NATO

Cyber conflict between states is a growing trend. There is a large body of research on cyber conflict, but there is very little quantitative analysis to support the theories or to assist in predicting future use of cyber operations. Using a logistic regression analysis, this thesis studies cyber conflicts between dyadic rivals from 2001 to 2011 to answer under what conditions cyber incidents occur between dyadic rivals in the past in the hopes to better analyze and predict future cyber incidents. The data demonstrate that the geographic proximity between dyads increases the probability of a cyber incident occurring while any or both of the dyads holds membership in NATO causes a decrease in the probability that cyber operations occur between dyadic rivals. The share of military personnel, military expenditure, and energy consumption is not enough to explain cyber incident trends. The results also show that many of my variables are conditional upon each other for their significance. It is imperative that states address the issues surrounding cyber conflict as the trend is increasing. At the present, the fear of retaliation will always be present as some argue that cyber defensive capabilities will never overtake cyber offensive capabilities as the latter is constantly transforming and evolving while the former is constantly playing “catch up.”

The effective and sustainable environmental performance of a business is a result of various factors and most important the integrated outcome of the environmental management. Likewise, the integration of environmental protection into the armed forces functions has also gain interest for the military sector internationally. Therefore, the environmental management system (EMS) is recognized as one of the most widely used tools. This study provides a review on environmental management issues related to the military activities and their assessment globally. The multitasking characteristics of the defence sector result in the need for the eco-friendly related issues to be directed in a holistic and integrated way, with the help of a certified environmental management system. North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) itself and NATO countries, like USA, UK, Canada, Holland, Denmark, Czech Republic, Greece, as well as non-NATO countries like Sweden and Australia have an environmental management system structure in place to assist military environmental management and studies reveal that the armed forces could anticipate positive outcomes from environmental management system. A case-by-case approach, of the above, is examined and based on the results, appropriate recommendations are presented, which may contribute to the environmental management system considerations as the most important tool for effective management framework and most importantly to evaluate its effectiveness as a structure for the defence sector's activities.

In the period immediately following the Second World War, as tensions between the two superpowers began to surface, Greek policy makers concentrated their efforts on two goals of vital importance for their nation’s survival: securing credible protection against a growing communist threat, domestic and external, and finding the resources and assistance needed to rebuild their devastated country. These objectives could be achieved only with the support of the Western world, especially the United States. But even as the Truman Doctrine provided assurances for the immediate future, there were other long term foreign policy interests, more modest and regional in nature, which led to the pursuit of other diplomatic initiatives. One of them was the search for a security arrangement in the Eastern Mediterranean, the subject of this essay. Initially a Turkish proposal, it envisioned a defensive agreement linking Turkey, Egypt and Greece, endorsed by the Western powers and associated with a similar pact for the Western Mediterranean. The Turkish initiative, which the Greek government was eager to support, met with little encouragement in Western capitals. In principle, Britain and the United States welcomed a Greek-Turkish rapprochement but wished to see the Arab world excluded from any regional alliance they did not themselves establish, especially as long as the question of Palestine remained unresolved. Moreover, in the late 1940s Washington’s priorities were clearly focused on the security of Western Europe, to which the United States formally committed itself under the North Atlantic Treaty in 1949. Initially, Greece was too weak, Turkey was too far and both were too vulnerable to Soviet aggression to be considered for membership in the “Atlantic community.” However, such calculations were suddenly rendered obsolete by the outbreak of the Korean Warin June 1950. Under the specter of a spreading East-West conflict and despite strong reservations from several allies, Turkey and Greece became members of NATO and received the commitments of military and economic assistance they had sought to gain through regional arrangements. With their membership, NATO’s areas of responsibility extended to the shores of the Eastern Mediterranean.
      This is a historically important subject, expertly examined by utilizing American, British and Greek archival sources. It sheds new light on Turkish and Greek diplomatic initiatives in search of regional security as Cold War tensions engulfed the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. And it offers insights into NATO’s historic decision to extend its reach to the entire length of the Mediterranean.

