NATO

The consequences of Ukraine conflict raised our awareness of the implications of globalization which we saw with LPG (Liberalization; Globalization; Privatization) reforms introduced by Narshima Rao administration. In post 1991 reforms we cannot remain indifferent to global developments. Foreign policy which seems to something foreign related and evokes distance and divergence has been downrightly proved myth, as foreign policy has now reached our very homes. The impact of the Ukraine conflict has been visible in sectors ranging from energy and metals to grain & fertilizers. The detrimental impact between world two biggest power the United States of America and People's Republic of China can hardly be ignored. This time calls for strong leadership for India to navigate its way through this turbulent times. This paper throws considerable light how India maintained its Tight rope diplomacy which has been largely praised all over world and shows how India is dealing with world which has become a Bazaar of less pretense and more assertion one's own interests.

As the three Baltic countries embarked upon their NATO membership path, Western critics objected that these nations were militarily indefensible. To neutralise such concerns, a key NATO enlargement architect on the US side, Ronald Asmus, had proposed looking in the Nordic countries' direction. His plan, sketched out in 1997, was to woo the Finns and Swedes to join NATO ranks, which would effectively alleviate the Baltic problem of strategic depth. At the time, Nordic leaders balked at the idea and conveyed their unwillingness to carry Baltic security burdens on their shoulders. With the recent double Nordic NATO alliance membership, it is well worth revisiting the arguments and discussions surrounding the proposal of putting Nordic countries in charge of Baltic security. Drawing primarily upon declassified US State Department materials, this article sheds light on the envisioned Nordic-Baltic security linkage and how Finnish and Swedish diplomats perceived it at the time. Subsequently, the discussion article assesses Helsinki and Stockholm's transition from non-aligned to full NATO-member status and how this geopolitical fact may benefit the outlook of the three Baltic states..

The purpose of the study was to investigate the beliefs of high school students about mathematics. The study was conducted in Ankara with 425 tenth-grade students. The “Beliefs about Mathematics Scale” (BaMS) was used as a measuring instrument. The hypotheses of the present study were tested by using analysis of variance at a significance level of 0.05. The results of the study indicated that: 1. There were statistically significant differences among the mean scores of students enrolled in different kinds of high schools with respect to beliefs about mathematics; 2. There were statistically significant mean differences among students who had different mathematics achievement levels in terms of beliefs about mathematics; 3. There was no statistically significant mean difference between male and female students regarding their beliefs about mathematics.

It is possible to refer to all organizations that have international elements as international organizations, but not all of them are international law persons.
International organizations, which are the persons of international law that constitute the subject, are, as a rule, international organizations to which states are members through their governments. It is possible to classify these organizations according to different criteria. One of these classifications is the ranking that takes into account whether member states have delegated authority to the organization or not. Organizations that envisage delegation of authority to the organization; Although they remain among international organizations in a broad sense, they are referred to as supranational organizations. The most important example of these organizations is the European Union. The other group created by this ranking is organizations that do not foresee the transfer of authority to the organization. This second group of organizations provides coordination among their members. I will focus on the United Nations (UN), one of the organizations in this second group. The United Nations (UN), which began to be structured during the Second World War, served as a platform for dialogue as well as an area of power struggle between two hostile blocs during the Cold War.

Key Words: International Organizations, UN, Cold War

My paper “THE MODERN RUSSIAN GROUND FORCES: A SHORT APPRASIAL” is a military theory reflection on the Russian Federation Ground Forces in the present time. I cast some reference to a history of its actual inception during the creation of the Soviet Union and its post-Soviet adaptability, in particular during the Special Military Operation in the Ukraine.

