselves or by others as 'guardians of the nation'. Following this train of thought, in this article we will endeavor to analyze, in a comparative way, the issue of political mobilization in Greece in respect to the 'Macedonian Question'. The analyses will provide a contextual observation of the Greek public's reactions after the stalled negotiations between the Macedonian and Greek governments were freshly restarted in the late 2017, but simultaneously it will critically asses mass rallies held in Athens and Thessaloniki/Solun in early 2018, i.e. on the eve of a presentation of the latest 'set of ideas' completed by the UN's special envoy, Matthew Niemitz.
"Forgotten Ilinden": The liberation of Klisura and Neveska in modern history teaching, 2018
In the period after the Ilinden uprising, the liberation of the cities of Krusevo, Klisura and Ne... more In the period after the Ilinden uprising, the liberation of the cities of Krusevo, Klisura and Neveska as historical events, will be a constant motivation for the further struggle of the Macedonian people for the creation of a Macedonian state and will immediately become part of the oral tradition of the Macedonian population. In the present day, at the annual traditional celebrations of the Ilinden uprising in the Republic of Macedonia, it can be concluded that the deserved respect and attention for the historical events in Klisura and Neveska, unlike the liberation of Krushevo, are not given. The main topic of this text is to encourage the teachers and the historians in the Republic of Macedonia topay more attention of this particular issues in the elementary and high school history teaching.
The Greek government had decided to lead the war against MRO (Macedonian Revolutionary Organizati... more The Greek government had decided to lead the war against MRO (Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) with mercenary paramilitary formations, created on Greek territory, with members from the Kingdom of Greece and the Iceland of Crete (autonomous area under the jurisdiction of the Ottoman Empire). Also, there where individuals from Ottoman Macedonia under the leadership of Greek officers, firstly as leaders of Andarts, and later leaders of real arm groups. The beginning of the Greek “Macedonian struggle” (1904-1908) had shown the wrong perception of those who claimed that there is great number of Greek “Macedonians” i.e. followers of the Greek Patriarchy which will take arms and later on, lead the fight by them self. The reality was different. The Greek nationalists had understood that the power of Ellinismus in those parts of the Ottoman Empire was very low.
СОВРЕМЕНОТО „МАКЕДОНСКО ПРАШАЊЕ“ НИЗ ПРИЗМАТА НА ГРЧКАТА НАЦИОНАЛНА ИДЕОЛОГИЈА: ПОЛИТИКАТА КОН МА... more СОВРЕМЕНОТО „МАКЕДОНСКО ПРАШАЊЕ“ НИЗ ПРИЗМАТА НА ГРЧКАТА НАЦИОНАЛНА ИДЕОЛОГИЈА: ПОЛИТИКАТА КОН МАКЕДОНСКИОТ ЈАЗИК
The development of Macedonian revolutionary movement in area of
Kostur begins in second half of 1... more The development of Macedonian revolutionary movement in area of Kostur begins in second half of 1885. Since Macedonian revolutionary organization (MRO) had not enough capacity in its first stage of development, as well as the domination of Greek Patriarchy in Kostur region, were the reasons the real development to begun two years after its formation. In the period to the beagining of Ilinden Uprising (1903), MRO in the area of Kostur had passed all of development stages of revolutionary activity, which was characteristic for all of the territory of Ottoman Macedonia. The culmination was during the events of the period of the Uprising, when in act there were all positive, but and negative aspects of the development of the revolutionary movement in the area of Kostur.
THE ILINDEN UPRISING AND THE KINGDOM OF GREECE:
A PLAN FOR THE TAKING OVER OF THE UPRISING AND/OR... more THE ILINDEN UPRISING AND THE KINGDOM OF GREECE: A PLAN FOR THE TAKING OVER OF THE UPRISING AND/OR PROVOKING OF A “CIVIL WAR” IN OTTOMAN MACEDONIA
The Greek term “Macedonian struggle” signified the historical period from 1904 until 1908. In its... more The Greek term “Macedonian struggle” signified the historical period from 1904 until 1908. In its essence, this “struggle” was a paramilitary intervention from the Greek state against the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (MRO). Through the historical sources in this article we analyze the main characteristics of the activities of the Greek paramilitary organization in the southern and central region of Ottoman Macedonia.
Linguistics is basic characteristic of the ethnic groups. In the system of building identity, exc... more Linguistics is basic characteristic of the ethnic groups. In the system of building identity, except self-identification, important role has and social categorization, i.e. recognition from other groups of outsiders. In the case of the early stages of Macedonian protonationalism we can see clearly defined categorical attributes by which the Greek representatives and propaganda agents in late Ottoman Macedonia recognize the native population as “Macedonian”, “Macedonians”, and their language as “Macedonian language”. Even in the example of Macedonian nation, the codification of Macedonian literature language is in relatively late stage, this usage in the early twentieth century is a strong proves for its existence and recognition as a separate language, and with that recognition of the separate character of the people.
