Modern Greece

The end of World War II and the Civil War (1946–1949) found a great section of the population of Greece struggling with serious economic and social problems, while the next two decades witnessed important socioeconomic and cultural changes. Within this context, a group of mental health professionals claimed that their mission was not limited to the treatment of the mentally ill. They founded the Centre for Mental Health and Research and argued that 'mental hygiene' could improve the lives of all, relieve social problems and contribute to the modernisation and democratisation of society. During the late 1950s and the 1960s they sought to apply this vision not only in mental health but also in welfare services, the Social Aid Stations in Athens, Piraeus, Thessaloniki and Patrai. The Stations' clientele originated from the less privileged social strata of these cities and surrounding villages, and requested material and practical assistance, and to a lesser extent, help with emotional and interpersonal problems. Based on unexplored case material, and building on existing literature on social psychiatry and mental hygiene, this paper addresses the gap in our knowledge of the history of mental health-cum-welfare services. It argues that the Stations envisioned and implemented an original combination of mental health and social welfare , which in the late 1950s was perceived as matching the needs and potential of the Greek population, while offering an ideal vehicle for the dissemination of mental hygiene. However, by the mid-1960s the Stations started to focus on mental health, and in the late 1960s the Athens and Patrai Stations were closed down, and the Thessaloniki and Piraeus Stations were turned into Social Psychiatry Services. This paper follows and interprets the shift from psy-chosocial welfare to social psychiatry, taking into consideration the transformations of Greek society, the specificities of the Stations' operation and the profile and intentions of the Centre of Mental Health and Research. It asserts that the history of the Stations is significant in helping us understand and rethink the uneasy relationship between the social and the psychological in mental healthcare and social welfare.

The impact of EU (European Union) Structural Funds (from the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund, the Cohesion Fund, etc.) channelled to Greece and other countries over the last 35 years has been thoroughly evaluated by EU-commissioned impact reports and relevant academic studies. However, several political consequences of development transfers have been largely neglected. Concepts, methods and conclusions reached by studies of North–South development aid can help greatly to understand the medium- and long-term political impact of EU funds. This article is based on interviews with EU and Greek politicians, officials, beneficiaries and various stakeholders. The conclusion is a less positive – but familiar in other parts of the world – story.

In the period immediately following the Second World War, as tensions between the two superpowers began to surface, Greek policy makers concentrated their efforts on two goals of vital importance for their nation’s survival: securing credible protection against a growing communist threat, domestic and external, and finding the resources and assistance needed to rebuild their devastated country. These objectives could be achieved only with the support of the Western world, especially the United States. But even as the Truman Doctrine provided assurances for the immediate future, there were other long term foreign policy interests, more modest and regional in nature, which led to the pursuit of other diplomatic initiatives. One of them was the search for a security arrangement in the Eastern Mediterranean, the subject of this essay. Initially a Turkish proposal, it envisioned a defensive agreement linking Turkey, Egypt and Greece, endorsed by the Western powers and associated with a similar pact for the Western Mediterranean. The Turkish initiative, which the Greek government was eager to support, met with little encouragement in Western capitals. In principle, Britain and the United States welcomed a Greek-Turkish rapprochement but wished to see the Arab world excluded from any regional alliance they did not themselves establish, especially as long as the question of Palestine remained unresolved. Moreover, in the late 1940s Washington’s priorities were clearly focused on the security of Western Europe, to which the United States formally committed itself under the North Atlantic Treaty in 1949. Initially, Greece was too weak, Turkey was too far and both were too vulnerable to Soviet aggression to be considered for membership in the “Atlantic community.” However, such calculations were suddenly rendered obsolete by the outbreak of the Korean Warin June 1950. Under the specter of a spreading East-West conflict and despite strong reservations from several allies, Turkey and Greece became members of NATO and received the commitments of military and economic assistance they had sought to gain through regional arrangements. With their membership, NATO’s areas of responsibility extended to the shores of the Eastern Mediterranean.
      This is a historically important subject, expertly examined by utilizing American, British and Greek archival sources. It sheds new light on Turkish and Greek diplomatic initiatives in search of regional security as Cold War tensions engulfed the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. And it offers insights into NATO’s historic decision to extend its reach to the entire length of the Mediterranean.