The current development of a cyber defence policy by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is usually seen as exemplifying the alliance’s changing scope of intervention; as well as its broadened perception of security. From an institutional-liberalist perspective, it is said to illustrate the transformation of NATO from a defensive alliance into a security management institution. However, others have pointed out that NATO cyber defence policy has been developed with regard to seminal events, such as the cyber-attacks on Estonia in 2007 and on Georgia in 2008, and mirrors the persisting cold war logic in NATO current policy.

This dissertation aims to investigate if NATO’s cyber agenda exemplifies the alliance’s transformation into a security management institution; or rather if it displays the continuity of NATO’s self-perception as a defensive alliance. In order to address these questions properly, this dissertation is based on an interpretative approach, using discourse analysis as a method, and a theoretical framework drawing on constructivist accounts, as well as on various liberal institutionalist concepts.

The results of this analysis displayed mixed elements. However, it ultimately seems that NATO cyber defence policy exemplifies the continuous prevalence of NATO’s self-perception as an alliance, designed to defend its members against an external threat. Indeed, the analysis highlights that developments in NATO cyber defence policy are generally conceived as new facets of NATO’s original role – demanding adjusting NATO’s strategy and operational capacities. Yet, NATO cyber defence policy does not seem to represent a fundamental shift in NATO’s perception of its own purpose.

This analysis also highlights the need for further research including additional variables, such as the differentiation between different types of cyber security threats that NATO faces.

Deterrence is in a crisis of scepticism; a situation that should be a cause of concern in NATO, for NATO governments and for European security in general. The intention of this paper is, first, to ask how it is that we have arrived at this point; how it is that the logic of deterrence has declined so markedly in strategic and popular culture. The goal then is to describe a way out of this crisis. This paper argues for a ‘First Reset Strategy’ – a co- ordinated effort to rediscover and then implement the fundamental goal of deterrence; the establishment of order, even in a hostile environment.

What is the relationship between cyber activities conducted by Russia at home and abroad? What role do cyber operations play as an instrument of Russia’s coercive diplomacy? How different is Russia from other cyber powers, and how do we know for sure if the Kremlin is behind certain cyberattacks that have been attributed to it?

This Chaillot Paper examines these and other key questions as it explores how Russia’s increasingly assertive behaviour in cyberspace has lent new urgency to the debate about cybersecurity in the West. It focuses on what lessons EU member states have learned from recent events, and on how the EU and NATO have responded to these cyber challenges on the diplomatic, political and security fronts. The paper argues that Russia’s aggressive use of cyber tools has led the US and many Europeans states to adopt more defensive cyber strategies, and that as a result Russia may have lost the strategic advantage it has hitherto enjoyed in what is becoming an ever-more contested domain.

This paper assesses the effectiveness of allied land forces as, at best, decidedly mixed. On the one hand, there is little question that those forces have undergone a remarkable transformation since the Cold War’s end. Today’s allied land forces are smaller, lighter, designed principally to handle a wide range of out-of-area contingencies, and capable of operating in multinational coalitions. Moreover, they have been infused with operational experience from deployments in the Balkans, Africa, Iraq, and Afghanistan. But looking forward, the question is whether these forces have become too small and, because of budget constraints, lack the equipment to deploy rapidly and sustain themselves operationally.

This is the comprehensive presentation of the first results of several years of research of the official participants lists of the Bilderberg conferences. I decided to publish it here so everyone can do his own research based on this preliminary database of all participants from almost 65 years of Bilderberg conferences. Feel free to draw your own conclusions. Peace <3

AN EVALUATION OF GREECE'S MILITARY SPENDING DURING ECONOMIC CRISIS PERIOD

ABSTRACT
The Peace Operation to Cyprus conducted by Turkey in 1974 signed the return of Greece to democratic regime from the military governance known as "Colonels Junta". Since then Greece spent her energy instead of USA to Europe (EC) and moreover, despite the Cold War reality, to the development of relations with her northern neighbors "ruled by communist regimes" and shaped her foreign, military and even internal policies according to the "threat from the East, Turkey". Therefore, the defense and military spending of Greece developed to counterbalance Turkey. However, the ongoing economic crisis that broke out in 2008, brought the reassessment of the implemented policies by Greek and foreign academics. On the other hand, since 1999 the "normalization" of relations with Turkey instead of crisis spiral, caused to question whether is Turkey still perceived as a threat or not by Greece.
Thus, in this paper beginning from the paradox that Greece's threat perception was shaped against Turkey, a co-member of NATO Alliance an analysis of Greek foreign policy and military spending from 1974 and onwards and the effects of recent developments such as the "rapprochement" with Turkey and the economic crisis on Greece's foreign policy and military spending will be discussed.
Key Words: Greece, Military Spending, Foreign Policy, Economic Crisis, Turkey.