The emergence of the nation and the promotion of national ideology played a key role in the redef... more The emergence of the nation and the promotion of national ideology played a key role in the redefinition of Balkan identities. The new era of modernity offered new standards for defining otherness as a condition for the construction of group boundaries. In order to homogenize the future national entities, there was a need to create common criteria for belonging, which, regardless of whether they were based on the territory or on linguistic-cultural peculiarities, had to create a unique consciousness of belonging, or exclusion, which is largely based on what is called ‘shared collective memory’. Thus, as early as the 19th century, the proto-national intelligentsia would establish ethnic boundaries based on the myth of the origin and permanence of differences. This will prove to be an eternal task of social engineering, which will largely fall on the backs of the planners embodied within the framework of Balkan historiographies.
"The nation as an entity is the culmination of a long past of challenges, sacrifices and dedication. Of all the cults, the ancestor cult is the most legitimate, because the ancestors made us what we are now. The heroic past, great people, fame, etc., are the social foundation on which the national idea is built." For Renan, shared suffering is more important than shared joy. It is the former that preserves the collective memory for a longer time throughout history. Hence, the collective memory of the national community is solidified by highlighting historical moments of suffering and sacrifice in the name of the group.
The sacrifice of Gotse Delchev, an apostle of the Macedonian revolutionary movement, and Pavlos Melas, a colossus of the Greek "Macedonian struggle", was the foundation for the creation of the heroic past and the projected Macedonian, Bulgarian or Greek vision of their activity and character. The contemporary historiographies of the three states build parallel visions of national discourse located in the last decades of the existence of the Ottoman Empire. The selective interpretation of the national mythographies will serve today's generations to elevate the individual self-sacrifice of their heroes and place it as the basis of three identities - Macedonian, Macedonian-Bulgarian and Greek-Macedonian.
However, the constructivist approach of the modern nation, which is built from the top down, through the exploitation of state institutions and mechanisms of “legitimate” coercion, cannot be literally mirrored in the two national heroes. If for Delchev, self-sacrifice is preserved through the activity of Macedonian organizations and living testimonies of the Ilinden tradition, which elevate him to a national level as an epic hero, with Melas and his enthronement in the system of Greek national heroism, the state, and only the state, has a key role. The latter is related to the differences of the cultural and ethnical struggle he led with the situation on the ground, which was dominated by the Macedonian Slavic element, and of course the local and regional dimension of the Melas myth, which cannot be equally significant throughout Greece and is limited only to Greek Macedonia.
Fate may not have made Melas and Delchev face each other directly, but the visions of their heroic endeavors helped build the current image of the two (three) nations, the repressed past, the identities of this past, which slowly become strangely foreign, yet realistic, derived from the selective interpretation of memory and history of Macedonia.
Politics of the Greek state for assimilation of Macedonian ethnic community in the Greek Macedoni... more Politics of the Greek state for assimilation of Macedonian ethnic community in the Greek Macedonia continues and after the finish on one decade military clashes in Greece (1940-1949)
Macedonia & Its Questions: Origins, Margins, Ruptures & Continuity, 2020
The Name Dispute between Greece and Macedonia: Macedonian Identity via the Prism of Greek Policy ... more The Name Dispute between Greece and Macedonia: Macedonian Identity via the Prism of Greek Policy in Relation to the Macedonian Language in Ottoman Macedonia
A systemic national historical narrative of the Greek “Macedonian Struggle” was created in Greek ... more A systemic national historical narrative of the Greek “Macedonian Struggle” was created in Greek society, which in different periods of time was appropriately used for the benefit of the national interests of the Greek nation-state. The ultimate goal of this process was to create a perception and memory among Greek citizens of the linear development of Greek national history from the period of the War of Independence to modernity. Hence the Macedonian struggle was framed in Greek national continuity; it is presented in the form of an armed reaction of the patriarchist elements in Ottoman Macedonia, supported by the Greek state and the nationalist elements from the Kingdom of Greece and the island of Crete.
БАЛКАНСКАТА ИСТОРИОГРАФИЈА И СОВРЕМЕНИТЕ ПРЕДИЗВИЦИ, 2021
The Greek victims of the Greek uprising for independence as well as those of the Balkans Wars wer... more The Greek victims of the Greek uprising for independence as well as those of the Balkans Wars were glorified after both victories - the former with the establishment of an independent state, and the latter with the territorial expansion of the already established Greek Kingdom. In the case of Greek "Macedonian Struggle" the process of glorification of Greek national heroes was accompanied by the victimization of given victims who "heroically" fought and gave their lives as "martyrs" for the ideals of the Greek nation.