Following the signing of the Prespa Agreement in June 2018, the Macedonian name issue became the most prominent topic on the Greek political agenda, catalysing an exceptional political confrontation and contributing to the realignment of political parties and eventually to government change. Analysing the political discourse and public debate on the issue from January 2018 until the July 2019 national elections, as well as opinion polls and electoral results, the paper explores the conditions leading to the escalation of political polarisation on the left/right axis, at the expense of smaller centrist parties. It is argued that political antagonism was built on the previous political cleavage (although the populist/anti-populism axis was now reversed). However, by mobilising the public’s emotions around an alleged ‘national threat’, the polarisation around the Macedonian name issue proved to be far more successful for the Greek right than for the left.

Per informazioni, prenotazioni (entro il 23 gennaio 2022) e per partecipare con un video o un collegamento in diretta degli studenti: greco@anticoemoderno.org ⸱ 3476557895 Le giornate sono valide come aggiornamento per i docenti e come PCTO per gli studenti (5 ore ogni mezza giornata, totale 20 ore) in diretta sul canale youtube aicc antico e moderno: https://www.youtube.com/c/AICCAnticoeModerno

Αφού παρουσιαστούν τα κυριότερα γεγονότα από το 1909 έως και το 1922, ο  Εθνικός Διχασμός ερμηνεύεται ως οιονεί θρησκευτικό «σχίσμα» χαρισματικής προέλευσης, ως κρίση στη διαδικασία εθνικής ολοκλήρωσης, ως ταξική σύγκρουση, αλλά και ως διαμάχη που απέκτησε τις διαστάσεις εμφυλίου πολέμου.

The economic and financial history of Greece offers interesting in- sights into the current worldwide economic crisis. In the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first centuries, Greece went through a series of financial disasters due to external factors and to policies that failed to take fiscal stability into account, insofar as they relied heavily on foreign loans. These, in many cases, led to real bankruptcies. This article compares the attempted bailout by a British bank in 1893 with the salvage operation of 2010 that avoided the technical bank- ruptcy of Greece. Although the outcomes differed, owing to sharply different geopolitical and geo-economic contexts and to the amount of money committed to these financial operations, in both cases Greece relied on Europe to avoid impending financial disaster.

ABSTRACT
This article explores the meanings of imagined, secret and hidden
wealth that followers of conspiracy theory account for on different
sides of the moral compass, as bad and good. Conspiracy theory, a
strand of intellectual practice exacerbated by the recent crisis in
Greece, calls for exploring hidden wealth assets, while conspiracy’s
mirror-image, transparency, becomes central in the understanding
of wealth in this conundrum. Through three stories, that of Artemis
Sorras – a self-proclaimed trillionaire, of an anti-Semitic book and
of conspiracist publishers in Greece, I examine the centrality of
(un)accountable wealth in imaginations of peoples’ presents and
pasts. I explore narratives of wealth in conspiracist discourse
trajectories, showing how wealth can play a role in imagined
allegiances and political practices. A focus on conspiracy theory
allows an exegesis of how obscure narratives of wealth are
shaping the ways in which people conceptualize economic crisis.
Notions of accountability and secrecy are central to their (and our)
understandings of wealth – and are laden with contradictions,
according to diverse paths of moralizing the past. An anthropology
of conspiracy theory allows scaling narratives of wealth from the
microhistories of money flows to the political economy of crisis.