This essay evaluates the role of Neorealism in the Ukraine Crisis. This crisis began with a deal being made with Russia over the EU which caused a West sponsored coup which Russia took great offense to. This led to the subsequent invasion of Crimea, a region of Ukraine with strong ethnic ties to Russia. Pro-Russian separatists also took up arms in other parts of Ukraine. Neorealism says that the events in the Ukraine are a product of Liberal dogma that the West constantly peddles to their own ends. Russia warned that if Ukraine were to become part of NATO it would cause major issues. The West failed to heed such a warning. For Liberals, Ukraine wanted to join NATO to maximise their national interests, to become part of an interdependent, cooperative, peaceful organisation that will benefit them by creating a common identity to help prevent conflict. For Constructivists, this scenario is about social interactions, not power politics. It is simply Ukraine trying to establish relationships with NATO and the Russians, not a blame game. Constructivists say perceptions over friends and enemies impact state behaviour. Ukraine choosing to align with NATO as a friendly makes them an enemy of Russia, as NATO is Russia's

1960’lara gelindiğinde Türkiye'de muhafazakâr kitlelerin ve özellikle gençlerinin artan ideolojik taleplerini içerden karşılama imkânı sınırlıdır ve bu ihtiyaç tercümelerle giderilmeye çalışılır. Böylece Arap dünyasından özellikle Müslüman Kardeşler, Pakistan’dan ise Cemâati İslamî kitapları arayış içerisindeki gençlerin önüne serilir. Seyyit Kutup’un (ö. 1966) Din Dediğin Budur (1964) ve Yoldaki İşaretler (1966) , Mevdudî’nin (ö. 1979) İslâm’da İhya Hareketleri (1967) adlı kitapları Hilal Yayınları tarafından Türkçeye taşınır.  Hilal Yayınları, çevresinde Said Nursi’nin (1960) “Hariciye vekili” olarak bilinen  talebelerinden Salih Özcan (ö. 2015) tarafından 1955 yılında kurulmuştur. (Özcan, 1983’te de Suudi sermayeli Faysal Finans’ı kuracaktır.) Benzer içerikli çok sayıda kitap, kurulacak başka yayın evleri tarafından da yıldan yıla artarak çoğalacaktır. Dini düşünce, kurumsal tarikat yapıları dışında kalan genç kuşak için bu şekilde neo selefi/dış kaynaklı teşekkül ederken 1979 yılına gelindiğinde yeni bir gelişme, İran İslam Devrimi olur.

Georgia, a small state in the South Caucasus, is the most ardent supporter of Euro-Atlantic integration in the entire post-Soviet region. Georgia’s possible membership in NATO looms large not only in terms of politics in the South Caucasus but increasingly in the tense relations between Russia and the West. In July 2018, NATO extended an official invitation to Macedonia, thereby processing its eighth enlargement. Zooming in on Georgia and Macedonia’s performance on membership requirements is a one-of-a-kind litmus test of perspectives of Georgia’s membership in NATO. The comparative analysis unveils that Georgia has outperformed Macedonia in all key areas of reforms and that NATO still pays more attention to geopolitical aspects of membership, rather compatibility with the Alliance’s requirements.

The assassination of Iranian General Qasem Soleimani by the United States has initiated debates about its reverberations on regional and global security. While it could have been a rational policy by the United States on the national level, this action has carried along innovative features defining what is a legally acceptable self-defence that international law would also accommodate. Namely, if the United States can unilaterally and retroactively interpret the meaning of international law in such a way, there are other powers like Russia or China who may wish to take advantage of such a tactic and expand the formerly relatively stable meaning of law unilaterally in line with their own national interests. Russia has previously given high importance in following the Western path and precedences, so even when the current thesis is hypothetical and with high odds in upcoming years, it is worthy of consideration and probability analysis.