In the first part of this paper we are keeping the attention at the process of forming the... more In the first part of this paper we are keeping the attention at the process of forming the Greek nation-state, with focus on the self-identification on the population of the greek state, with the dilemma and the transformations in the period when the Greek national name was constitutionalised. Then, in short version, we will focused on the politics of the Greek state regarding the Ottoman Macedonia, and then we are going to put an accent about the thesis which is the goal of research of this paper. We will make a chronologicall view of the naming of the Macedonians from the view of the Greek state and the Greek institutions for propaganda in Ottoman Macedonia. We will make and effort to analise the process of the transformation of the naming, which is in compat with the Greek national interests and the changing of the politics for this question after the forming of the Egzarhy (1870) and the Bulgarian state (1878). Keywords: Naming of the Macedonians, Ottom...
This year is 110 anniversary of the terrorist attack on the village of Zagoricani in the Kostur a... more This year is 110 anniversary of the terrorist attack on the village of Zagoricani in the Kostur area. The attack was prepared and executed by paramilitary formations of the Greek “Macedonian committee”, which was under direct control of official Athens. The target was Macedonian Exarhate population, its sympathy toward Macedonian Revolutionary Organization, but also and its participation in Ilinden uprising. By the level of killed civilian population and material damage, the after-effect from this attack was catastrophic, and this caused further demographical, economical and psychological consequences to the population.
The concept of national development of Greece and their foreign politics in the end of nineteen a... more The concept of national development of Greece and their foreign politics in the end of nineteen and first half of twentieth century, cannot be explained without understanding the essence of the Megali Idea. In general, the Idea represented national program which is the core of Greek foreign politics, and also the constitution of the Greek nationalism. The greek national program was build on the actions in ottoman Macedonia, the politics of other Balkan nation-states and the interests of Great powers on the East Mediteranian in general. The Megali Idea is the main final goal of the Greek nationalism with tendency of territorial expansion of the state. The means and the methods used in realization were in relations with the circumstances in ottoman Macedonia, the national factors in Greece and Greek propaganda institutions inside the Ottoman Empire.
The contemporary 'Macedonian Question', predominantly associated with a well- known 'difference o... more The contemporary 'Macedonian Question', predominantly associated with a well- known 'difference over the name' of the Republic of Macedonia, in point of fact, over the years, have had evolved into a rather multidimensional dispute between Macedonia and Greece, encompassing an array of 'contentious' political, semantic, cultural, ethnic and historical issues. Therefore, each time the
negotiation process over the 'name dispute' between two countries is being intensified or moved forward to its core, along with public disclosure or a leak of the official proposal(s) for resolving the dispute, or in the time of concluding so called Agreement from Prespa, a fluctuating sensitivity accompanied with a level of mobilization inevitably occurs among the citizens, part of a civil sector as well the (semi)independent institutions - defined by themselves or by others as 'guardians of the nation'. Following this train of thought, in this article we will endeavor to analyze, in a comparative way, the issue of political mobilization in Greece in respect to the 'Macedonian Question'. The analyses will provide a contextual observation of the Greek public's reactions after the stalled negotiations between the Macedonian and Greek governments were freshly restarted in the late 2017, but simultaneously it will critically asses mass rallies held in Athens and Thessaloniki/Solun in early 2018, i.e. on the eve of a presentation of the latest 'set of ideas' completed by the UN's special envoy, Matthew Niemitz.
"Forgotten Ilinden": The liberation of Klisura and Neveska in modern history teaching, 2018
In the period after the Ilinden uprising, the liberation of the cities of Krusevo, Klisura and Ne... more In the period after the Ilinden uprising, the liberation of the cities of Krusevo, Klisura and Neveska as historical events, will be a constant motivation for the further struggle of the Macedonian people for the creation of a Macedonian state and will immediately become part of the oral tradition of the Macedonian population. In the present day, at the annual traditional celebrations of the Ilinden uprising in the Republic of Macedonia, it can be concluded that the deserved respect and attention for the historical events in Klisura and Neveska, unlike the liberation of Krushevo, are not given. The main topic of this text is to encourage the teachers and the historians in the Republic of Macedonia topay more attention of this particular issues in the elementary and high school history teaching.