Ceci est la version révisée et augmentée de l'ancien article du même nom
La participation de la franc-maçonnerie dans la fondation de la Grèce a été longtemps ignoré. L'ambition de cet article est de la réhabiliter.
αυτό το άρθρο είναι γραμμένο στα γαλλικά. Μια ελληνική έκδοση θα είναι σύντομα online.

A 2017 Choice Outstanding Academic Title

In this volume, Elisabeth Fraser shows that artists and the works they created in the Mediterranean during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were informed by mutual dependence and reciprocity between European nations and the Ottoman Empire. Her rich exploration of this vibrant cross-cultural exchange challenges the dominant interpretation of European relations with the East during the period, revealing a shared world of fluid and long-sustained interactions.

Voyagers to and from the Ottoman Empire documented their journeys in prints, paintings, and lavishly illustrated travelogues; many of these helped define Europe’s self-identified role as heir to Ottoman civilizations and bolstered its presence in the Islamic Mediterranean and beyond. Fraser finds that these works illuminate not only how travelers’ experiences abroad were more nuanced than the expansionist ideology with which they became associated, but also how these narratives depicted the vitality of Ottoman culture and served as extensions of Ottoman diplomacy. Ottomans were aware of and responded to European representations, using them to defend Ottoman culture and sovereignty. In embracing the art of both cultures and setting these works in a broader context, Fraser challenges the dominant historiographical tradition that sees Ottoman artists adopting European modes of art in a one-sided process of “Europeanization.”

Theoretically informed and rigorously researched, this cross-cultural approach to European and Ottoman art sheds much-needed critical light on the widely disseminated travel images of the era—important cultural artifacts in their own right—and provides a fresh and inviting understanding of the relationships among cultures in the Mediterranean during an era of increasing European expansionism.
ISBN: 978-0-271-07320-0

Contents:

Part I: Power in Question

- Chapter 1 Reading Choiseul in the Gaps of the Orientalist Archive

- Chapter 2 In the Shadow of les Grands: Cassas’s Orientalist Self-Fashioning

Part II: Ottoman Culture Abroad

- Chapter 3 The Translator’s Art: Mouradgea d’Ohsson, Ottoman Dragoman in Paris

- Chapter 4 Miniatures in Black and White: Melling’s Istanbul

Part III: Contradictory Contact

- Chapter 5 Skin of Nation, Body of Empire: Louis Dupré in Ottoman Greece

- Chapter 6 A Painter’s Renunciation: Delacroix in North Africa

Based on long term archaeological ethnography on the border island of Lesvos situated on Europe's margins, this article explores the regimes of eating and the role of food practices in the refugee camp/processing centre of Moria. Starting from the double liminality of eating and border-crossing, it outlines and juxtaposes two regimes of corporeal life. The first is the biopolitical arena of official food provision as produced by the border apparatus and the logic of humanitarian governmentality. This regulates border-crosser's time and daily routines and renders them 'people of concern', tress-passers or victimized individuals with no agency. The second is the affective, trans-corporeal, multisensorial field of cooking, eating, making kin, making community. It is produced through the agency of border-crossers themselves, when they take charge of their own eating. In doing so, they constitute eating in these liminal conditions as affirmative biopolitics, as the affirmative politics of life and hope.

The Eastern Aegean Islands are demilitarized under Article 13 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty. Pursuant to said Article, Greece cannot have naval base and establish fortifications in the islands.
No international document has provided Greece the right to militarize the islands in question. Besides that except for the circumstances stated in the United Nations Charter, the principle of self-defense cannot be arbitrarily evoked. As for the Aegean Army of Turkey, it should be underlined that contrary to the status of the Eastern Aegean Islands, the Turkish territories of the Aegean region are not under any demilitarized status.
The demilitarization provisions are essential to the accomplishment of the purpose of the 1923 Lausanne Peace Treaty. It is worthwhile to remember how İsmet Pasha as head of the Turkish Delegation explained the Turkish views on 25 November 1922 in the Territorial and Military Commission of the Lausanne Conference regarding the sovereignty and demilitarization of the said islands. He said in this respect that “The Aegean islands, which depended geographically on Asia Minor, were of great importance for the peace and security of Anatolia.”
It should be kept in mind that there is a direct linkage between the possession of sovereignty over those islands and their demilitarized status. Demilitarization is the essential precondition of Greek sovereignty over these islands. It can be emphasized that demilitarization clauses are sine quo non for the Aegean status quo. Trying to replace this status quo with faits accomplis is equivalent to opening Pandora’s Box which is to be carefully avoided.

