Calls for Papers by Jill Ahrens
17th IMISCOE Annual Conference, Luxembourg, 30 June – 2 July 2020
Research on transnationalism aims to understand the connections and practices of individuals, com... more Research on transnationalism aims to understand the connections and practices of individuals, communities and institutions that transcend the boundaries of the nation-state. Thus far, empirical research on transnationalism has usually focused on the cross-border practices, identifications and networks that encompass one origin country and a particular destination country. Yet, there has been a growing awareness that migrant trajectories can be more complex and fragmented-spanning multiple countries, regions and places. Seasonal workers engage in multi-directional moves to sustain their livelihoods. Refugees can traverse and settle in numerous countries in their search for protection. Highly-paid professionals are encouraged to move across several countries to advance their careers. Migrant families often establish multi-sited households and their geographical constellation can evolve over time.
This panel therefore aims to examine the connections between onward migration and transnationalism. We use the category of 'onward migrant' to refer not only to those who have moved across borders regularly, but also migrants who moved semi-legally or irregularly. We encourage the submission of papers by scholars from different disciplines and career stages employing a variety of methods. Papers can explore, but are not limited to, the following questions:
• How does transnationalism shape onward migration intentions and experiences?
• How does onward migration affect transnational practices?
• How do the transnational lives of onward migrants differ depending on gender, age, class, 'race', legal status, educational attainment, etc.?
• What is distinctive about the transnational lives of onward migrants?
• How do transnational ties and practices of onward migrants compare with those of one-step migrants or non-migrants?
• What are the methodological implications of onward migration in terms of multi-sited transnationalism?
Please send your abstract of up to 250 words, a title and institutional affiliation to: J.Ahrens@uu.nl
Deadline for submission: 26 November 2019
Notification of acceptance: 29 November 2019
More info about the 17th IMISCOE Annual Conference: https://www.imiscoe.org/news/network-news/924-cfp-imiscoe-17th-annual-conference-crossing-borders-connecting-cultures-luxembourg
2nd Transmobilities & Development Conference: Frictions in a mobile world, Radboud University, Ni... more 2nd Transmobilities & Development Conference: Frictions in a mobile world, Radboud University, Nijmegen, 8-9 June 2017
CfP for the panel: Education without borders? Frictions and boundary-crossing in the field of internationalised education
The education field, across secondary, tertiary and professional levels, has become increasingly internationalised. The field is traversed by intersecting flows of people (students, staff and administrators), other tangible materials (money, books and other learning materials, equipment etc.) and intangible elements (money, knowledge, teaching and learning philosophies and techniques, management practices etc.). In migration/mobilities research, internationally mobile students have been the focus of many studies in the growing research field. While these students are generally viewed as an unproblematic migrant category, research has also shown the unevenness and ‘darker’ sides of their mobility experiences. Together with mobility, frictions and social boundary-crossings also define, in intersecting and contingent ways, the lived experiences of these mobile students. This is true for other elements in the field, e.g. institutions, practices, staff, curricula, knowledge, resources, skills and profits as well – they do not just flow across borders as often propagated but experience (and generate) frictions and (new) boundaries. The mobility and frictions of these various elements in turn shape the production, circulation and consumption of education and knowledge. It is important to examine how and why some elements cross social and geographical boundaries, while other elements are more difficult to mobilise and transfer into new contexts. This panel seeks to address the ways in which the frictions are created, experienced and resisted. How do these frictions affect geographies of knowledge and power? Who benefits from frictions? And who gets blocked? Can frictions also be creative? What are the implications for local education sectors and labour markets? Which policies and agendas have eliminated frictions and/or produced new ones? We are keen to receive abstracts from researchers interested in one or more of these questions.
Submission of abstracts: If you are interested in participating, please send a title and 250-word abstract to Jill Ahrens (j.ahrens@uu.nl) or Maggi Leung (w.h.m.leung@uu.nl) by the 7th of April.
The participation in the workshop is free, but participants have to cover their own expenses.
The INTEGRIM network is organising 4 scientific workshops at Liège, Lisbon, Deusto and Sussex bet... more The INTEGRIM network is organising 4 scientific workshops at Liège, Lisbon, Deusto and Sussex between May-June 2015. Please take a look at the workshop titles and consider submitting an abstract:
11th May 2015 - CEDEM, University of Liège, Belgium
Religion and the political participation and mobilization of immigrant groups. A transatlantic perspective
28th and 29th May 2015 - CEG & IGOT, University of Lisbon
Social integration policies and equitable cities
8th June 2015 - University of Deusto, Bilbao
From race to culture: Ongoing developments in ethnic studies and its repercussions on belonging and identity politics
18th June 2015 - University of Sussex, Brighton
Migrant labour market integration
Further details: http://www.integrim.eu/integrim-scientific-thematic-workshops-2/
Journal Articles by Jill Ahrens
African Diaspora, 2022
There is a growing understanding that migration trajectories can be complex – spanning several de... more There is a growing understanding that migration trajectories can be complex – spanning several destination countries and including multi-directional mobilities. This paper contributes to the ongoing theorisation of diasporas through a focus on the ‘return mobilities of onward migrants’ – return moves of individuals who have lived in several destination countries either to Nigeria or a previous country of residence. Given that a longing to return to the ancestral homeland has generally been understood as a defining feature of diasporas, relatively few studies have focused on ‘returns’ to other countries or locales. Based on research with Nigerian migrants in Germany, England and Spain, this paper explores some of the core elements that structure their transnational practices and mediate experiences of return mobility, including family dynamics at different life stages and evolving understandings of ‘belonging’. Thereby, this paper highlights the shifting geographic constellations of transnational families and the variety of ‘return’ mobility patterns.