The Greek government had decided to lead the war against MRO (Macedonian Revolutionary Organizati... more The Greek government had decided to lead the war against MRO (Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) with mercenary paramilitary formations, created on Greek territory, with members from the Kingdom of Greece and the Iceland of Crete (autonomous area under the jurisdiction of the Ottoman Empire). Also, there where individuals from Ottoman Macedonia under the leadership of Greek officers, firstly as leaders of Andarts, and later leaders of real arm groups. The beginning of the Greek “Macedonian struggle” (1904-1908) had shown the wrong perception of those who claimed that there is great number of Greek “Macedonians” i.e. followers of the Greek Patriarchy which will take arms and later on, lead the fight by them self. The reality was different. The Greek nationalists had understood that the power of Ellinismus in those parts of the Ottoman Empire was very low.
СОВРЕМЕНОТО „МАКЕДОНСКО ПРАШАЊЕ“ НИЗ ПРИЗМАТА НА ГРЧКАТА НАЦИОНАЛНА ИДЕОЛОГИЈА: ПОЛИТИКАТА КОН МА... more СОВРЕМЕНОТО „МАКЕДОНСКО ПРАШАЊЕ“ НИЗ ПРИЗМАТА НА ГРЧКАТА НАЦИОНАЛНА ИДЕОЛОГИЈА: ПОЛИТИКАТА КОН МАКЕДОНСКИОТ ЈАЗИК
The development of Macedonian revolutionary movement in area of
Kostur begins in second half of 1... more The development of Macedonian revolutionary movement in area of Kostur begins in second half of 1885. Since Macedonian revolutionary organization (MRO) had not enough capacity in its first stage of development, as well as the domination of Greek Patriarchy in Kostur region, were the reasons the real development to begun two years after its formation. In the period to the beagining of Ilinden Uprising (1903), MRO in the area of Kostur had passed all of development stages of revolutionary activity, which was characteristic for all of the territory of Ottoman Macedonia. The culmination was during the events of the period of the Uprising, when in act there were all positive, but and negative aspects of the development of the revolutionary movement in the area of Kostur.
THE ILINDEN UPRISING AND THE KINGDOM OF GREECE:
A PLAN FOR THE TAKING OVER OF THE UPRISING AND/OR... more THE ILINDEN UPRISING AND THE KINGDOM OF GREECE: A PLAN FOR THE TAKING OVER OF THE UPRISING AND/OR PROVOKING OF A “CIVIL WAR” IN OTTOMAN MACEDONIA
The Greek term “Macedonian struggle” signified the historical period from 1904 until 1908. In its... more The Greek term “Macedonian struggle” signified the historical period from 1904 until 1908. In its essence, this “struggle” was a paramilitary intervention from the Greek state against the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (MRO). Through the historical sources in this article we analyze the main characteristics of the activities of the Greek paramilitary organization in the southern and central region of Ottoman Macedonia.
Linguistics is basic characteristic of the ethnic groups. In the system of building identity, exc... more Linguistics is basic characteristic of the ethnic groups. In the system of building identity, except self-identification, important role has and social categorization, i.e. recognition from other groups of outsiders. In the case of the early stages of Macedonian protonationalism we can see clearly defined categorical attributes by which the Greek representatives and propaganda agents in late Ottoman Macedonia recognize the native population as “Macedonian”, “Macedonians”, and their language as “Macedonian language”. Even in the example of Macedonian nation, the codification of Macedonian literature language is in relatively late stage, this usage in the early twentieth century is a strong proves for its existence and recognition as a separate language, and with that recognition of the separate character of the people.
Зборникот со грчки документи, кој историски го опфаќа доцноосманлискиот период, произлезе од реал... more Зборникот со грчки документи, кој историски го опфаќа доцноосманлискиот период, произлезе од реалната потреба на научната и пошироката јавност во македонската држава. Имено, во оформувањето историска слика за овој период преку историски датуми, настани и процеси, во македонската историографија недостигаше и/или воопшто малку се користеше документација од грчка провениенција (официјална или неофицијална). Ваквата ситуација, пред сè, се должеше на фактот што долг временски период на македонската историска наука ѝ беше оневозможен директен и/или индиректен пристап до ваков вид документација. Исто така, неоспорно е дека до пред извесно време македонските историчари кои го истражуваа овој период од македонската историја многу малку или воопшто не го познаваа или, пак, употребуваа грчкиот јазик. Оттука, разбирлива е и минималната употреба на дотогаш достапната грчка документација во македонските историографски дела. Истовремено, зборникот ќе претставува надополнување на широкиот спектар објавена странска документација на македонски јазик од овој период, публикувана преку ДАРСМ, ИНИ или други издавачки куќи.
Материјалот кој е опфатен во зборникот датира од втората половина на XIX и почетокот на ХХ век и тој содржи оригинални документи и написи на официјални личности и/или институции, разни национални здруженија, организации и индивидуалци од Кралството Грција и од османлиска Македонија. Оваа документација ќе понуди дополнителни елементи во пополнувањето на сложениот и комплициран мозаик на општествено-економските, социјално-политичките, религиознообразовните, вооружените и различните други односи кои тогаш беа генерирани и егзистираа во Османлиската Империја, разбирливо пресликани и во османлиска Македонија.
