BRICS

For the first time in the history of mankind several powers emerge simultaneously in different latitudes and can interact intensively. The Contemporary Global Order has presented significant changes among which highlight the absolute and relative decline of American power, and the emergence of new actors who have greater agency power in their international relations. One of these actors is the so-called BRICS that brings together Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. For this reason the aim of this investigation is to analyzing the effective and potential power of the BRICS in the Contemporary Global Order. The methodology is it is situated inside the analytical eclecticism which is characterized by explaining a certain phenomenon without using a block of explanations sustained in a single tradition, but it takes and re-means the elements that it considers most pertinent for the case study. The article states that the BRICS do not claim or have the capacity to become hegemons. The objectives and capabilities of the BRICS have been especially notable in terms of international political economy, especially in the financial architecture, where China has its greatest power. The BRICS can promote an alternative to the existing game rules in the international system and promote a more plural world. They have the capacity to reform and build international economic institutions that allow a fairer distribution of material resources. They can curb unilateral global power interventions in regional affairs, framing interventions for humanitarian causes within multilateralism and the Responsibility to Protect. In terms of democracy and human rights, they will not make any contribution since their main actors, such as China and Russia, are examples of disrespect for these values.

İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında küresel arenadaki varlığını bir bütün halinde sürdürmek isteyen Avrupa devletlerinin iktisadi yapılanmalarını yeniden tanzim etmek için meydana getirdiği Avrupa Birliği, yükselen güçler tarafından kaynaklanan çağdaş meydan okumalara karşı durabilmek için kurumsal yapısına ve diğer aktörlerle yürütmekte olduğu ilişkilerine birtakım yenilikler getirmektedir. Stratejik ortaklık konseptinin ve zirve diplomasilerinin bu (yeni) mekanizmalar arasında yer aldığı düşünülmektedir. Avrupa Birliği özellikle ticaret gibi işbirliği çerçevelerinden başlayan bu mekanizmalar sayesinde meydan okumaların şiddetini azaltacağını ve taraflar arasındaki münasebetleri çok daha ileriye taşıyacağını ümit etmektedir. Bu mucip üzere çalışmada yükselen güçlerin AB’ye yönelik ne tür meydan okumalar gerçekleştirdiği, AB’nin bunlara karşı kullandığı dış politika araçlarının neler olduğu ve bu araçların nasıl optimize edildiği tartışılacaktır.

A central theme of the literature on rising powers is that new aspirants to great power status pose a challenge to the underlying principles and norms that underpin the existing, Western-led order. However, in much of the literature, the nature and significance of rising powers for international order are imprecisely debated, in particular the concept and practice of 'contestation'. In this article, we aim to establish a distinction between normative contestation and what can be thought of as 'contestation over representation': that is, contestation over who is setting and overseeing the rules of the game rather than the content of the rules themselves and the kind of order that they underpin. The paper engages with debates on international order and international society, and its empirical basis is provided by a thorough analysis of the discourse of rising power summitry. One of the central themes running through the current literature on rising powers is that the new aspirants to great power status pose a challenge to the underlying principles and norms that underpin the existing, Western-led order. This often takes the form of a discussion about normative contestation that is assumed to be taking place and is likely to characterise the current era of order transition. According to this, 'rising powers are not only contesting their position in the international system, but the very rules that govern their rise.' 1 However, we argue that there is ample evidence that rising powers – such as China, Russia and India – do not necessarily seek to resist or challenge the underlying principles of international order in all instances, but rather they seek to gain greater access to, and representation in, the institutions and processes which define, administer and uphold international rules. From this perspective, much of the political conflict that is associated with the transitional international order may be better be defined not as normative contestation but rather as 'contestation over representation'. This form of contestation reflects a demand by rising powers to have their material interests served through greater access to, and representation in, international regimes, but it is also a demand that respect and status are

As Internet usage reaches its maturity level across the English-speaking world, the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) countries are emerging as a substantial population of Internet users, particularly for social media. The context of this study is the use of the Internet by young people, Generation Y, for undertaking routine activities, particularly social networking, at a time when information and communication technologies (ICT) are rapidly transforming and being transformed by individuals worldwide. Social networking has become a global movement and this trend is particularly noticeable in the four BRIC countries. The intention of this study is to provide a snapshot of BRIC Internet user behaviour in order to further our understanding of the various activities pursued by young Internet users in a non-Anglophone setting.

In this paper we address the status of financial education and financial inclusion in BRICS countries where inequality and poverty are still present. As financial inclusion must be paired with financial literacy to improve people's financial capabilities we review how BRICS countries are managing such issues. Data from the Standard & Poor's Ratings Services Global FinLit Survey 2014 to analyze financial literacy and the Global Financial Inclusion Database 2014 and the Financial Access Survey 2015, to examine the financial inclusion were used. As no more than 5 out of 10 people in BRICS countries answer correctly basic questions of financial issues, and results from the national strategies for financial education are still unavailable, it is difficult to assess whether people will be capable to use financial instruments and reap the benefits of the financial inclusion; thus, at the moment, the questions about universal financial access are still unsolved.