Research into the mobility of European Union (EU) citizens has contributed to a better understand... more Research into the mobility of European Union (EU) citizens has contributed to a better understanding of the social effects of European integration. A growing body of literature highlights that naturalised third-country nationals are also making use of their ‘freedom of movement’. This paper proposes a typology of ‘new EU citizens’ who onward migrate between member states. It draws on relevant statistics and qualitative empirical research carried out with Dutch-Somalis, Swedish-Iranians, and German-Nigerians who relocated to the UK. In contrast to research with native-born EU movers, our findings indicate that the majority of naturalised EU citizens onward migrated as a result of the discrimination and racism they experienced in their previous place of residence. In this paper, we conceptualise the interactions of integration and transnationalism as a potential trigger for onward migration. We illustrate how onward migrants are able to complete certain aspects of their integration process in a second member state. Moreover, we show how migrants maintain transnational ties across several destinations and therefore contribute to a broader understanding of transnationalism.
Legislation concerning immigration draws clear distinctions between legal and irregular forms of ... more Legislation concerning immigration draws clear distinctions between legal and irregular forms of migration, yet many migrants in practice are confined to 'in-between' migrant categories. This paper examines how the economic crisis has affected the legal status and mobility of Nigerian migrants in Spain and argues that it is producing new 'semi-legal' migrations and situations. The study is mainly based on ethnographic research and in-depth interviews with 40 Nigerians living in Madrid and Malaga. Findings suggest that there are four new categories of semi-legal migrant appearing amongst Nigerians in Spain: (i) migrants who lost their work in the formal economy and slipped back into irregularity, thus becoming forcibly immobile; (ii) Nigerians using their short-term residence permits to become perpetually mobile as 'tourists' between Spain and other Schengen countries; (iii) those who struggle to obtain the EU long-term resident status in Spain and also come up against discretionary labour market restrictions when they move to a second member state; and (iv) Nigerian children who remain undocumented due to the long administrative waiting times and are being left in the care of friends while their parents temporarily relocate to other member states to earn money for their families in Spain and Nigeria. All these migrants share in common the fact that their semi-legal status is the result of a Spanish legalisation process which does not function in times of economic recession and is hampered by an overstretched immigration bureaucracy. The paper contributes new empirical insights to the literature on 'status-mobility', 'semi-legality' and the intra-European movement of third-country nationals.
This paper reports on research into the ways that schools engage in university application proces... more This paper reports on research into the ways that schools engage in university application processes. Questionnaire and interview data were collected from 1400 Year 13 students from 18 independent and state schools in England and 15 in-depth interviews were carried out with school teacher higher education (HE) advisors. The analysis compares independent and state schools with respect to: the types of higher education institutions (HEIs) that students applied for; the way the HE application process was managed in their schools; and how teacher advisors explained and managed the processes and outcomes for their students. Informed by Bourdieu’s relational sociology, our discussion focuses on how schools in the two sectors mobilise different forms of capital in the competitive processes of university application. We also use the notion of doxa to explore how these micro-institutional processes and teacher advice relate to observed differences between state and independent sector students’ HE destinations.
This paper is about the children of Greek labour migrants in Germany. We focus on two life-stages... more This paper is about the children of Greek labour migrants in Germany. We focus on two life-stages of ‘return’ for this second generation: as young children brought to Greece on holidays or sent back for longer periods, and as young adults exercising an independent ‘return’ migration. We draw both on literature and on our own field interviews with 50 first- and second-generation Greek-Germans. We find the practise of sending young children back to Greece to have been surprisingly widespread yet little documented. Adult relocation to the parental homeland takes place for five reasons: (i) a ‘search for self’; (ii) attraction of the Greek way of life; (iii) the actualisation of the ‘family narrative of return’ by the second, rather than the first, generation; (iv) life-stage events such as going to university or marrying a Greek; (v) escape from a traumatic event or oppressive family situation. Yet the return often brings difficulties, disillusionment, identity reappraisal, and a re-evaluation of the German context.
This paper presents results of a questionnaire survey of 1400 Year 13 (final-year) school and six... more This paper presents results of a questionnaire survey of 1400 Year 13 (final-year) school and sixth-form pupils in two contrasting areas of England, which asked them about their thoughts and plans to study at university abroad. Key questions that the survey sought to answer were the following. How many and what proportion of all higher education (HE) applicants, apply, or consider applying, to university outside the UK? What are their reasons for doing so? What are their distinguishing characteristics as regards type of school (state vs. private), academic record, parental socio-occupational background and prior contacts abroad? The questionnaire data were supported, but occasionally contradicted, by interviews with school staff members responsible for coordinating and advising on the HE application process. Approximately 3% of pupils apply to study abroad (most also apply to UK universities) and another 10% consider applying but do not do so. North America, Australia and Ireland are favoured destinations; not mainland, non-English-speaking Europe. Quality of university and desire for adventure are the most important motivations. Decisions to apply abroad are strongly correlated to the academic results of pupils (the best apply), to prior connections abroad (travel, holidays, residence abroad, etc.) and to a range of overlapping indicators of parental wealth and social class. The theoretical and policy implications of the research are also considered. Study abroad creates an 'elite within an elite' and works against government agendas of widening participation. On the other hand, English students' foreign experience potentially enhances their interculturalism and graduate labour market competitiveness, yet raises spectres of 'brain drain' of the 'brightest and best'.