Luis Lázaro Tijerina

Bu yazı boyunca Atatürk'ü doğru bir şekilde anlamaya ve düşünce sistemini idrak etmeye çalışacağız. Çalışmamız, tarihçi bir bakış açısı ile yazılamayacaktır. Yazıdaki asıl amaç Atatürk' ün daha doğru ve net bir biçimde anlaşılması için Atatürk' ün düşüncelerinin temellendirilip okuyucuya sağlam bir zemin ile Atatürk'ü anlamasına vesile olmaktır. Her şeyden önce kanımca Atatürk hemen her kesim tarafından yanlış anlaşılmıştır. Bu kesimi kendisinden nefret edenlerinde dışında kendisini canı gönülden sevenlerde oluşturmaktadır. Bunun en büyük sebebi ise tabii ki cehalettir. Atatürk' ün hem sevenlerinin hem de nefret edenlerinin çoğu, onun kendi eserlerini ve kendisi hakkında yazılan eserleri okumaya muvaffak olamamış bireylerden oluşmaktadır. Ve bu yazıyla birlikte fark edeceğiz ki Atatürk mavi gözlü, sarı saçlı etten kemikten bir adamın da ötesindedir. Atatürk bir fikirdir. Atatürk fikri, bilimin öncülüğünde insanları karanlıklardan aydınlıklara taşıyarak, medeni bir cemiyet kurma veya olan medeni cemiyetlere yeni topluluklar kazandırmaya çalışan bir idealdir. Atatürk, bazı kesimlerde dine karşı, alkolik bir şahıs olarak görülmekle beraber sözde Atatürkçü olup Atatürk' ten bir haber olan kalabalıklar gözünde ise sarı saçlı, mavi gözlü, karizmatik, âdeta Tanrısal bir varlık olarak yerini almıştır. Fakat bu düşünceler Atatürk'ün gerisinde kalan düşüncelerdir. Atatürk diğer tüm büyük insanlar gibi insanlığın bir olduğunu ve her ulusun insanlığın bir parçası olduğunu benimsemiştir. Ve kendisini de Türk ulusunun bir temsilcisi olarak addetmiştir. Bu düşünceyi kendisi şöyle ifade etmiştir: İlim, cemiyetlerin büyüklüğünün sırrını insanlara açmıştır, bu sır, insanların birbirine olan bağlarıdır. (ATATÜRK, 2024). Bu çalışmayla birlikte Atatürk'e bir askerden ziyade bir bilim insanı gözüyle bakacağız ve yorumlamaları da bu bağlamda yapacağız. Buradaki hedefimiz unutulmamalıdır ki Atatürk'ü anlamaktır ve onu anladığımız zaman hem onun istediği bir medeni insan hem de onu anlayan bir mirasçı olacağız. Buradaki temellendirme 'bilim ve akıl', 'hürriyet ve medeniyet' olarak iki başlıktan oluşmaktadır.

Bu çalışma, Türkiye’nin NATO’ya üyelik sürecini ve bu üyeliğin ülkenin kimlik arayışı ve güvenlik algılamaları üzerindeki etkilerini incelemektedir. Türkiye, Soğuk Savaş döneminde NATO’ya katılmayı hem Batı ile entegrasyonun bir aracı hem de Sovyet tehdidine karşı güvenliğini sağlamanın bir yolu olarak görmüştür. Üyelik sürecinde Türk kamuoyu ve siyasi çevreler, NATO üyeliğini büyük oranda desteklemiş; bu destek, Türkiye’nin modernleşme ve Batı ile bütünleşme çabalarının bir parçası olmuştur. 1952’de NATO’ya giriş hem Balkanlar hem de Orta Doğu’da Türkiye’nin ve Batılı müttefiklerinin güvenlik stratejileri açısından kritik bir rol oynamıştır. Bu süreçte, Türkiye’nin jeopolitik konumu ve Batılı müttefikleriyle olan ilişkileri, bölgedeki güvenlik dengesinin korunmasında hayati bir unsur olarak öne çıkmıştır. Çalışma, Türkiye-NATO ilişkilerini kimlik-güvenlik çerçevesinde analiz ederek, kamuoyu ve siyasi desteğin bu ilişkiler üzerindeki etkilerini ele almaktadır.