The decade-long military intervention in Afghanistan had a strong effect on the transformation of western armed forces. This article examines one of the pathways of such military change, namely selective emulation. Taken aback by the evolution of the fightings in Afghanistan, France, Germany and the UK looked for doctrinal or technical answers to the challenges they were facing on the ground within NATO (the structure and/or the member states). However, the importation of such solutions depends on each national political-military context, in particular the proximity with the United States, the existence of a strong local defense industry or a specific strategic culture. After the “Europeanisation without the EU” of the French defence policy in the 90’s identified by Bastien Irondelle, we now observe a “NATO-isation with NATO” of the three major European military powers’ defence policies, because of the Afghan campaign.

This paper argues that tactial nuclear weapons on European soil within the NATO framework have no longer any operational value. Moreover, in light of Obama's prague speech, in which he argues to strive for a nuclear weapons free world, a good first step would be to abolish this type of nuclear weapons.

The article provides a comprehensive review of the foreign historiography of the Danish foreign policy in 1970–1980s based on the chronological and regional principles. The article examines the views of Scandinavian, European and American foreign scholars on the foreign policy issues of Northern European countries in the 1970–1980s.

NATO confronts four distinct public perception challenges: weak or varying public support for the alliance and its specific missions; a general lack of public awareness of the alliance's post-cold war transformation; diverging opinions on its proper role in the world; and parochial and domestic interests filtering into NATO's agenda. These various public relations challenges detract from alliance cohesiveness, impede mission performance, breed confusion and dissension about alliance aims, and raise questions about the proper operation of democratic governance within the alliance. Recent alliance communication efforts encompassing public diplomacy and strategic communications have failed to improve these public perception challenges. Instead, NATO should consider adopting a long-term branding strategy that focuses specifically on shaping the public's mental image of the alliance through the creation, promulgation, and management of a core message. Such a strategy has the potential to create a more consolidated alliance mandate that is easier for the public to understand and, ultimately, transforms the way NATO relates to its public.

In recent years diasporas and their political impact have become an important research issue in political science and international relations science. At the turn of the 21st century, diasporas gained the status of important actors with impact both on the global politics, interstate relations and directions of domestic policies. One of the diasporas which in the 1990s actively participated in the American political life were Polish-Americans, with the reason being the intense efforts undertaken by Poland in 1992 to join NATO. The purpose of this article is to present the activities of the Polish Diaspora in the US undertaken in favour of the accession of Poland to the North Atlantic Alliance, analysed however not in the factual (historical) approach, but against the background of the theory developed so far regarding the functioning of diasporas and ethnic groups in the US political system. The article has
been prepared with the use of the historical method, the comparative method and the behavioural method, the basis for its preparation was primarily literature on the subject, press materials, and source materials (letters, articles and publications) contained in the collection of documents after Jan Nowak- Jeziorański entitled Poland's road to NATO
(Wrocław 2006). The conducted analysis indicates that the merits of Polish Americans for Poland's membership in NATO are invaluable and should be considered one of the most important achievements of the Polish Diaspora for the country of origin. The activities undertaken in 1993-1999 by Polish Americans are the most important but at the same time unfortunately also the isolated manifestation of the involvement and organized influence of the Polish ethnic group on shaping the American politics.

The basic functioning of institutions in a country depends on the forms of governance. This is defined on the Constitution of the respective state as the highest legal act. It also depends on the practice functioning of the fundamental institutions in a political system. Macedonia has set parliamentary democracy as a form of governance. However, the functioning of the legal system displays different features, because we are dealing with a multiethnic State, the status of candidate country for membership in EU, and NATO – at the same time, faced with the terms of meeting the criteria for euro – Atlantic membership. Although Macedonia is determined to have representative democracy as a form of governance, institutions are functioning with very special specifications. They constantly create new practices, such as frequent elections and early parliamentary Self-dissolution of parliament which was aimed at overcoming the political crisis. There was also an annulment of the decision of th...

In this article I am making a comparison between France's diplomatic recognition of the National Transitional Council of Libya in 2011 and its diplomatic recognition of the Chinese communists in 1964. In both cases France took a leading role.