Book Chapters by Jill Ahrens
Onward Migration and Multi-Sited Transnationalism: Complex Trajectories, Practices and Ties, 2023
This introductory chapter sets the scene for the book. It defines onward migration as a migration... more This introductory chapter sets the scene for the book. It defines onward migration as a migration trajectory that involves extended stays in two or more destination countries and distinguishes it from competing and overlapping terms like stepwise and transit migration. Onward migration is a growing phenomenon within overall global migration dynamics, although statistics to document the scale and trends of this type of migration are scarce. The main aim of the chapter is to examine how onward migration and transnationalism are connected. This is achieved both by reference to a range of existing literature and by citing evidence from the succeeding chapters in the volume. We demonstrate both how transnationalism can shape onward migration and, the reverse, how different onward migration trajectories may result in different forms of transnationalism. In this latter context, we identify inter-generational, split, widening and re-routed transnationalism, again drawing on examples both from the book and from the wider literature. The final section of the chapter consists of a methodological discussion on the practicalities of researching onward migration and multi-sited transnationalism, in which the technique of multi-sited ethnography is discussed, critiqued and modified.
"Twelve years ago, the British educational press, and indeed the mainstream media, were consumed ... more "Twelve years ago, the British educational press, and indeed the mainstream media, were consumed by the story of Laura Spence, a super-bright pupil from a Newcastle comprehensive school who, despite having five straight-As at ‘A level’ (the final secondary school exams), had been refused a place to read Medicine at Oxford after an interview there. General outrage at Oxford’s snobbishness ensued, with politician Gordon Brown, amongst others, weighing in with the criticism that Oxford favored applicants from the UK’s fee-paying independent schools (which include the elite but perversely named ‘public schools’), thereby excluding excellent applicants from state schools like Laura – especially if they come from deprived parts of the country with strong local accents. Laura instead went to the US to Harvard on a funded scholarship, completed her biochemistry degree there and returned to do postgraduate medical training at Cambridge – the other UK university which constitutes the top duo known collectively as ‘Oxbridge’.
How typical is Laura’s story? Are there many British students who, as Oxbridge ‘rejects’, or fearful of being turned down for a place at the UK’s two most ancient and prestigious universities, apply abroad to widen their chances of success at other globally recognized institutions? Brooks and Waters (2009a) argue that there are indeed those like Laura who apply to US universities as a ‘second chance at success’; but our research suggests that there are many other explanations of the upward trend in favor of international study. Since the US is the most important destination for people from the UK studying abroad, the findings of this chapter are particularly important in producing a more robust understanding of the key drivers of international student mobility between one advanced economy and another. We suggest that there are some movers for whom study abroad is part of a carefully strategized plan of international career enhancement, while for others it is a product of their class habitus and family networks (see Bourdieu 1977). We would also argue that there are those who are looking for ‘something different’ yet, at the same time, desire a ‘knowable’ destination, familiar to them for example from film and television and without any great linguistic challenge.
In the next section we describe our research project and its aims and methods. The main body of the chapter is made up of three sections which correspond to our three key research questions: about motivations for study in the US, about experiences there, and about future career plans. The conclusion emphasises the motivational and strategic nature of UK student migration to the US, targeted especially at universities perceived to be of high international standing. In terms of the link between study abroad and future career plans, fears about a putative British ‘brain drain’ are shown to be largely unfounded, since most students plan to return to the UK.
Working Papers by Jill Ahrens
"This paper examines the attitudes and plans of Year 13 (final-year secondary school or ‘upper si... more "This paper examines the attitudes and plans of Year 13 (final-year secondary school or ‘upper sixth form’) pupils towards studying at university abroad. Our main empirical base is a questionnaire survey of more than 1400 Year 13 pupils in a stratified sample of schools and sixth-form colleges, both state and independent sector, in two parts of England (Brighton and Sussex, and Leicester and Leicestershire). In addition, 15 face-to-face interviews were taken with teachers and HE advisers in the schools surveyed, and follow-up telephone interviews were made with 20 pupils from the questionnaire survey. The objectives of the research were, firstly, to discover the proportions of school-leavers who are applying to study at a non-UK university, or who had considered doing so but not actually gone ahead with the application, and which countries and universities they were attracted to. Against this orientation to (think about) studying abroad as the key dependent variable, the paper analyses several independent variables, based on quantitative data drawn from the questionnaire results and informed by insights from the qualitative interviews. These include pupils’ academic profile, type of school, gender and ethnic heritage, parental socio-economic class, and family and personal links (prior residence abroad, travel experiences, friends or relatives who had studied abroad etc.). Results show that students applying abroad, or who considered this option, are academic high-achievers and high-aspirers, more likely to come from independent schools, have parents who are in the higher socio-occupational classes (managers, directors, professionals, teachers etc.) and who are themselves graduates, and have family links and extensive travel experience abroad. Females are slightly more likely to consider the study-abroad option. The relationship with ethnicity is not clear, except that foreign-domiciled non-UK nationals have a greater propensity to apply to non-UK universities, as do UK-nationals studying at international schools. Overall, however, and for all groups surveyed and interviewed, the study-abroad strategy appears to be supplementary to the dominance of what are widely perceived as the best UK universities, above all Oxford, Cambridge, and the other Russell Group research-intensive universities."