Does the economic recession lead to a democratic recession? In this exploratory paper I examine the relationship between the
current economic crisis and the quality of democracy in 18 Western European countries.

In the first, theoretical, part of the paper I introduce ways in which the quality of democracy can be challenged the wake of an economic crisis. I focus especially on two clusters of challenges, namely elite imposed changes (Weimar and progressive
mechanism) and changes driven by interaction with public opinion (e.g. in reaction to mass protests or pervasive public dissatisfaction. These are the mechanisms of crowd-pleasing, fixing and key jangling). While the first cluster of challenges is likely to result in significant changes to the quality of democracy, the second is far less likely to do so.

The empirical part of the paper shows that governments so far have mainly taken recourse to key jangling and crowd-pleasing rather than fundamentally changing the quality of democracy. For now, the 18 democracies seem fairly resilient.

Taking Documenta 14 as a case study, and especially the demands towards this institution presented in the Artists against Evictions letter of April 2017 (eflux), the chapter focuses on the intricate ideological conflicts defining the Athenian art field. The focus is on the unwitting reproduction of a territorial ideology resting on claiming a 'we' and naming its inevitable 'guests', even where it is least expected, i.e. in the radical, anti-border constituencies and politics of an urban fabric undone by, and yet resistive to, capital and its neo-colonial practices. The analysis focuses on the contradictions embedded in the reconstruction of 'we' when the issue is the political legitimacy of an end of borders and the national-proprietary complex. Reference: Chapter in Kataryna Botanova and Christos Chryssopoulos, eds, CULTURESCAPES Greece / Griechenland - Archaeology of the Future / Archäologie der Zukunft, Basel 2017. PENULTIMATE VERSION, WITH OCCASIONAL TYPOS. Publisher's site: http://www.merianverlag.ch/de/publikationen.html?productDetail=f1c04796-8e6e-49c3-a41f-206a1f3450b6

«Ο Ηπειρώτης Γεώργιος Σταύρος, Θεμελιωτής της οικονομικής συγκρότησης του νεοελληνικού κράτους». Έκθεση οργανωμένη από το Ιστορικό Αρχείο της Εθνικής Τράπεζας, υπό την αιγίδα του Προέδρου της Δημοκρατίας κ. Κάρολου Παπούλια, στα Ιωάννινα, Εταιρεία Ηπειρωτικών Μελετών, 21 Φεβρουαρίου-26 Μαρτίου 2010 (in Greek).

“My heart, my child, is a garden,” was a word that Elder Iakovos of Evia often gave to his spiritual children. He did not merely love nature and living things for their own sake, but for what they revealed to him about God and His Saints. For the elder, the prayers of the Church and the natural world were the two schoolmasters leading him to Christ. Like the apostles of old, he was an “unschooled, ordinary man” under extremely poor conditions who nevertheless attained extraordinary spiritual heights. Though poorly educated and growing up as a refugee from foreign oppressors, he was granted the grace to, “become all things to all men” and counsel people from all walks of life. His simple and unquestioning obedience won him a profound humility and the ability to command demons and saints alike as if they were his servants. Finally, he was able to turn weaknesses into strengths and overcome a tendency to fear and panic by constant prayer and extreme asceticism.