The necessity of life space of the new Greek nation-state had imposed the permanent expansive pol... more The necessity of life space of the new Greek nation-state had imposed the permanent expansive politics of official Athens toward the territories of the Ottoman Empire. This territorial expansion which the Greek state received in the end of 19th century had moved the borders next to ottoman Macedonia, area which was part of the projected great Greek state, project of the national program - Megali Idea (Great Idea). Opposite from Thessaly and the part of Epirus, where the Greek speaking population was dominant and where this fact could be used for territorial expansion, in Ottoman Macedonia in the end of 19th and beginning of 20th century the general conditions were not favorable to the Greek nationalistic aspirations. The arguments which were implied by then and used by Greek politics to prove the right toward the population and territory in Ottoman Macedonia, more and more lost in their value. The changes which happened in this period with activities of Macedonian Revolutionary Movement, the aspirations of the rest of Balkan nation states, as the plans of the Great Powers, made official Athens to consider change the way of acting in Macedonia. Greek propaganda circles concluded that the peaceful way of action and above all through officially recognized institutions of the High Gate (church and education) did not give the expected results, and that was necessary to find a new ways of action with main goal to show that the Hellenisms will survive on the territories under pretension of the Greek kingdom. This situation made the radical steps to be taken by the Greek government and start of paramilitary arm intervention in the areas of the Balkans ruled by the Ottoman Empire. The permanent “loosing” of population in Ottoman Macedonia, which, by the Greek authorities was proclaimed as “their own people”, determined by the church Patriarchate affiliations (Rum-millet), was the main motif for this Greek paramilitary movement. The participation of members of the Patriarchal church in the Ilinden Uprising had light the red alarm between the responsible national factors in the Greek state. It was decided that, between the rest, the most suitable method to keep or return Macedonian Christian population in the “arms” of the Hellenisms i.e. toward the Patriarchal church organization, was only the armed intervention, manifested with murders, terror and violence toward the same population, and mainly against the forces of MRO (Macedonian Revolutionary Organization), but also and toward propaganda structures of the rest of the Balkan states which had their own pretensions in the Ottoman Macedonia. In its ground base the Greek armed movement was a terrorist organization, i.e. paramilitary formation of the Kingdom of Greece which was active in the parts of Bitola and Salonika vilayets. The armed intervention lead by the Greek state manifested with those paramilitary illegal formations on Ottoman territory, in any case could not, by its character, to be liberation struggle, as there was attempt to be presented by its creators and protagonists. Namely, its main goal was territorial expansion and domination toward the population, which, from other side, was already under domination of MRO. The last Macedonian organization, opposite of the Greek side, did not make differences in the church affiliations of the population i.e. the millet affiliations. The main goal of the MRO was to unite all unsatisfied elements in Ottoman Macedonia and Edirne area, with autonomy as main objective. Therefore, it’s not understandable to make equivalence of the millet divisions as national or ethnic. The Organization artificially created by Greece in Ottoman Macedonia did not had autochthonous character, created by abroad with main purpose to move away the Macedonian patriarchal population from the ideas of MRO, ad therefor to hope for resistance of the Hellenisms in the borders of the projected Greek great state. That’s why, it’s not sustainable makedonomachi theses of their liberation struggle in Macedonia, as many of them felt the ottoman authorities as natural ally in the fight with the Macedonian revolutionary movement. Yet, the change of the politics on the ottoman central and local authorities had change this perceptions. So, this resulted in catastrophic consequences toward the Greek paramilitary formations, which in fact, suffered the biggest loses from the ottoman arm forces. Using tactics, many times the ottoman authorities had left the competitive arm groups on mutual fight, leaving the impression that from time to time, they are supporting one of the sides. But, in essence, when felt inner pressure on their authority on ground, or pressure from the Great powers for pacification on certain designate territory, acted without reservation against any armed formation. In any case, the relevant factors from the Kingdom of Greece were aware that this type of arm action would not bring occupation of parts of Ottoman Macedonia, yet, can offer better positions in eventual greater military clash in which could be included and the rest of the Balkan states which had pretensions on the ottoman heritage on the