Few studies have been made of the „return‟ of the second-generation children of migrants to their... more Few studies have been made of the „return‟ of the second-generation children of migrants to their parental homeland. In this paper we examine this „migration chronotope‟ for German-born children of the Greek labour migrants who moved to Germany in the early postwar decades, initially as „guestworkers‟, later becoming more-or-less settled immigrant communities. We focus on two life-stages of return: as young children brought back to Greece for annual holidays or sent back for longer periods, usually to stay with grandparents; and as young adults exercising an independent return, usually leaving their parents (the first generation) behind in Germany. Our source material is twofold: a review of the limited German literature of the 1970s and 1980s on Greek migration to and from Germany; and our own recent field research in Berlin, Athens and Thessaloniki where we interviewed 50 first- and second-generation Greek-Germans, the majority of them second-generation. We find the practice of sending young children back to Greece to have been surprisingly widespread yet little documented. Often such family separations and transnational childhoods were disruptive, both for the family unit and for the individual child. Memories of holiday visits, on the other hand, were much more positive. Independent, adult return to the parental homeland takes place for five main reasons, according to our interview evidence: (i) a dream-like „search for self‟ in the „homeland‟; (ii) the attraction of the Greek way of life over the German one; (iii) the actualisation of a „family narrative of return‟ inculcated by the parents but carried out only by the adult children; (iv) life-stage triggers such as going to university in Greece, or marrying a Greek; and (v) return as „escape‟ from a traumatic event or an oppressive family situation. Yet adapting to the Greek way of life, finding satisfactory employment and achieving a settled self-identity in the Greek homeland were, to a greater or lesser extent, challenging objectives for our research participants, some of whom had become quite disillusioned with Greece and re-identified with their „German side‟. Others, on the other hand, were comfortable with their decision to „return‟ to Greece, and were able to manage and reconcile the two elements in their upbringing and residential history. Comparisons are made with other studies of second-generation „return‟, notably in the Caribbean.
Reports by Jill Ahrens
Executive Summary:
International student mobility, especially diploma mobility (students takin... more Executive Summary:
International student mobility, especially diploma mobility (students taking their entire degree outside the UK), has received little attention from researchers. This report summarises the findings of research funded by the UK Department for Business, Innovation and Skills aimed at improving understanding of the motivations behind the international diploma mobility of UK students. It also seeks to evaluate the scale and significance of UK international diploma mobility.
The research was undertaken by a collaborative team from the Universities of Dundee and Sussex during 2008 and 2009 led by Professors Findlay and King. It involved three key elements
• a metadata analysis of sources providing statistics on international student mobility,
• a survey of the application intentions of 1400 final-year pupils from schools in two regions of England, and
• a survey of 560 UK students currently enrolled for study at universities in the USA, Ireland, Australia, the Czech Republic, France and Germany.
In addition to the two questionnaire surveys, interviews were conducted with UK international students, international recruitment officers in 16 higher education institutions from around the world, as well as with school careers guidance teachers.
According to the OECD the number of UK students studying abroad has risen from 16,866 in 1975 to 22,405 in 2005. This growth is less than that for most OECD countries. Metadata analysis reveals many problems with using international agency datasets to evaluate trends in diploma mobility. Careful examination of national datasets suggests that OECD statistics may over-estimate the true figure for UK international diploma-mobile students by more than 10 per cent. Best estimates produced by the researchers nevertheless point to UK diploma-mobile students accounting for the equivalent of about 1.7% of all UK domiciled students enrolled in higher education and over the last two decades the number has been growing
Responses to the researchers’ English school questionnaire survey indicate that, amongst UK-nationals, some 2.8 per cent of state sector pupils and 5.5 per cent of independent sector pupils apply to universities outside the UK. Only a proportion of these are offered places to study abroad and choose finally to enrol. The survey revealed that many more pupils consider applying abroad, but in the end do not do so. The USA is by far the most popular destination for pupils considering studying abroad. It is particularly significant that it is the academically most gifted pupils who are the most likely to apply to foreign universities.
The international student survey identified a diverse range of motivations driving international student mobility.
• The dominant influence was the desire to attend a world-class institution (55% said this was important and 89% said it was important or very important). The significance of this driver of UK student mobility may be interpreted in several different ways as discussed in the main report. For some, failure to gain a place at their desired UK university was a trigger to mobility.
• Other motivations that were seen as very important included the opportunity for adventure (50%) and the desire to take the first step towards an international career (34%)
The report provides an analysis of which students were most likely to be driven by the desire to attend what they perceived to be the best universities in the world. It also considers whether this group of students was significantly different from those going abroad in search of adventure, or as a first step towards permanent emigration, or because of a desire to gain a place to study a particular discipline (where the opportunity to do so did not exist in the UK Higher Education system).