In this paper, the concept of national preference demands is used in order to describe the antagonism expressed by the early unions against the Greek refugees from the Ottoman Empire in the 1910s Athens and Piraeus. In seeking the reasons that permitted the exclusion of the refugees from the national and class solidarities, we focus on developments in Greek nationalism and politics; changes in the way 'foreign' workers were treated from 1830 to 1920; the monopolistic practices of workers' collectivities in labour markets; the role played by the ethno-local communities of immigrants in the lives of workers. Yet, the workers' particularisms did not fully contradict class formation, but were entangled in a dialectical relationship with it.

Based on an ethnographic fieldwork in Greece, this study focuses on the government's attempt to provide education for children living in Athens's refugee camps, as well as the actors involved in this effort, interrogating the problematic phenomena and interconnectedness of crisis, hospitality, and solidarity. During the past decade, Greece has become the center of international attention in connection with the two crises that are both also local variations of wider global problems. First, being hit hard by the financial crisis and subsequent austerity measures, present-day Greece can be taken as a case of a country in chronicity, where crisis has become normalized. Second, as a consequence of interrelated international phenomena, Greece witnessed an increase in immigration, and the EU-Turkey deal of 2016 created a bottlenecked country, where presently about 65,000 refugees wait in so-called frozen transience. The issue of refugee education is investigated in this context. This article argues that refugee education cannot be understood solely on economic or political terms but needs to be situated into a broader cultural context, as well.

Greek-speaking people have occupied the Aegean region continuously since the Bronze Age, while Greek culture has been a feature of the Eastern Mediterranean dating back to the Age of Alexander. But what do Greeks today have in common with Homer, Plato and Aristotle? What are the links between the people who built the Parthenon and those who currently conserve it? Drawing on the latest research into ancient, medieval and modern history, Nicholas Doumanis provides fresh and challenging insights into Greek history since early antiquity. Taking a transnational approach, Doumanis argues that the resilience of Greek culture has a great deal to do with its continual interaction with other cultures throughout the centuries.

Ideal for the undergraduate student, or anyone keen to find out more about Greek history, A History of Greece provides a unique and fascinating account of the fortunes and many transformations of Greek culture and society, from the earliest times to the present.

2019-cu il mayın 6-da Azərbaycan Dillər Universitetində (ADU) “Heydər Əliyev: multikulturalizm və tolerantlıq ideologiyası” mövzusunda II beynəlxalq elmi konfransın açılış mərasimi keçirilib.

Ümummilli Liderin anadan olmasının 96-cı ildönümünə həsr olunan konfrans ADU-nun və Yeni Azərbaycan Partiyasının (YAP) birgə təşkilatçılığı ilə reallaşıb.

Mərasim iştirakçıları əvvəlcə ulu öndər Heydər Əliyevin universitetin foyesindəki büstü önünə gül dəstələri qoyub, xatirəsini ehtiramla anıblar.

Tədbiri giriş sözü ilə açan rektor Kamal Abdulla konfrans haqqında məlumat verib. O bildirib ki, konfransın keçirilməsinin məqsədi ümummilli lider Heydər Əliyevin Azərbaycan multikulturalizmi sahəsində gördüyü işləri təbliğ etməkdir. Rektor xatırladıb ki, Ulu Öndərin anadan olmasının 95 illiyi münasibətilə ötən il təşkil olunan eyniadlı birinci konfrans dünyanın 11 ölkəsinin 14 universitetində keçirilib. Belə ki, konfransın açılış və bağlanışı ADU-da, bölmə iclasları isə müxtəlif ölkələrin universitetlərində təşkil edilib. Konfransın əhatə dairəsinin genişliyi sayəsində yüksək nəticələr əldə olunub.

