Stjepan Matkovic

Croat politicians paid in a certain sense attention to Montenegro from 1878 to 1918 mostly in the context of a national integration. The major issue shaping common relations into the second half of the 19th century was different concept of nationalism and state building. Montegro was one of the parts in South Slavonic area with unique tradition and as such it deserved an interest for many participants in public life. Political papers, press articles, records of the Croat Diet, an personal reminiscences of the most eminent politicans mainly showed positive attitude for Montenegro's struggle against Ottoman Impery

Clanak ispituje o kojim je temama pisao istaknuti hrvatski intelektualac Ivo Pilar u pogledu Rijeke. Analizan je njegov odnos prema staroslavenskim kultovima i položaju Rijeke u nagodbenom razdoblju, s posebnim osvrtom na prijedlog rjesenja tijekom Prvoga svjetskog rata na razini subdualizma.

Croatian Views on Annexation The annexion crisis triggered off a series of questions regarding international politics and relations between the Great powers. This crises also influenced to a large extent political movements in the South Eastern parts of the Monarchy and the rest of the Balkans, giving rise to different reactions of Croatian politicians and public opinion balancing between hope and disappointment. Since nationalism was at that time the most important driving force in politics, the events concerning Bosnia and Hercegovina (B-H) had a tremendous meaning for political life because it strongly mobilized national feelings as it had done in 1878. At the beginning of the 20th century almost three million Croats were divided into three separate units within the Habsburg Monarchy. Banal Croatia and Slavonia belonged to the Hungarian part, Dalmatia and Istria to the Austrian. Croatia enjoyed a specific legal status within Hungary founded on the Croatian-Hungarian Compromise of 1868. The third part of the Croats lived within B-H, and made up appr. 22 % of the total population. Based on facts from literature, press, and archival documents one can conclude that the nature of this dualistic relations in the Monarchy did not satisfy Croatian politics, that strived towards national integration and a faster modernization. Relatively slow economic growth in comparison to more developed lands of the Monarchy frustrated different parts of Croatian society. Many Croatian politicians saw the annexion of B-H as an opportunity to reopen the question of territorial (re)integration, especially in the context of a trialistic or federalist reform of the Monarchy. It needs to be underlined that Croatian politicians did not share a common view, and did not share a similar political agenda regarding the national question. Different kinds of integrational concepts reflected different goals within the Habsburg Monarchy, or outside of it. These concepts were represented by the following main political parties in Banal Croatia: Croato-Serb Coalition, Starcevic's Croat Party of (State) Law, Croat People's Peasent Party, and National Party. Only the latter (pro-Hungarian unionists) firmly supported the dualist system, confident it would help a sustainable economic development. During the annexion crisis, but even more during the following Balkan wars, for the first time a political group appeared that promoted a South Slav integration, i. e., a union between the Croats and Kingdom of Serbia under the rule of the royal dinasty Karadjordjevich, and striving towards the creations of a unified „Yugoslav nation“. In January 1908 the new regime of ban Pavao baron Rauch was appointed. Next month elections were held for the Croatian Diet. The Croat-Serb coalition gained majority seats. Rauch summoned the newly elected Diet in March, but it was immediatly dissolved by Francis Joseph I. Only two years later the Croatian Diet started to hold its sessions again. Under these circumstances of parliamentary suspension did the annexion crisis occur. In spite of this suspension, political life in Croatia did not die. Instead it simply moved from the benches of Diet to newspaper headlines and political rallies. In political circles, including Croats that made part of the Croat-Serb Coalition, the opinion prevailed that B-H had to be united with Croatia based on the interpretation of historical arguments and the assumption that Moslems were of Croatian descent. Geopolitical reasons were also put to use, stressing the importance of B-H as Dalmatia's hinterland. Differently, the Serbs in Croatia were not delighted with the annexion and supported the autonomy of B-H. The annexion once again proved that B-H was an apple of discord between the Croat and Serbian state idea. At the same time, it raised the question of national identity of Moslems. Were they Croats or Serbs? Therefore, did B-H „belong“ to Croatia or Serbia? In that sense the South Slav solution seemed the most palliative. In Croatia the annexation caused disadvantageous consequences for its internal relations, but also towards the neighbouring nations. Many interpreted the annexation as new proof of postponed Croatian reunion. In any case, it weakend loyalty to Habsburg dinasty and on the other side strenghtend the struggle against dualism. Since then centrifugal tendencies became stronger.

Autor u clanku istražuje hrvatski odnos prema Bugarskoj i balkanskim odnosima na pocetku 20. stoljecu. Pokazuje intenzitete suradnje do izbijanja Prvoga svjetskog rata i analizira razlicita stajalista hrvatske politike na bugarsko proglasenje Carevinom i tijekove balkanskih ratova.

Autor istražuje biografiju publicista i književnog kriticara koji je na pocetku Prvoga svjetskog rata obavljao u srpskom poslanstvu u Londonu propagandne dužnosti. U tom je poslu surađivao s vodstvom Jugoslavenskog odbora. Na temelju analize arhivskog gradiva uspoređuju se njihovi razliciti stavovi o južnoslavenskom pitanju, navlastito Curcinovo shvacanje srbo-hrvatstva. U drugome dijelu autor se bavi međuratnom raspravom o Sarajevskom atentatu, koju je narocito obiljižilo Curcinovo zanimanje u njegovom casopisu Nova Evropa.