Khodorkovsky, once Russia’s richest man who spent 10 years in prison after falling out with Putin interferes in the presidential campaign in Romania against Mircea Geoană, the former number 2 in NATO. At the same time, Geoana demonstrates her undemocratic reflexes by threatening a journalist

The aim of this research is to explain NATO's international responsibility in geopolitical crises from the perspective of international humanitarian law. The research method is descriptive-analytical. The evidence shows that in the field of international relations NATO, on the one hand, leads to the consolidation of international relations, and on the other hand, causes problems and uncertainties in their functioning. Meanwhile, NATO's special character causes further uncertainties in international law, particularly in the area of the application of the rules of international responsibility. NATO's military nature makes the role of its members in the conduct and direction of the organisation's activities more pronounced. Accordingly, the article aims to propose changes in the structure of nations and the articles of the United Nations Charter in order to transform NATO's responsibility from a strategy of dealing with the rights of nations to a strategy of dealing with the rights of individuals.

Rather than turn to policy makers or policy experts, the ‘Seeing is Believing’ project sought recommendations for the Alliance from Youth Leaders across the WB6. Through our networks, the project identified a select group of intelligent, open-minded, and creative set of Youth Leaders with a keen interest in security and a firm commitment to collaboration.

The authors of these recommendations are:

Johns Hopkins SAIS: Kaja Burja (SAIS Europe/Bologna); Nick Kalams (SAIS/Washington)

Albania: Redion Qirjazi (Coordinator)

Bosnia-Herzegovina: Željko Vukša-Fejzić (Coordinator), Vedrana Vujović, Omar Memišević, Melisa Begić, Ivan Ćubela, Ismet Fatih Čančar

Kosovo: Bajram Geci (Coordinator), Andi Emini, Mila Mihajlović, Rita Zhubi

Montenegro: Sofija Kirsanov (Coordinator), Dino Šabović, Darko Šćepanović, David Vukićević, Andrea Prelević, Marina Drecun

North Macedonia: Flamur Hamidi (Coordinator), Idlir Luma, Georgina Kominovska, Ana Sofeska, Filip Milenkoski, Jovan Nashoku, Isak Missini, Lela Radulović
 
Serbia: Stefan Bošković (Coordinator), Marko Filipović, Mirjana Jugović, Ana Divac, Velibor Zejak

This research explores the concept of military force posture adjustments in response to heightened geopolitical tensions, emphasizing the significance of adaptability in modern military strategy. The study defines military force posture and examines various types of adjustments, including reinforcement, realignment, rotation, and integration. It analyzes the strategic importance of these adjustments in supporting national security objectives and influencing adversary behavior. Factors influencing force posture changes are discussed, including geopolitical tensions, operational requirements, and strategic partnerships. Through historical case studies, including U.S. military presence in the Middle East, Eastern Europe, and the Asia-Pacific, the research identifies patterns and lessons learned from past adjustments. The role of intelligence and surveillance in informing force posture decisions is highlighted, along with emerging trends and technological impacts shaping future military operations. The research concludes by emphasizing the necessity of flexibility and adaptability in military strategy to effectively navigate evolving security challenges.

In the same year that the 350th anniversary of the Peace Treaty of Westphalia was celebrated in Osnabrück and Münster with the gathering of the largest number of heads of state on German soil in living memory, the Kosovo conflict began to escalate dramatically. Shortly before the international, interdisciplinary congress Peace – Reconstructing a European Vision took place in Osnabrück,i on 12 October 1998, the Yugoslav government agreed to the deployment of 2,000 OSCE observers in Kosovo following two previous UN Security Council resolutions, after NATO had threatened to launch air strikes as in the Bosnian conflict.ii When the Congress on Ways to Social Peace in Europe, under the patronage of Jacques Delors, also met in Osnabrück in November 1998,iii there was calm before the storm. This last of the numerous Osnabrück congresses during the Year of Peace was intended to set an example against xenophobia and racism. It was also attended by a number of Yugoslavians.