Kamal Abdulla nəzərə çatdırıb ki, bu il də konfransın açılış və bağlanış mərasimi universitetdə keçirilir. Həmçinin konfrans bu il bölmə iclaslarını nüfuzlu elmi məkanlarla yanaşı, Cəbrayıl rayon 102 nömrəli tam orta məktəbində, N.Aslanov adına Cocuq Mərcanlı kənd tam orta məktəbində, Kəlbəcər rayon 1 nömrəli, Ağdam rayon 47 və 1 nömrəli, Xocavənd rayon Xocavənd kənd 1 nömrəli köçkün tam orta məktəblərində və Nardaran kənd 295 nömrəli məktəbdə keçirəcək. Bizim məqsədimiz bu məktəblərə ulu öndər Heydər Əliyevin ideallarını aparmaqla yanaşı, öz diqqət və qayğımızı da onlara göstərməkdir.

Rektor deyib: “Azərbaycan multikulturalizmi keşməkeşli uzun illərdən keçib gəlsə də, ümummilli lider Heydər Əliyevin hakimiyyəti illərində multikulturalizmin siyasi əsası qoyulub. Multikultural dəyərlər, Azərbaycanda yaşayan xalqların dillərinin, ədəbiyyatlarının inkişaf etdirilməsi, öz ana dillərində təhsilalma hüquqları rəsmi sənədlərdə öz əksini tapıb. Əsası Ulu Öndər tərəfindən qoyulan multikultural siyasəti bu gün Prezident İlham Əliyev uğurla davam etdirir. O, Azərbaycan multikulturalizminin yeni modelini yaradıb. Bu model bizim multikulturalizmimizi bütün dünyada məşhur edib. Bu gün Azərbaycan multikulturalizmi Avropanın universitetlərində tədris olunur. Həmin universitetlərdə Azərbaycan ədəbiyyatı, mədəniyyəti, Azərbaycan dəyərləri, yəni Azərbaycan həqiqətləri tədris olunur”.

Rektor konfrans iştirakçılarını açılış münasibətilə təbrik edib, konfransın işinə uğurlar arzulayıb.

Beynəlxalq Türk Mədəniyyəti və İrsi Fondunun prezidenti Günay Əfəndiyeva qeyd edib ki, Azərbaycanın dəyərli oğlu, ictimai xadim Heydər Əliyevə həsr olunan konfrans çox ciddi mövzunu əhatə edir. O deyib: “Heydər Əliyevlə təkcə Azərbaycan deyil, bütün türk dünyası fəxr edir. Azərbaycanın yaxın keçmişinə nəzər salsaq görərik ki, Heydər Əliyev istər SSRİ dövründə, istərsə də müstəqillik illərində Azərbaycan tarixində mühüm rol oynayıb. Təbii ki, Azərbaycanın dövlət müstəqilliyinin bərpa olunmasında onun rolu əvəzedilməzdir və böyükdür. Bugünkü multikulturalizm mövzusu Azərbaycan və dünya üçün çox vacibdir. Ölkəmizdə tarixi ənənələrə əsaslanan multikulturalizm siyasəti Prezident İlham Əliyevin xüsusi diqqətindədir. Azərbaycanda müxtəlif dillərdə danışan, ayrı-ayrı dini inancları olan millətlərin nümayəndələri bir dövlətin – müstəqil Azərbaycanın vətəndaşları kimi yaşayırlar”.

Dini Qurumlarla İş üzrə Dövlət Komitəsinin sədri, YAP-ın icra katibinin müavini Mübariz Qurbanlı qeyd edib ki, milli müstəqil dövlətimizin, YAP-ın qurucusu Heydər Əliyevin bizə qoyub getdiyi irsi öyrənmək və onu gənc nəslə çatdırmaq borcumuzdur. Konfransın keçirilməsi bu baxımdan gözəl təşəbbüsdür. Çünki Ulu Öndərin apardığı siyasətdə tolerant və multikultural cəmiyyət qurmaq önəmli yer tuturdu.