Jugoszlávia dezintegrációját követően az újonnan függetlenedett államokban egyre gyakoribbá váltak az
etnikai alapon szerveződő összetűzések. A Macedóniában kialakult két fegyveres konfliktus esetében a lakosság közel egyötödét alkotó albán kisebbség szerepe pedig aligha hanyagolható el. A 2001-es kvázi polgárháborús helyzet és az ohridi keretegyezmény nemzeti jogrendbe való átültetése, valamint a 2015-ös
politikai válság és kumanovói összecsapások ugyanis az állam és a Balkán-félsziget újbóli destabilizációjával fenyegettek.

Kutatásom során a két fegyveres konfliktust hasonlítom össze az államban élő albán kisebbség szemszögéből. Hipotézisem szerint mindkét válság során aktív szerepet játszottak; jóllehet míg a 2001-es eseményeket alapvetően etnikai összetűzések sorozataként könyvelhetjük el, addig a 2015-ös történések során a politikai krízishelyzetbe jutott macedón kormánypárt a „nacionalista kártyát” feltételezhetőleg csak hangulatkeltés céljából játszotta ki annak érdekében, hogy a közvéleményt az albánok ellen hangolja.

While NATO was created with a primary outlook to the East, its Southern rim was neglected strategically until the end of the Cold War. Since then, the Alliance has undertaken a number of efforts to build strategic relationships with the Middle East and North Africa, recognizing the region’s importance for Allied security. However, looming obstacles may well interfer with NATO's efforts to enhance relations with the region. Geostrategic realities are not in NATO’s favor: it is a region of crisis; suspicious of the West in general; riddled with internal instability; and is a difficult to build ties with. This monograph examines the existing relationships as well as the remaining obstacles, and proposes solutions to the latter.

In recent years, NATO and the EU have taken greater responsibility for countering hybrid threats. This group of threats covers a wide range of hostile methods used by states and non-state actors. It includes both military and non-military activities, for instance special forces operations and irregular warfare, and also disinformation and cyberattacks. NATO and the EU are involved in facilitating international cooperation on countering hybrid threats and protecting their own structures and institutions against them. In this way, both organisations reinforce the efforts at the national level, since fighting hybrid threats is primarily a task of the member states. Nevertheless, NATO’s and the EU’s actions in this respect are constrained by insufficient financing, and by the member states’ unwillingness to enhance the sharing of intelligence and sensitive information related to, for example, critical infrastructure protection or cybersecurity. The recent spike in anti-Western COVID-19 disinformation campaigns clearly shows that both NATO and the EU could do more to counter hybrid threats.

El autor, ex Oficial de la Armada de Chile y especialista en Abastecimiento, elaboró una respuesta al desafío planteado por el Comandante en Jefe de la Armada, que fue publicada en la Revista de Marina N°3/2013, que titulaba un reportaje "COMANDANTE EN JEFE DE LA ARMADA, ALMIRANTE ENRIQUE LARRAÑAGA: HACER MÁS CON MENOS". Mientras la Institución no alcance una óptima eficiencia es factible liberar recursos para satisfacer demandas no atendidas, a través de la disminución de costos en adquisiciones y la reducción de inventarios. Este artículo se basa en la publicación original, pero se le agregaron otras ideas que por problema de espacio no pudieron ser incorporadas.

One significant aspect of military interventions is that violence in binary geographies, which have an implied colonial discourse (such as Serbia), often involve the dialectics of construction and erasure, meaning that absence and presence of destruction and violence run side by side. 1 This paper investigates the ways that technology and media were instrumentalised in miniaturising evidence and reducing the visibility of destruction during NATO's Operation Allied Force in Serbia and Kosovo. While the dominant NATO rhetoric behind the intervention was "humanitarian" with the Operation being deployed in the name of Western values and civilisation, this text puts forward an alternative argument. The 1999 intervention was a war machine where the military-industrial-media-entertainment network restricted the public gaze and the control of information as well as made it nearly impossible to distinguish information from disinformation, and fact from fiction. Its value was predicated on expressing and showing less of the violence in order to set up a clear representation of a perpetrator and a victim. Thus, the reconceptualisation of borders in relation to 1999 was contingent on the deployment of the infrastructure of satellites and unmanned drones in an attempt to, firstly, miniaturise the weapon and, secondly, de-familiarise the military frame with spectacular speed.