In principle, Turkey would welcome the global elimination of nuclear weapons. For the current government, the possession of nuclear weapons by other states is a factor that, indirectly at least, reduces Turkey 鈂s regional (if not global) aspirations and power. However, in the medium term, it remains deeply ambivalent on the future of nuclear weapons and its own plans regarding nuclear energy and weapons development. Turkey lacks a coherently articulated national policy vis-à-vis nuclear weapons. This is partly due to the fact that as a member of NATO it is a direct beneficiary of the US nuclear umbrella and because the United States maintains a number of nuclear weapons at the Incirlik Air Force base in southern Turkey.1 The absence of such a policy is also the result of the unclear demarcation of lines of authority between civilian and military leaders on issues of national defense. While this may not have been a problem in the past, civil-military relations have been strained unde...

Autor przedstawił formy udziału kontyngentów Wojska Polskiego zaangażowanych w operacje prowadzone przez Sojusz Północnoatlantycki w trzech głównych obszarach aktywności NATO – stabilizowania sytuacji na obszarze byłej Jugosławii, w walce z terroryzmem oraz odpowiedzi na imperialną politykę Rosji / The author presented the forms of participation of the Polish Army contingents involved in operations conducted by the North Atlantic Alliance in three main areas of NATO activity – stabilizing the situation in the area of former Yugoslavia, fighting terrorism and responding to the imperial policy of Russia.

Between 1950–1952, Washington’s policy based on the concept of containment of the Soviet Union evolved. This led to the extension of United States security interests at the periphery of the Soviet bloc in Europe, militarization of NATO, and highlighted the need for „containment“ based on system of alliances. These circumstances create conditions for the formation of a system of collective security in Southeastern Europe, including not only Greece, Turkey, and Yugoslavia, but Italy as well.

Following decades of peaceful coexistence in the region, some Nordic states (Finland and Sweden) have found themselves on a verge of a strategic choice. The direct result of the Russia-instigated war in Ukraine were the decisions made by Finland and Sweden to seek membership in NATO. Within a span of one year, both Finland (April 2023) and Sweden (March 2024) became members of NATO. This paper builds up on the explanatory power of the “frontline states” concept, as presented in the previous report, yet it focuses on the examination of the impact of Finland’s and Sweden’s NATO membership on the defence posture of the Alliance. As both of these states are becoming vital for the strengthening of other NATO’s frontline states, the author will assess the role of these newcomers in the Alliance’s defence and deterrence strategy. Additionally, the paper will highlight key implications of Finland’s and Sweden’s NATO accession for the Baltic Sea new security architecture in the light of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian War.

Δυνάμει των διατάξεων του άρθρου 1 παρ. 5 του Εθνικού Κανονισμού Ασφαλείας, οι ελληνικές εθνικές
αρχές, οποτεδήποτε φυλάσσουν ή χειρίζονται διαβαθμισμένες πληροφορίες και υλικά του ΝΑΤΟ ή
συμμαχικών και συνδεδεμένων χωρών, οφείλουν να συμμορφώνονται με τον Κανονισμό Ασφαλείας της
Συμμαχίας. Ο ισχύων Κανονισμός είναι ο C-M(2002)49-REV1, ο οποίος αρχικά υιοθετήθηκε το 2002 και
αναθεωρήθηκε τον Νοέμβριο του 2020, και είναι διαθέσιμος στον σύνδεσμο https://www.nbf.hu/docs/C-
M(2002)49-REV1.pdf .
Under the provisions of Article 1 para. 5 of the National Security Regulation, the Greek national security
authorities, whenever they hold or handle classified information and material of NATO or
allied and associated countries, must comply with the Security Regulations of the
Alliance Security Regulations. The current Regulation is C-M(2002)49-REV1, originally adopted in 2002 and
revised in November 2020, and is available at https://www.nbf.hu/docs/C-
M(2002)49-REV1.pdf .

Rusya ve Çin arasında derinleşen savunma ve güvenlik işbirliği, Ukrayna Savaşı'nda Çin'in Rusya'ya askeri alanda destek sağladığı gerekçesiyle son NATO zirvesinde kınanmasına yol açtı. Ardından Rus askeri endüstriyel kompleksiyle bağlantısı olduğu iddia edilen Çinli şirketlere ABD tarafından yaptırımların uygulanması, global savunma tedarik zincirlerinden Çin'in dışlanmasına yönelik daha kapsamlı stratejinin uygulanmasını hızlandırdı. Ancak ABD Dışişleri Bakan Yardımcısı Kurt Kampbell'ın, Çin'in Rusya'ya sağladığı çift kullanımlı teknolojileri büyük ölçüde "yeraltından" yürütülen faaliyetler olarak nitelendirmesi, ABD açısından sorunun yaptırımlar uygulanarak çözümlenmesinin kolay olmadığı anlamına geliyor.