Amongst students in our survey, UK international diploma mobility is shown to be a selective process influenced by class and parental educational background. For example:
• Students who had attended independent schools were much more likely than those from the state sector to claim that their mobility was triggered by the search for a world class university
• Students from families where one or both parents had higher education were much more likely to go abroad in search of a world class university than those from other backgrounds.
The student survey suggested that it was not only students from fee-paying schools that succeeded in gaining a place to study abroad. Almost 30 per cent of respondents had attended a UK state comprehensive and 54 per cent of respondents had received state schooling. Nevertheless, the independent sector was much more strongly represented in the sample of UK international students than one would expect relative to the size of this sector in the UK education system.
Another key finding is that international diploma-mobility is highly differentiated by destination.
• UK students enrolled at US universities are often from more privileged backgrounds. They often claimed that their move was in search of an elite university and many were seeking to enter an international career.
• UK students in Australia were likely to be interested in permanent emigration.
• UK students in Ireland were much more likely to report that they would consider returning to the UK after graduation.
Another important issue addressed by the report is the relationship between international student mobility and intentions to return to the UK. Some 24 per cent of students in the survey claimed that they had no intention of ever returning to the UK once their studies were complete. The vast majority did, however, plan to return, although many wanted to work abroad before coming back to the UK. Significantly, the survey results point to the students with the strongest A level results being more likely to want to return to the UK at some point after their studies. International student mobility should not therefore be interpreted as a brain drain of the UK’s best and brightest young people.
The report brings together recent literature and data on student mobility. It looks at the trends... more The report brings together recent literature and data on student mobility. It looks at the trends in UK international students' mobility and compares these internationally. It also considers the causal factors for students' choice to spend time abroad, the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of mobile students, and the impact that time abroad has on their employability; and it highlights policy and practice in HEIs in respect of student mobility.
Books by Jill Ahrens
IMISCOE Research Series (Open Access), 2023
The idea for this book stems from the editors’ shared interest in people whose lives are embedded... more The idea for this book stems from the editors’ shared interest in people whose lives are embedded in multiple countries and places. Moving away from the simplistic understanding of migration as a move between one origin and a single destination, the editors and the chapter authors stress the fluidity and non-linearity of the migration process. The volume emphasises the variety of migration paths and sequences and proposes multi-sited field studies to capture this complexity. Onward migrants, by the nature of their multi-step migration trajectories, straddle multiple borders. Their transnationally mobile lives involve cross-border visits, remittance-sending and staying in touch with relatives and friends in a variety of places. Yet people’s repeat and ongoing mobilities and ties to multiple places are often treated as extraordinary. Our approach in this book is to visualise migration as fragmented, stepwise and best understood as processual, situational and relational. Even though recent scholarship acknowledges more complex mobilities and connections across borders, space and time, frameworks such as transnationalism are still generally applied with a bifocal lens. Our aim is to geographically broaden the way in which transnational ties and mobilities are perceived and analysed through exploring the concept and practice of onward migration and the complementary analytical approach of multi-sited transnationalism.
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Calls for Papers by Jill Ahrens
This panel therefore aims to examine the connections between onward migration and transnationalism. We use the category of 'onward migrant' to refer not only to those who have moved across borders regularly, but also migrants who moved semi-legally or irregularly. We encourage the submission of papers by scholars from different disciplines and career stages employing a variety of methods. Papers can explore, but are not limited to, the following questions:
• How does transnationalism shape onward migration intentions and experiences?
• How does onward migration affect transnational practices?
• How do the transnational lives of onward migrants differ depending on gender, age, class, 'race', legal status, educational attainment, etc.?
• What is distinctive about the transnational lives of onward migrants?
• How do transnational ties and practices of onward migrants compare with those of one-step migrants or non-migrants?
• What are the methodological implications of onward migration in terms of multi-sited transnationalism?
Please send your abstract of up to 250 words, a title and institutional affiliation to: J.Ahrens@uu.nl
Deadline for submission: 26 November 2019
Notification of acceptance: 29 November 2019
More info about the 17th IMISCOE Annual Conference: https://www.imiscoe.org/news/network-news/924-cfp-imiscoe-17th-annual-conference-crossing-borders-connecting-cultures-luxembourg
CfP for the panel: Education without borders? Frictions and boundary-crossing in the field of internationalised education
The education field, across secondary, tertiary and professional levels, has become increasingly internationalised. The field is traversed by intersecting flows of people (students, staff and administrators), other tangible materials (money, books and other learning materials, equipment etc.) and intangible elements (money, knowledge, teaching and learning philosophies and techniques, management practices etc.). In migration/mobilities research, internationally mobile students have been the focus of many studies in the growing research field. While these students are generally viewed as an unproblematic migrant category, research has also shown the unevenness and ‘darker’ sides of their mobility experiences. Together with mobility, frictions and social boundary-crossings also define, in intersecting and contingent ways, the lived experiences of these mobile students. This is true for other elements in the field, e.g. institutions, practices, staff, curricula, knowledge, resources, skills and profits as well – they do not just flow across borders as often propagated but experience (and generate) frictions and (new) boundaries. The mobility and frictions of these various elements in turn shape the production, circulation and consumption of education and knowledge. It is important to examine how and why some elements cross social and geographical boundaries, while other elements are more difficult to mobilise and transfer into new contexts. This panel seeks to address the ways in which the frictions are created, experienced and resisted. How do these frictions affect geographies of knowledge and power? Who benefits from frictions? And who gets blocked? Can frictions also be creative? What are the implications for local education sectors and labour markets? Which policies and agendas have eliminated frictions and/or produced new ones? We are keen to receive abstracts from researchers interested in one or more of these questions.