Balkans, what actually happened later in the Balkan Wars 1912-13. Therefore, the Greek “Macedonian struggle” should be base for the further periods. On the other side, the Balkan states, parallel to the positions on the ground in Macedonia, started with creation of mutual alliances for future military clash with the Ottoman Empire. First contacts were established in the period 1904-05 between Bulgaria and Serbia, with greater intensity after 1908 and the Young Turk Revolution. Basically, if certain factors were thinking that the Young Turk Revolution will bring harmony and reconciliation of all Balkan subjects under ottoman authority, yet, it just strengthen the disintegration of the Empire. Greek-Bulgarian rapprochement started after 1908, which was felt in ottoman Macedonia, i.e. the propaganda structures of the both states, and culminated in May 1912 with conclusion of “Defense Agreement”. This agreement, as the Serbian-Bulgarian and Greek-Serbian, was concluded with main objective: “liberation of their unliberated areas”, and in background, the ultimate goal of conquering and division of Ottoman Macedonia. In any case, the Greek paramilitary intervention, viewed in general, just partly justified the aims on which had started, mainly in neutralization of the activities of MRO in the south parts of Ottoman Macedonia. But what happened on the ground since the “Macedonian struggle” ended in 1908, in correlation with mass dismissal of the patriarchal church organization, make us to conclude that the goals were just partly accomplishes, not in correlation with great financial and human investments. Greek movement give some results only as it was active on the ground, and “the Greek” peoples in Macedonia vas sustained and expanded only with violence and terror. Therefore, making general analyses, and starting with national project, the Greek “Macedonian struggle” always should be in correlative relations with the Balkan Wars, because without them as a final stage-division of Macedonia, paramilitary movement would had minor significance for the Greek national politics.
СОДРЖИНА
ПРЕДГОВОР
ВОВЕД
ГЛАВА ПРВА
ОСМАНЛИСКА МАКЕДОНИЈА НИЗ ПРИЗМАТА НА ГРЧКАТА ПОЛИТИКА
ГЛАВА... more СОДРЖИНА ПРЕДГОВОР ВОВЕД ГЛАВА ПРВА ОСМАНЛИСКА МАКЕДОНИЈА НИЗ ПРИЗМАТА НА ГРЧКАТА ПОЛИТИКА ГЛАВА ВТОРА ПОЈАВАТА НА МАКЕДОНСКАТА РЕВОЛУЦИОНЕРНА ОРГАНИЗАЦИЈА ВО МАКЕДОНИЈА И КОСТУРСКО 1. Македонската револуионерна организација – програма, средства и ширење 2. Костурско – општи карактеристики: територија и население 3. Македонската револуционерна организација во Костурско: појава, ширење и резултати ГЛАВА ТРЕТА ДЕЈНОСТА НА ГЕРМАНОС КАРАВАНГЕЛИС ВО КОСТУРСКО ДО ИЛИНДЕНСКОТО ВОСТАНИЕ 1. Назначување на Германос Каравангелис за костурски митрополит 2. Почетните обиди на Каравангелис за организирање на вооружената борба против Македонската револуционерна организација 3. Создавање на платенички групи од месното население 4. Грчкиот пропаганден триаголник во османлиска Македонија 5. Судири на Каравангелис со структурите на Македонската револуционерна организација 6. Авантуристичкиот поход на полковникот Анастас Јанков во костурската револуционерна околија 7. Костурската револуционерна околија во предвостаничка атмосфера 8. Воената „проповед“ на Каравангелис во Костурско и првата грчка паравоена чета – десеттемината криќани ГЛАВА ЧЕТВРТА ГЕРМАНОС КАРАВАНГЕЛИС И ИЛИНДЕНСКОТО ВОСТАНИЕ 1. Илинденското востание: реакциите на Кралството Грција и на грчките пропагандни институции во османлиска Македонија 2. Почетокот на Илинденското востание во костурската револуционерна околија: активноста на гаваскиот одред на Каравангелис 3. Ослободувањето на Невеска 4. Соработката на Германос Каравангелис со османлиската власт во текот на Востанието 5. Дејноста на Германос Каравангелис за време на задушувањето на Востанието ЗАКЛУЧОК
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Papers by Dimitar Ljorovski Vamvakovski
"The nation as an entity is the culmination of a long past of challenges, sacrifices and dedication. Of all the cults, the ancestor cult is the most legitimate, because the ancestors made us what we are now. The heroic past, great people, fame, etc., are the social foundation on which the national idea is built." For Renan, shared suffering is more important than shared joy. It is the former that preserves the collective memory for a longer time throughout history. Hence, the collective memory of the national community is solidified by highlighting historical moments of suffering and sacrifice in the name of the group.
The sacrifice of Gotse Delchev, an apostle of the Macedonian revolutionary movement, and Pavlos Melas, a colossus of the Greek "Macedonian struggle", was the foundation for the creation of the heroic past and the projected Macedonian, Bulgarian or Greek vision of their activity and character. The contemporary historiographies of the three states build parallel visions of national discourse located in the last decades of the existence of the Ottoman Empire. The selective interpretation of the national mythographies will serve today's generations to elevate the individual self-sacrifice of their heroes and place it as the basis of three identities - Macedonian, Macedonian-Bulgarian and Greek-Macedonian.