Plansjer til foredrag i Oslo Militære Samfund 23.september 2024. Hele foredraget på 45 minutter er tilgjengelig som podcast her: https://shows.acast.com/656f35f41ce7dc00126a0cdb/66f3074c7a3d63d20f1133fc eller her: https://oslomilsamfund.no/podcast/

Since the beginning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Poland has been among the most active countries in supporting its eastern neighbour to halt the advance of Russian forces and to conduct its counteroffensive. This decision was consistent with Polish strategic objectives, allowing Poland to launch its modernisation project and expand its military capabilities. Although Poland’s strategic rationales vary depending on the political stance of its elites (Pawłuszko, 2022), there are three common denominators: the intent to deter Russia, the need to secure US support, and the ambition to become the Central-Eastern European region’s leading power.
Poland considers strengthening its armed forces as essential for achieving these goals. In fact, Warsaw aspires to build the most potent European land force by the beginning of 2026 (Tilles, 2023). While this objective is ambitious, the Russian invasion has catalysed the modernisation of the Polish military and its arms industry (Cucino & Scarazzato, 2023).This paper will address Poland’s recent strategic investments, aimed at developing multiple components of its armed forces, including land, air, sea, drone, and anti-missile forces, and analyse the potential challenges that such a rapid upgrade and amplification of its military capabilities entail.

Milano, una città rinomata per la sua eleganza architettonica, la moda all'avanguardia e le radici storiche profonde, richiede servizi che rispecchino la complessità urbana e il ritmo della vita quotidiana. Uno di questi servizi essenziali è quello del fabbro-un professionista specializzato in una vasta gamma di attività, che spaziano dalla gestione di emergenze come chiusure improvvise all'elaborazione di progetti su misura in metallo. Che si tratti di rimanere chiusi fuori casa, di una serratura rotta o della necessità di installare un cancello personalizzato, trovare un affidabile fabbro a Milano diventa fondamentale. Ecco uno sguardo dettagliato sui servizi offerti da questi professionisti e sull'importanza del loro ruolo per i residenti e le attività commerciali milanesi.

The rationale for conducting this research is to analyze the negotiation tactics aimed at mitigating the Russia-Ukraine conflict, which has escalated into a full-scale war. The Russia-Ukraine conflict has become one of the most critical geopolitical confrontations of the 21st century, characterized by intense military and diplomatic maneuvering. This policy research paper examines Russia and Ukraine's negotiation strategies in this protracted conflict. The research aims to identify key theories and models of negotiation and then elucidate the strategic actions taken by Russia and Ukraine. These include Russia's use of military threats and economic pressure against Ukraine, and Ukraine's diplomatic engagements, particularly its effective public diplomacy bolstered by Western support. Furthermore, this paper explores the historical context of significant negotiation efforts, such as the Minsk Agreements, and assesses the roles of international actors and organizations. It also addresses the challenges and obstacles encountered during the negotiation process, including power dynamics, political factors, and the influence of non-state actors. The study further investigates the impact of Ukraine's announcement of its intention to pursue NATO membership on the conflict's dynamics and subsequent negotiation processes. By analyzing case studies of both successful and unsuccessful negotiations mediated by entities such as the African Union (AU), European Union (EU), and United Nations (UN), the paper offers policy recommendations for enhancing international mediation, developing comprehensive peace frameworks, and strengthening international legal mechanisms. The findings underscore the importance of negotiation in conflict resolution and provide practical insights for advancing diplomacy and international relations in critical global disputes.