Azərbaycan Mədəniyyət və İncəsənət Universitetinin rektoru Ceyran Mahmudova Azərbaycanda multikulturalizmin inkişafında və tolerant mühitin yaradılmasında Heydər Əliyevin xidmətlərindən danışıb. O deyib: “İnanıram ki, bu konfrans Ümummilli Liderin multikulturalizm sahəsində həyata keçirdiyi siyasətin, atdığı addımların gəncliyimizə, dünyaya çatdırılmasında mühüm rol oynayacaq”.

Açılış mərasimində Yasski Universitetinin slavistika kafedrasının dosenti Lyudmila Bejenaru, Belqrad Universitetinin professoru Ema Miljkovic (Petrovic), Ural Federal Universitetinin professoru Aleksandr Nesterov, İsrail səfirinin birinci müavini Avital Rozenberq, İndoneziyanın səfiri Hüsnan bəy Fanani, Fransa səfirinin mədəniyyət işləri üzrə müşaviri Yohan Şiterer, ADU-nun elmi işlər üzrə prorektoru, professor Sevinc Zeynalova çıxış ediblər.

Konfrans mayın 6-dan 8-dək “Heydər Əliyev və müasir Azərbaycan”, “Heydər Əliyevin azərbaycançılıq ideologiyası və multikulturalizm”, “Qloballaşan dünyada dinlərin və mədəniyyətlərin dialoqu”, “Müasir beynəlxalq münasibətlər və multikulturalizm” və “Multikultural dəyərlərin formalaşmasında təhsilin rolu” bölmələri ilə öz işini davam etdirəcək.

Με αφορμή την τρέχουσα οικονομική κρίση και τις πολυποίκιλες επιπτώσεις της, το ένθετο της εφημερίδας επικεντρώθηκε στη Μεγάλη Ύφεση που έπληξε τις ευρωπαϊκές οικονομίες στα τέλη του 19ου αιώνα. Το άρθρο αυτό εξετάζει τις συνέπειες εκείνης της κρίσης στην ελληνική οικονομία. Αναλύει τις εγγενείς 'αδυναμίες' της ελληνικής οικονομίας αλλά και την απουσία προβλεπτικότητας από την πλευρά των ελληνικών κυβερνήσεων της εποχής να περιορίσουν τον κίνδυνο να συμπαρασυρθούν από μια γενικευμένη κρίση. Βασικό άξονα του άρθρου αυτού αποτελεί το ζήτημα του ελληνικού εξωτερικού δανεισμού. Παράλληλα διερευνώνται τα περιθώρια ανάπτυξης της ελληνικής οικονομίας στο πλαίσιο της κρίσης του τέλους του 19ου αιώνα.

Sport annually mobilizes millions of people across Europe: as practitioners in a wide variety of competitive, educational, or recreational contexts, and as spectators, who are physically present or following events through the mass media. This book presents original research into modern sport funded by the Irish Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences. Its aim is to examine the distinctive contribution made by this complex phenomenon to the construction of European identities. Attention is focused on sport's social significance, as a set of mass-mediated practices and spectacles giving rise to a network of images, symbols, and discourses. The book seeks to explore, and ultimately to explain, the processes of representation and mediation involved in the sporting construction, and subsequent renegotiation, of local, national, and, increasingly, global identities. It offers a survey of key developments in sporting Europe - from the mid-nineteenth century to the present, and from the Atlantic to the Urals - presenting findings by acknowledged international experts and emerging scholars at the level of individuals, communities, regions, nation-states, and Europe as a whole, in both its geographical and political incarnations. Its focus on representation offers a broadly conceived, and consciously inclusive, approach to issues of 'Europeanness' in modern and contemporary sport.

Private Patrick O’Connor was captured on Gallipoli and spent more than two years in captivity. He should have served as the historic basis for Russell Crowe’s attempt at epic fantasy. The parallels between Private O’Connor and the film’s subject are striking, serving to highlight how free and loose scriptwriters Andrew Anastasios and Andrew Knight have been with history in creating this “silly film”, as Professor Peter Stanley labelled it.