Submission of abstracts: If you are interested in participating, please send a title and 250-word abstract to Jill Ahrens (j.ahrens@uu.nl) or Maggi Leung (w.h.m.leung@uu.nl) by the 7th of April.
The participation in the workshop is free, but participants have to cover their own expenses.
11th May 2015 - CEDEM, University of Liège, Belgium
Religion and the political participation and mobilization of immigrant groups. A transatlantic perspective
28th and 29th May 2015 - CEG & IGOT, University of Lisbon
Social integration policies and equitable cities
8th June 2015 - University of Deusto, Bilbao
From race to culture: Ongoing developments in ethnic studies and its repercussions on belonging and identity politics
18th June 2015 - University of Sussex, Brighton
Migrant labour market integration
Further details: http://www.integrim.eu/integrim-scientific-thematic-workshops-2/
Journal Articles by Jill Ahrens
Book Chapters by Jill Ahrens
How typical is Laura’s story? Are there many British students who, as Oxbridge ‘rejects’, or fearful of being turned down for a place at the UK’s two most ancient and prestigious universities, apply abroad to widen their chances of success at other globally recognized institutions? Brooks and Waters (2009a) argue that there are indeed those like Laura who apply to US universities as a ‘second chance at success’; but our research suggests that there are many other explanations of the upward trend in favor of international study. Since the US is the most important destination for people from the UK studying abroad, the findings of this chapter are particularly important in producing a more robust understanding of the key drivers of international student mobility between one advanced economy and another. We suggest that there are some movers for whom study abroad is part of a carefully strategized plan of international career enhancement, while for others it is a product of their class habitus and family networks (see Bourdieu 1977). We would also argue that there are those who are looking for ‘something different’ yet, at the same time, desire a ‘knowable’ destination, familiar to them for example from film and television and without any great linguistic challenge.
In the next section we describe our research project and its aims and methods. The main body of the chapter is made up of three sections which correspond to our three key research questions: about motivations for study in the US, about experiences there, and about future career plans. The conclusion emphasises the motivational and strategic nature of UK student migration to the US, targeted especially at universities perceived to be of high international standing. In terms of the link between study abroad and future career plans, fears about a putative British ‘brain drain’ are shown to be largely unfounded, since most students plan to return to the UK.
Working Papers by Jill Ahrens
Reports by Jill Ahrens
International student mobility, especially diploma mobility (students taking their entire degree outside the UK), has received little attention from researchers. This report summarises the findings of research funded by the UK Department for Business, Innovation and Skills aimed at improving understanding of the motivations behind the international diploma mobility of UK students. It also seeks to evaluate the scale and significance of UK international diploma mobility.
The research was undertaken by a collaborative team from the Universities of Dundee and Sussex during 2008 and 2009 led by Professors Findlay and King. It involved three key elements
• a metadata analysis of sources providing statistics on international student mobility,
• a survey of the application intentions of 1400 final-year pupils from schools in two regions of England, and
• a survey of 560 UK students currently enrolled for study at universities in the USA, Ireland, Australia, the Czech Republic, France and Germany.
In addition to the two questionnaire surveys, interviews were conducted with UK international students, international recruitment officers in 16 higher education institutions from around the world, as well as with school careers guidance teachers.
According to the OECD the number of UK students studying abroad has risen from 16,866 in 1975 to 22,405 in 2005. This growth is less than that for most OECD countries. Metadata analysis reveals many problems with using international agency datasets to evaluate trends in diploma mobility. Careful examination of national datasets suggests that OECD statistics may over-estimate the true figure for UK international diploma-mobile students by more than 10 per cent. Best estimates produced by the researchers nevertheless point to UK diploma-mobile students accounting for the equivalent of about 1.7% of all UK domiciled students enrolled in higher education and over the last two decades the number has been growing
Responses to the researchers’ English school questionnaire survey indicate that, amongst UK-nationals, some 2.8 per cent of state sector pupils and 5.5 per cent of independent sector pupils apply to universities outside the UK. Only a proportion of these are offered places to study abroad and choose finally to enrol. The survey revealed that many more pupils consider applying abroad, but in the end do not do so. The USA is by far the most popular destination for pupils considering studying abroad. It is particularly significant that it is the academically most gifted pupils who are the most likely to apply to foreign universities.
The international student survey identified a diverse range of motivations driving international student mobility.
• The dominant influence was the desire to attend a world-class institution (55% said this was important and 89% said it was important or very important). The significance of this driver of UK student mobility may be interpreted in several different ways as discussed in the main report. For some, failure to gain a place at their desired UK university was a trigger to mobility.
• Other motivations that were seen as very important included the opportunity for adventure (50%) and the desire to take the first step towards an international career (34%)
The report provides an analysis of which students were most likely to be driven by the desire to attend what they perceived to be the best universities in the world. It also considers whether this group of students was significantly different from those going abroad in search of adventure, or as a first step towards permanent emigration, or because of a desire to gain a place to study a particular discipline (where the opportunity to do so did not exist in the UK Higher Education system).