Keywords: Russia-Ukraine War, Negotiation Tactics, International Conflict, Power Dynamics, Public Diplomacy, International Mediation, Conflict Resolution,

This study delves into autocratic tendencies in Ukraine from the last election held in 2019 up until 2023, including during the Russian full-scale invasion. There will be a focus on informal factors of autocratization such as clientelism of the Presidential Office of Ukraine and similar trends in Poland under the Law and Justice party, as well as manipulation done by the elites. In the context of war, it is crucial to review informal indicators, which often are looked upon and more difficult to get an objective view on. Besides that, it is important to note the natural influence of war on autocratic tendencies

The debate over violence, particularly political violence, in media coverage gets more public attention when the violent actions involve tens or even hundreds of people as the victims. With the global scope of mass media owing to new technology, the audiences are globalized as well as the events. In the case of media portraying the immense destruction during the globalized events resulting in mass casualties public discussions of the media s ethical roles and responsibilities such as the appropriateness for capturing the event and sufferers as public consumption have heightened. Such questions reflect the societal concerns on the need to review the nature of media with regards to links to politics. This paper, however, will not review the debate but only refer the relationship of the media and violence as the main issue.

Seit 1928 ist der Krieg als politisches Mittel verboten. im ‘Ewigen Pakt’ von Paris (Kellogg-Briand Pakt) heißt es in Artikel 1: “Die hohen Vertragschließenden Parteien erklären feierlich im Namen ihrer Völker, dass sie den Krieg als Mittel für die Lösung internationaler Streitfälle verurteilen und auf ihn als Werkzeug nationaler Politik in ihren gegenseitigen Beziehungen verzichten.”
Nach dem 2. Weltkrieg konnten daher die Schuldigen am Ausbruch des Weltkrieges in Nürnberg und Tokio vor Gericht gestellt werden. – Die bittere Erfahrung des 2. Weltkrieges hatte aber zugleich die Erkenntnis mit sich gebracht, dass offenbar eine völkerrechtliche Ächtung des Krieges nicht ausreichte, um Kriege zu verhindern. Es war daher ganz natürlich, dass nach dem 2. Weltkrieg der nationale Verzicht auf das Recht des Staates auf Kriegführung auch Eingang fand in das Verfassungsrecht. Indem also die Staaten, welche in ihren Verfassungen auf den Krieg als ein souveränes Recht – und zwar prinzipiell auch auf den Verteidigungskrieg – verzichtet haben, sich praktisch der Wehrlosigkeit preisgaben, haben Sie nicht nur den völkerrechtlichen Verzicht  (Kellogg-Briand und Gewaltverzicht in der UNO-Charta) bekräftigt, sondern auch einen Rechtsanspruch – auf verbindliches durchsetzbares WELTRECHT – innerhalb der Völkerrechtsgemeinschaft geltend gemacht. In der Folge dieses Rechtsanspruchs hat sich die Bundesrepublik Deutschland im Bonner Grundgesetz verpflichtet, ohne Vorbehalt, bestimmte vorbeugende Maßnahmen zur Verhütung eines zukünftigen Krieges zu ergreifen.

While in the United States the process of defining irregular warfare is an ongoing and contentious affair, Russia does not group its mission sets-such as counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, and unconventional warfare-together in the same way. This chapter examines the development of Russian special military units over time, the evolution of these units, and the creation of their Special Operations Forces Command (KSSO). To shed light on the similarities and differences between Russian and American approaches to irregular warfare, the chapter includes four case studies, two counterterrorism operations and two unconventional warfare missions. While some similarities were identified in terms of unit mission and core activities, "similar" does not mean "the same," particularly when it comes to contrasting approaches between the West and Russia in conducting special operations.

The advent of Unmanned Aircraft Systems (UAS), commonly referred to as drones, has revolutionised many sectors in terms of versatility and efficiency. However, this technological advancement presents a substantial security concern in the urban environment. Drones, owing to their size, manoeuvrability, and ease of operation, have become a tool for nefarious activities, ranging from espionage to direct attacks on infrastructure and individuals. Thus, countering drones has emerged as a critical component of urban security strategy. Cities are particularly vulnerable because of their dense populations and presence of critical infrastructure.