In order to better understand the background to this debate, this essay will provide an overview of the history of the idea of humanitarian intervention leading up to the adoption of the R2P principle at the 2005 UN World Summit. The essay will then move on to set the scene for the events leading up to the NATO military intervention in Libya.  After this, an analysis of the arguments based on four categories supporting and opposing the NATO intervention in Libya based the R2P principle will be carried out. Within this analysis of the arguments for and against military intervention based on R2P, a discussion of the merits / demerits of the RP2 concept will be conducted. Finally, the essay will provide a summary of the main points from either side of the debate before concluding that while it is true that the spirit on which the R2P principle is based is morally right, until a further developed principle with strict criteria that govern actions before, during and after interventions, R2P will just be another form of humanitarian imperialism.

The present study explores the transformation of Czechoslovak Army’s foreign relations between 1989 and 1992, focussing
on the activities carried out during this period by the Foreign
Affairs Administration of the General Staff of Czechoslovak
People’s Army/Czechoslovak Army. It examines how this elite
organisational component of the army reacted to the political changes in Central and Eastern Europe. It investigates the
changes in the Administration’s agenda related to the country’s new foreign policy orientation following the Velvet Revolution. The Administration participated in establishing contacts with the former enemy armies in the West. Deployment
of troops in foreign operations, such as the Gulf War or the
Balkans conflict, also became an important agenda. The paper pays strong attention to the disarmament agenda, which
was an important part of the Administration’s activities. The
Administration’s involvement in the disarmament negotiations is also a good example of certain continuity in its activities, since both the personnel involved, and the subject matter
of the negotiations remained the same as they had been prior
to the Revolution. In principle, the Administration managed
to adapt well to the transitional period, which had preceded
the newly independent Czech Republic’s path towards NATO
membership.

Por muchos años, Turquía ha intentado ingresar a la UE, tan es así, que desde los tiempos del Imperio Otomano, las elites turcas han buscado la modernización a través de la occidentalización. Para lograr alcanzar ésta, los líderes otomanos y posteriormente los lideres turcos, han tomado el modelo europeo como ejemplo y, por ende, han tratado de estrechar relaciones con dicho continente.
En el momento en que se dieron las primeras etapas de integración en Europa, fue el momento en que Turquía consideró que el mejor modo de modernizarse sería a través de la obtención de la membrecía al entonces pequeño grupo de países que comenzaban a crear dicho bloque. Pero los miembros de la UE han considerado varias veces que Turquía no se encuentra preparada para desempeñar las responsabilidades que se le conferirían al integrarse al sistema.
A pesar de lo anterior, las puertas de Europa no se han cerrado para Turquía y, a cambio, se han generado una serie de instrumentos políticos y legales que han servido de base para modificar la situación general de Turquía, para de esta manera poder preparar al país para la adhesión en el futuro.

Ostatniego ćwierćwiecza polskich przemian politycznych dotyka i niniejsza publikacja, która jest zbiorem artykułów przygotowanych przez pracowników naukowych i doktorantów z różnych ośrodków w kraju. Prace dotykają zarówno polityki wewnętrznej, jak i zagranicznej państwa, co oznacza, że odnoszą się do stosunkowo dużego obszaru poznawczego. Zdecydowaną przewagę uzyskały w tej tematyce problemy zewnątrzpaństwowe odnoszące się do Unii Europejskiej, polityki zagranicznej, kilku aspektów bezpieczeństwa europejskiego i międzynarodowego, migracji wewnątrzeuropejskich czy Kościoła katolickiego. Wszystkie te kwestie mieszczą się w ogólnych zarysach „wybranych problemów politycznych” państwa polskiego w latach 1989-2014. Zadaniem niniejszej publikacji stało się przybliżenie Czytelnikom takich problemów politycznych Polski z ostatniego ćwierćwiecza, które wymagają dodatkowego komentarza, pogłębionych analiz podmiotowych i przedmiotowych oraz ciągle aktualnego spojrzenia metodologicznego i merytorycznego.