However, the constructivist approach of the modern nation, which is built from the top down, through the exploitation of state institutions and mechanisms of “legitimate” coercion, cannot be literally mirrored in the two national heroes. If for Delchev, self-sacrifice is preserved through the activity of Macedonian organizations and living testimonies of the Ilinden tradition, which elevate him to a national level as an epic hero, with Melas and his enthronement in the system of Greek national heroism, the state, and only the state, has a key role. The latter is related to the differences of the cultural and ethnical struggle he led with the situation on the ground, which was dominated by the Macedonian Slavic element, and of course the local and regional dimension of the Melas myth, which cannot be equally significant throughout Greece and is limited only to Greek Macedonia.
Fate may not have made Melas and Delchev face each other directly, but the visions of their heroic endeavors helped build the current image of the two (three) nations, the repressed past, the identities of this past, which slowly become strangely foreign, yet realistic, derived from the selective interpretation of memory and history of Macedonia.
negotiation process over the 'name dispute' between two countries is being intensified or moved forward to its core, along with public disclosure or a leak of the official proposal(s) for resolving the dispute, or in the time of concluding so called Agreement from Prespa, a fluctuating sensitivity accompanied with a level of mobilization inevitably occurs among the citizens, part of a civil sector as well the (semi)independent institutions - defined by themselves or by others as 'guardians of the nation'.
Following this train of thought, in this article we will endeavor to analyze, in a comparative way, the issue of political mobilization in Greece in respect to the 'Macedonian Question'. The analyses will provide a contextual observation of the Greek public's reactions after the stalled negotiations between the Macedonian and Greek governments were freshly restarted in the late 2017, but simultaneously it will critically asses mass rallies held in Athens and Thessaloniki/Solun in early 2018, i.e. on the eve of a presentation of the latest 'set of ideas' completed by the UN's special envoy, Matthew Niemitz.
Kostur begins in second half of 1885. Since Macedonian revolutionary
organization (MRO) had not enough capacity in its first stage of
development, as well as the domination of Greek Patriarchy in Kostur
region, were the reasons the real development to begun two years after its formation. In the period to the beagining of Ilinden Uprising (1903), MRO in the area of Kostur had passed all of development stages of revolutionary activity, which was characteristic for all of the territory of Ottoman Macedonia. The culmination was during the events of the period of the Uprising, when in act there were all positive, but and negative aspects of the development of the revolutionary movement in the area of Kostur.
A PLAN FOR THE TAKING OVER OF THE UPRISING AND/OR PROVOKING
OF A “CIVIL WAR” IN OTTOMAN MACEDONIA
organization in the southern and central region of Ottoman Macedonia.
"The nation as an entity is the culmination of a long past of challenges, sacrifices and dedication. Of all the cults, the ancestor cult is the most legitimate, because the ancestors made us what we are now. The heroic past, great people, fame, etc., are the social foundation on which the national idea is built." For Renan, shared suffering is more important than shared joy. It is the former that preserves the collective memory for a longer time throughout history. Hence, the collective memory of the national community is solidified by highlighting historical moments of suffering and sacrifice in the name of the group.
The sacrifice of Gotse Delchev, an apostle of the Macedonian revolutionary movement, and Pavlos Melas, a colossus of the Greek "Macedonian struggle", was the foundation for the creation of the heroic past and the projected Macedonian, Bulgarian or Greek vision of their activity and character. The contemporary historiographies of the three states build parallel visions of national discourse located in the last decades of the existence of the Ottoman Empire. The selective interpretation of the national mythographies will serve today's generations to elevate the individual self-sacrifice of their heroes and place it as the basis of three identities - Macedonian, Macedonian-Bulgarian and Greek-Macedonian.
However, the constructivist approach of the modern nation, which is built from the top down, through the exploitation of state institutions and mechanisms of “legitimate” coercion, cannot be literally mirrored in the two national heroes. If for Delchev, self-sacrifice is preserved through the activity of Macedonian organizations and living testimonies of the Ilinden tradition, which elevate him to a national level as an epic hero, with Melas and his enthronement in the system of Greek national heroism, the state, and only the state, has a key role. The latter is related to the differences of the cultural and ethnical struggle he led with the situation on the ground, which was dominated by the Macedonian Slavic element, and of course the local and regional dimension of the Melas myth, which cannot be equally significant throughout Greece and is limited only to Greek Macedonia.