The Frank family played a very prominent role in Croatian political history. The most important figure among them was Josip Frank. His son, Ivo Frank, followed father's political path. Until 1918, he supported a solution of the Croatian question within the framework of Austria-Hungary, believing that the specific national interests of Croats and other national communities within that historical union would be best solved under the Habsburg dynasty.

U ostavstini austrijskoga generala i ministra rata Moritza von Auffenberg-Komarowa iz 1911., pohranjenoj u beckom Ratnom arhivu, nalazi se vise desetaka pisama hrvatskih politicara koja su oni upucivali tom visokom i utjecajnom casniku u turbulentnom razdoblju od 1907. do 1910. godine. Rijec je o jednom od prekretnickih odsjecaka u povijesti Austro-Ugarske na pocetku 20. stoljeca, kada su njezine pripreme i provedba aneksije Bosne i Hercegovine izazvale duboke posljedice u unutarnjoji vanjskoj politici za buduci razvoj Dvojne Monarhije. Nacionalna pitanja poprimila su iznimno zaostrene odnose, koji su dali svoj posebni prilog na putu prema Sarajevskom atentatu i izbijanju Prvoga svjetskog rata s fatalnim zavrsetkom za sudbinu Austro-Ugarske i vladajuce dinastije Neki u historiografiji vec poznati izvjestaji, koje je Auffenberg sastavljao za monarhijski vrh, pokazuju da je spadao među glavne strucnjake za južnoslavensko pitanje. Sredisnje mjesto u njegovoj korespondenciji zauzimaju pisma Josipa Franka, jednog od istaknutijih hrvatskih politicara toga doba, pisana rukom na njemackom jeziku i gotickim pismom, a uglavnom upucena iz Zagreba u Bec, ne samo Auffenbergu nego i drugim mjerodavnim osobama. Frank je sa svojom pravaskom strankom postupno na pocetku 20. stoljeca preuzeo veoma važnu ulogu u politickom životu. Nakon donosenja Rijecke rezolucije i pobjede Hrvatsko-srpske koalicije na saborskim izborima 1906. postao je njezinim glavnim protivnikom, smatrajuci da koalicijski prvaci svojim potezima istodobno ugrožavaju hrvatske nacionalne interese, za koje je bio uvjeren da se trebaju ostvarivati u sklopu Monarhije. Uz njega se među autorima pisama nalaze grof Josip Draskovic, pripadnik aristokracije i nekadasnji sudionik kluba sredista (“centrum”), ciji su clanovi otprije zagovarali reformu nagodbenih odnosa i umjereniji pristup rjesavanju akutnih problema hrvatskoga drustva, te Frankov stariji sin Vladimir, saborski zastupnik i prirodni nasljednik svojega oca, koji u to vrijeme postaje ozbiljno bolestan. Među dopisnicima su bili jos neki istaknuti hrvatski politicari, intelektualci i visoki casnici, koji su svojim izvjestajima sastavljenim iz drugacijih kutova gledanja, cesto protufrankovackih, dopunjavali saznanja Beca o složenim prilikama na jugu Monarhije.

Izlaganje na temelju analize djelovanja glavnih politickih skupina s podrucja Države SHS obrazlaže kako se pristupilo pitanju sloma Austro-Ugarske i na koji su se nacin tražila politicka rjesenja za novonastalu situaciju. Analiza ukazuje na utjecaje politickih tradicija i njihove prilagodbe pri odlucivanju tijekom velikoga 'povijesnog loma'.

Autor na temelju analize ranih radova Josipa Franka o financijskim aspektima Hrvatsko-ugarske Nagodbe i u njenoj usporedbi s Austro-Ugarskom nagodbom prikazuje osnovne probleme multiralnih odnosa u sklopu Dvojne Monarhije. Istaknut je kompleks hrvatske podređenosti u sklopu dualistickog i subdualistickog poretka u Monarhiji. Clanak donosi i uvid u kriticka promisljanja J. Franka o banovanju I. Mažuranica, kao i kriticke poglede druge stranke o nacinu Frankovih financijskih proracuna

Clanak istražuje Kumicicevu politicku djelatnost na prijelazu stoljeca. U tom razdoblju Kumicic postaje jedna od vodecih figura Ciste stranke prava, koja je imala veliki utjecaj na razvoj javnog života u Banskoj Hrvatskoj i ostalim hrvatskim zemljama.

Autor istražuje odnose pravasa i krscanskih socijala u hrvatskom politicko-stranackom životu. Pokazuje kako su krscanski socijali pristali na povezivanje s vec etabliranom pravaskom strankom. Aplikacijom krscanskih socijalnih nacela i pravaskog nacionalnog programa, uz obostrane modifikacije u skladu s politickom situacijom, nastaje fuzija koja je ostavila duboke tragove u hrvatskoj politici.