Amongst students in our survey, UK international diploma mobility is shown to be a selective process influenced by class and parental educational background. For example:
• Students who had attended independent schools were much more likely than those from the state sector to claim that their mobility was triggered by the search for a world class university
• Students from families where one or both parents had higher education were much more likely to go abroad in search of a world class university than those from other backgrounds.
The student survey suggested that it was not only students from fee-paying schools that succeeded in gaining a place to study abroad. Almost 30 per cent of respondents had attended a UK state comprehensive and 54 per cent of respondents had received state schooling. Nevertheless, the independent sector was much more strongly represented in the sample of UK international students than one would expect relative to the size of this sector in the UK education system.
Another key finding is that international diploma-mobility is highly differentiated by destination.
• UK students enrolled at US universities are often from more privileged backgrounds. They often claimed that their move was in search of an elite university and many were seeking to enter an international career.
• UK students in Australia were likely to be interested in permanent emigration.
• UK students in Ireland were much more likely to report that they would consider returning to the UK after graduation.
Another important issue addressed by the report is the relationship between international student mobility and intentions to return to the UK. Some 24 per cent of students in the survey claimed that they had no intention of ever returning to the UK once their studies were complete. The vast majority did, however, plan to return, although many wanted to work abroad before coming back to the UK. Significantly, the survey results point to the students with the strongest A level results being more likely to want to return to the UK at some point after their studies. International student mobility should not therefore be interpreted as a brain drain of the UK’s best and brightest young people.
Books by Jill Ahrens
This panel therefore aims to examine the connections between onward migration and transnationalism. We use the category of 'onward migrant' to refer not only to those who have moved across borders regularly, but also migrants who moved semi-legally or irregularly. We encourage the submission of papers by scholars from different disciplines and career stages employing a variety of methods. Papers can explore, but are not limited to, the following questions:
• How does transnationalism shape onward migration intentions and experiences?
• How does onward migration affect transnational practices?
• How do the transnational lives of onward migrants differ depending on gender, age, class, 'race', legal status, educational attainment, etc.?
• What is distinctive about the transnational lives of onward migrants?
• How do transnational ties and practices of onward migrants compare with those of one-step migrants or non-migrants?
• What are the methodological implications of onward migration in terms of multi-sited transnationalism?
Please send your abstract of up to 250 words, a title and institutional affiliation to: J.Ahrens@uu.nl
Deadline for submission: 26 November 2019
Notification of acceptance: 29 November 2019
More info about the 17th IMISCOE Annual Conference: https://www.imiscoe.org/news/network-news/924-cfp-imiscoe-17th-annual-conference-crossing-borders-connecting-cultures-luxembourg
CfP for the panel: Education without borders? Frictions and boundary-crossing in the field of internationalised education
The education field, across secondary, tertiary and professional levels, has become increasingly internationalised. The field is traversed by intersecting flows of people (students, staff and administrators), other tangible materials (money, books and other learning materials, equipment etc.) and intangible elements (money, knowledge, teaching and learning philosophies and techniques, management practices etc.). In migration/mobilities research, internationally mobile students have been the focus of many studies in the growing research field. While these students are generally viewed as an unproblematic migrant category, research has also shown the unevenness and ‘darker’ sides of their mobility experiences. Together with mobility, frictions and social boundary-crossings also define, in intersecting and contingent ways, the lived experiences of these mobile students. This is true for other elements in the field, e.g. institutions, practices, staff, curricula, knowledge, resources, skills and profits as well – they do not just flow across borders as often propagated but experience (and generate) frictions and (new) boundaries. The mobility and frictions of these various elements in turn shape the production, circulation and consumption of education and knowledge. It is important to examine how and why some elements cross social and geographical boundaries, while other elements are more difficult to mobilise and transfer into new contexts. This panel seeks to address the ways in which the frictions are created, experienced and resisted. How do these frictions affect geographies of knowledge and power? Who benefits from frictions? And who gets blocked? Can frictions also be creative? What are the implications for local education sectors and labour markets? Which policies and agendas have eliminated frictions and/or produced new ones? We are keen to receive abstracts from researchers interested in one or more of these questions.
Submission of abstracts: If you are interested in participating, please send a title and 250-word abstract to Jill Ahrens (j.ahrens@uu.nl) or Maggi Leung (w.h.m.leung@uu.nl) by the 7th of April.
The participation in the workshop is free, but participants have to cover their own expenses.
11th May 2015 - CEDEM, University of Liège, Belgium
Religion and the political participation and mobilization of immigrant groups. A transatlantic perspective
28th and 29th May 2015 - CEG & IGOT, University of Lisbon
Social integration policies and equitable cities
8th June 2015 - University of Deusto, Bilbao
From race to culture: Ongoing developments in ethnic studies and its repercussions on belonging and identity politics
18th June 2015 - University of Sussex, Brighton
Migrant labour market integration
Further details: http://www.integrim.eu/integrim-scientific-thematic-workshops-2/
How typical is Laura’s story? Are there many British students who, as Oxbridge ‘rejects’, or fearful of being turned down for a place at the UK’s two most ancient and prestigious universities, apply abroad to widen their chances of success at other globally recognized institutions? Brooks and Waters (2009a) argue that there are indeed those like Laura who apply to US universities as a ‘second chance at success’; but our research suggests that there are many other explanations of the upward trend in favor of international study. Since the US is the most important destination for people from the UK studying abroad, the findings of this chapter are particularly important in producing a more robust understanding of the key drivers of international student mobility between one advanced economy and another. We suggest that there are some movers for whom study abroad is part of a carefully strategized plan of international career enhancement, while for others it is a product of their class habitus and family networks (see Bourdieu 1977). We would also argue that there are those who are looking for ‘something different’ yet, at the same time, desire a ‘knowable’ destination, familiar to them for example from film and television and without any great linguistic challenge.