Fate may not have made Melas and Delchev face each other directly, but the visions of their heroic endeavors helped build the current image of the two (three) nations, the repressed past, the identities of this past, which slowly become strangely foreign, yet realistic, derived from the selective interpretation of memory and history of Macedonia.
negotiation process over the 'name dispute' between two countries is being intensified or moved forward to its core, along with public disclosure or a leak of the official proposal(s) for resolving the dispute, or in the time of concluding so called Agreement from Prespa, a fluctuating sensitivity accompanied with a level of mobilization inevitably occurs among the citizens, part of a civil sector as well the (semi)independent institutions - defined by themselves or by others as 'guardians of the nation'.
Following this train of thought, in this article we will endeavor to analyze, in a comparative way, the issue of political mobilization in Greece in respect to the 'Macedonian Question'. The analyses will provide a contextual observation of the Greek public's reactions after the stalled negotiations between the Macedonian and Greek governments were freshly restarted in the late 2017, but simultaneously it will critically asses mass rallies held in Athens and Thessaloniki/Solun in early 2018, i.e. on the eve of a presentation of the latest 'set of ideas' completed by the UN's special envoy, Matthew Niemitz.
Kostur begins in second half of 1885. Since Macedonian revolutionary
organization (MRO) had not enough capacity in its first stage of
development, as well as the domination of Greek Patriarchy in Kostur
region, were the reasons the real development to begun two years after its formation. In the period to the beagining of Ilinden Uprising (1903), MRO in the area of Kostur had passed all of development stages of revolutionary activity, which was characteristic for all of the territory of Ottoman Macedonia. The culmination was during the events of the period of the Uprising, when in act there were all positive, but and negative aspects of the development of the revolutionary movement in the area of Kostur.
A PLAN FOR THE TAKING OVER OF THE UPRISING AND/OR PROVOKING
OF A “CIVIL WAR” IN OTTOMAN MACEDONIA
organization in the southern and central region of Ottoman Macedonia.
Материјалот кој е опфатен во зборникот датира од втората половина на XIX и почетокот на ХХ век и тој содржи оригинални документи и написи на официјални личности и/или институции, разни национални здруженија, организации и индивидуалци од Кралството Грција и од османлиска Македонија. Оваа документација ќе понуди дополнителни елементи во пополнувањето на сложениот и комплициран мозаик на општествено-економските, социјално-политичките, религиознообразовните, вооружените и различните други односи кои тогаш беа генерирани и егзистираа во Османлиската Империја, разбирливо пресликани и во османлиска Македонија.
ПРЕДГОВОР
ВОВЕД
ГЛАВА ПРВА
ОСМАНЛИСКА МАКЕДОНИЈА НИЗ ПРИЗМАТА НА ГРЧКАТА ПОЛИТИКА
ГЛАВА ВТОРА
ПОЈАВАТА НА МАКЕДОНСКАТА РЕВОЛУЦИОНЕРНА ОРГАНИЗАЦИЈА
ВО МАКЕДОНИЈА И КОСТУРСКО
1. Македонската револуионерна организација – програма, средства и ширење
2. Костурско – општи карактеристики: територија и население
3. Македонската револуционерна организација во Костурско: појава, ширење и резултати
ГЛАВА ТРЕТА
ДЕЈНОСТА НА ГЕРМАНОС КАРАВАНГЕЛИС ВО КОСТУРСКО ДО
ИЛИНДЕНСКОТО ВОСТАНИЕ
1. Назначување на Германос Каравангелис за костурски митрополит
2. Почетните обиди на Каравангелис за организирање на вооружената борба против Македонската револуционерна организација
3. Создавање на платенички групи од месното население
4. Грчкиот пропаганден триаголник во османлиска Македонија
5. Судири на Каравангелис со структурите на Македонската револуционерна организација
6. Авантуристичкиот поход на полковникот Анастас Јанков во костурската револуционерна околија
7. Костурската револуционерна околија во предвостаничка атмосфера
8. Воената „проповед“ на Каравангелис во Костурско и првата грчка паравоена чета – десеттемината криќани
ГЛАВА ЧЕТВРТА
ГЕРМАНОС КАРАВАНГЕЛИС И ИЛИНДЕНСКОТО ВОСТАНИЕ
1. Илинденското востание: реакциите на Кралството Грција и на грчките пропагандни институции во османлиска Македонија
2. Почетокот на Илинденското востание во костурската револуционерна околија: активноста на гаваскиот одред на Каравангелис
3. Ослободувањето на Невеска
4. Соработката на Германос Каравангелис со османлиската власт во текот на Востанието
5. Дејноста на Германос Каравангелис за време на задушувањето на Востанието
ЗАКЛУЧОК