In the next section we describe our research project and its aims and methods. The main body of the chapter is made up of three sections which correspond to our three key research questions: about motivations for study in the US, about experiences there, and about future career plans. The conclusion emphasises the motivational and strategic nature of UK student migration to the US, targeted especially at universities perceived to be of high international standing. In terms of the link between study abroad and future career plans, fears about a putative British ‘brain drain’ are shown to be largely unfounded, since most students plan to return to the UK.
International student mobility, especially diploma mobility (students taking their entire degree outside the UK), has received little attention from researchers. This report summarises the findings of research funded by the UK Department for Business, Innovation and Skills aimed at improving understanding of the motivations behind the international diploma mobility of UK students. It also seeks to evaluate the scale and significance of UK international diploma mobility.
The research was undertaken by a collaborative team from the Universities of Dundee and Sussex during 2008 and 2009 led by Professors Findlay and King. It involved three key elements
• a metadata analysis of sources providing statistics on international student mobility,
• a survey of the application intentions of 1400 final-year pupils from schools in two regions of England, and
• a survey of 560 UK students currently enrolled for study at universities in the USA, Ireland, Australia, the Czech Republic, France and Germany.
In addition to the two questionnaire surveys, interviews were conducted with UK international students, international recruitment officers in 16 higher education institutions from around the world, as well as with school careers guidance teachers.
According to the OECD the number of UK students studying abroad has risen from 16,866 in 1975 to 22,405 in 2005. This growth is less than that for most OECD countries. Metadata analysis reveals many problems with using international agency datasets to evaluate trends in diploma mobility. Careful examination of national datasets suggests that OECD statistics may over-estimate the true figure for UK international diploma-mobile students by more than 10 per cent. Best estimates produced by the researchers nevertheless point to UK diploma-mobile students accounting for the equivalent of about 1.7% of all UK domiciled students enrolled in higher education and over the last two decades the number has been growing
Responses to the researchers’ English school questionnaire survey indicate that, amongst UK-nationals, some 2.8 per cent of state sector pupils and 5.5 per cent of independent sector pupils apply to universities outside the UK. Only a proportion of these are offered places to study abroad and choose finally to enrol. The survey revealed that many more pupils consider applying abroad, but in the end do not do so. The USA is by far the most popular destination for pupils considering studying abroad. It is particularly significant that it is the academically most gifted pupils who are the most likely to apply to foreign universities.
The international student survey identified a diverse range of motivations driving international student mobility.
• The dominant influence was the desire to attend a world-class institution (55% said this was important and 89% said it was important or very important). The significance of this driver of UK student mobility may be interpreted in several different ways as discussed in the main report. For some, failure to gain a place at their desired UK university was a trigger to mobility.
• Other motivations that were seen as very important included the opportunity for adventure (50%) and the desire to take the first step towards an international career (34%)
The report provides an analysis of which students were most likely to be driven by the desire to attend what they perceived to be the best universities in the world. It also considers whether this group of students was significantly different from those going abroad in search of adventure, or as a first step towards permanent emigration, or because of a desire to gain a place to study a particular discipline (where the opportunity to do so did not exist in the UK Higher Education system).
Amongst students in our survey, UK international diploma mobility is shown to be a selective process influenced by class and parental educational background. For example:
• Students who had attended independent schools were much more likely than those from the state sector to claim that their mobility was triggered by the search for a world class university
• Students from families where one or both parents had higher education were much more likely to go abroad in search of a world class university than those from other backgrounds.
The student survey suggested that it was not only students from fee-paying schools that succeeded in gaining a place to study abroad. Almost 30 per cent of respondents had attended a UK state comprehensive and 54 per cent of respondents had received state schooling. Nevertheless, the independent sector was much more strongly represented in the sample of UK international students than one would expect relative to the size of this sector in the UK education system.
Another key finding is that international diploma-mobility is highly differentiated by destination.
• UK students enrolled at US universities are often from more privileged backgrounds. They often claimed that their move was in search of an elite university and many were seeking to enter an international career.
• UK students in Australia were likely to be interested in permanent emigration.
• UK students in Ireland were much more likely to report that they would consider returning to the UK after graduation.
Another important issue addressed by the report is the relationship between international student mobility and intentions to return to the UK. Some 24 per cent of students in the survey claimed that they had no intention of ever returning to the UK once their studies were complete. The vast majority did, however, plan to return, although many wanted to work abroad before coming back to the UK. Significantly, the survey results point to the students with the strongest A level results being more likely to want to return to the UK at some point after their studies. International student mobility should not therefore be interpreted as a brain drain of the UK’s best and brightest young people.